Are Stateless Nations Discriminated in Terms of Social Progress?

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Are Stateless Nations Discriminated in Terms of Social Progress? Informes fundacIó catalunya europa [05/17] Are stAteless nAtions discriminAted in terms of sociAl progress? An AnAlysis of the 19 efA countries through the dAtA of the europeAn regionAl sociAl progress index. [autor:] MARC TATARET BATALLA peer revIewer: JORDI ANGUSTO ZAMBRANO Amb lA col·lAborAció de: Informes fundacIó catalunya europa [05/17] Are stAteless nAtions discriminAted in terms of sociAl progress? An AnAlysis of the 19 efA countries through the dAtA of the europeAn regionAl sociAl progress index. [autor:] MARC TATARET BATALLA peer revIewer: JORDI ANGUSTO ZAMBRANO Contents 1. Introduction – Executive Summary. ...................................................................................... 3 1.1 The EU-SPI as an analytical tool. ......................................................................................... 4 1.2 The EFA countries. ......................................................................................................... 6 1.3 Methodology. ................................................................................................................ 7 2. Comparing the 19 EFA countries. .......................................................................................... 9 3. EFA Countries Profile. .......................................................................................................... 14 3.1 First Analysis: Bavaria ........................................................................................................ 15 3.2. Second Analysis: Flemish Region ..................................................................................... 18 3.3. Third Analysis: The Six EFA Countries of Spain................................................................. 22 3.4. Fourth Analysis: The Two EFA Countries of France .......................................................... 35 3.5. Fifth Analysis: The Four EFA Countries of Italy................................................................. 41 3.6. Sixth Analysis: Friesland (NL) ............................................................................................ 50 3.7. Seventh Analysis: The Two EFA Countries of the United Kingdom .................................. 52 3.8. Eighth Analysis: Moravia .................................................................................................. 59 3.9. Ninth Analysis: Latvia ....................................................................................................... 63 4. Conclusions. Is there a lack of social progress amongst EFA Countries? ............................ 64 5. Bibliography ........................................................................................................................ 66 2 1. Introduction – Executive Summary. The Scottish Independence Referendum held in September 2014 or the next coming Catalan referendum on October 2017 confirm that nationalistic and sovereign movements have gained momentum in Europe. In this study, we will analyse the situation of 19 EFA countries in accordance with their results on the EU-SPI (European Union Regional Social Progress Index) to better improve our understanding of their current situation and the roots of that momentum. The 19 regions analysed in this study are represented by members of the EFA, European Free Alliance1, a political party of the European Parliament that gathers 45 progressive nationalist, regionalist and autonomist parties and wants to promote the right of self-determination of peoples. We refer to those EU Regions that have a strong will to became an independent state as EFA countries. Our main goal is to check if there is a social progress “cost” in the EFA countries that helps us understand the strength of the nationalistic claims in those EFA countries. An example could be the situation of Catalonia, country that has a much lower social progress (EU-SPI Rank 163rd) that what would be normal according to its GDP per capita (EU Rank 68th). Due to the inflow of money to the Spanish state that does not come back to Catalonia, the Catalan people do not dispose of those resources to increase their social progress, and that may be an explanation to its situation. In our research, we have found that not all EFA countries fit in the Catalan profile, but Lombardy or Veneto do so in the Italian context. There is not a straightforward relationship between a relatively high GDPpc and a lack of social progress in the EFA countries. There are countries with a low GDP per capita and a low EU-SPI (Campania), countries with a high GDPpc and a low EU-SPI (Veneto), countries with a low GDPpc and high EU-SPI (Wales) and countries with a high GDPpc and a high EU-SPI (Bavaria). This has led us to the conclusion that independentist movements are mainly based in cultural aspects, but it is when you add socio-economic revindications when they become stronger. The roots of nationalistic claims are not economic factors, but when a country has a strong national feeling and a socio-economic offense, it is very possible to find a very strong nationalistic movement. In the first chapter, we will present the dataset that has been used as a base for this study (EU- SPI), the EFA countries analysed (and their respective political parties that are members of EFA) and the methodology of the study. In the second chapter, we will analyse the 19 countries chosen for this study and we will compare them with each other, checking the main figures on population, GDP per capita and the EU-SPI results. Finally, in the third chapter we will contextualize the situation of the EFA countries in the context of the current states they are part of, states that will be known in the rest of the report as EU Member States. 1 http://www.e-f-a.org/about-us/whats-efa-and-history/ 3 1.1 The EU-SPI as an analytical tool. The European Union Regional Social Progress Index is a tool developed by the European Commission (DG Regio), Instituto Orkestra and Deloitte to measure the social progress in the 272 regions of the European Union, according to the methodology of the Social Progress Index, developed by the organization Social Progress Imperative (non-profit). The definitive version was released in October 20162. A first draft was released in February 20163. As the main index, computed for more than 130 countries in the world, the EU Regional Social Progress Index (EU-SPI) is a tool to complement existing welfare indices (such as GDP per capita or HDI), evaluating how effectively the economic success of a country is transformed into social progress. The EU-SPI unit of analysis are the 272 NUTS 2 Regions of the European Union. To do so, it uses 50 indicators (the main data sources are Eurostat and the EU-SILC). Those 50 indicators are divided in three main dimensions: 1. Basic Human Needs 2. Foundations of Wellbeing 3. Opportunity Each dimension is divided in four components (totalizing in 12 components), which at the time contain from three to seven indicators. Those indicators are normalised and then aggregated to compute the EU-SPI score. When the index was released, it showed a great contrast between how regions performed if we use the GDP per capita as a measure of well-being, and how they perform if we use the EU-SPI. Some regions, as the capital region of Belgium (Région de Bruxelles-Capitale), which has a large GDP per capita performed poorly in the EU-SPI (you can find other examples, mainly in capital regions and in many regions in Italy and Spain). There are two notable difference between the EU-SPI and Global SPI: 1. A lower correlation between per capita income and the EU-SPI that between SPI Global and per capita income 2. Different results in the Opportunity dimension in Europe, as well as a different behaviour of the components Access to Basic Knowledge, Personal Safety, Personal Rights and Tolerance and Inclusion.4 2 http://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/en/information/maps/social_progress 3 https://www2.deloitte.com/gr/en/pages/about-deloitte/articles/social-progress-index.html 4 Expanded extract written by the author of the study, Marc Tataret Batalla, to disseminate the knowledge about the EU Social Progress Index. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/EU_Social_Progress_Index 4 The usefulness of the EU-SPI as analytical tool was tested in a previous study commissioned to Fundació Catalunya Europa by The Greens-EFA group of the European Parliament5. The region that was chosen to test the EU-SPI applications was Catalonia. The study identified the three most problematic issues for the Catalan society. Those problems, which are possibly correlated, were: • Access to Basic Knowledge • Personal Rights • Shelter The EU Social Progress Index is a very enriching form of measuring the welfare of a society. Its multidimensional structure enables the detection and specification of the main problems that affect our society with an accuracy far greater than the GDP per capita or the Human Development Index, and enables the adoption of specific measures to tackle them. You can find which indicators make each component in the in the following table, taken from the EU-SPI website, that contains the data of Catalonia (Catalunya), one of the 272 NUTS regions that appear in the EU-SPI dataset. Table 1. The EU-SPI Dimensions, components and indicators: 5 Beyond GDP: Applications and Interpretation of the EU-SPI by Marc Tataret, Jordi Angusto and Francesc Colomé. 5 1.2 The EFA countries. In this study, we are analysing the 19 EFA countries highlighted in the map below: In the Netherlands, we can find the NUTS 26 region
Recommended publications
  • The Lehendakari
    E.ETXEAK montaje ENG 3/5/01 16:08 P‡gina 1 Issue 49 YEAR 2001 TheThe LehendakariLehendakari callscalls forfor anan electionelection inin thethe BasqueBasque CountryCountry onon MayMay 13th13th E.ETXEAK montaje ENG 4/5/01 08:53 P‡gina 2 Laburpena SUMMARY Laburpena SUMMARY EDITORIALA■EDITORIAL – Supplementary statement to the Decree dissolving Parliament ...................... 3 GAURKO GAIAK■CURRENT EVENTS – Instructions for voting by mail .................................................................................. 5 – Basque election predictions according to surveys................................................ 6 PERTSONALITATEAK■PERSONALITIES – The Sabino Arana Awards for the year 2000........................................................ 8 EUSKAL ETXEAK – The Human Rights Commissioner visited the Basque Country ....................... 8 ISSUE 49 - YEAR 2001 URTEA – Francesco Cossiga received the "Lagun Onari" honor ...................................... 9 EGILEA AUTHOR Eusko Jaurlaritza-Kanpo – The Government of Catalonia receives part of its history Harremanetarako Idazkaritza Nagusia from the Sabino Arana Foundation ....................................................................... 10 Basque Government-Secretary General for Foreign Action – The Secretary of State of Idaho calls for the U.S. C/ Navarra, 2 to mediate in the Basque Country......................................................................... 11 01007 VITORIA-GASTEIZ Phone: 945 01 79 00 ■ [email protected] ERREPORTAIAK ARTICLES ZUZENDARIA DIRECTOR – The
    [Show full text]
  • El Caso Bildu: Un Supuesto De Extralimitación De
    EL CASO BILDU: UN SUPUESTO DE EXTRALIMITACIÓN DE FUNCIONES DEL TRIBUNAL CONSTITUCIONAL Comentario de la Sentencia de la Sala Especial del Tribunal Supremo de 1 de mayo de 2011 y de la Sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional de 5 de mayo de 2011 JAVIER Tajadura Tejada I. Introducción.—II. LA SENTENCIA DE LA SALA ESPECIAL DEL Tribunal SUPREMO DE 1 DE MAYO DE 2011: 1. Las demandas de la Abogacía del Estado y del Ministerio Fiscal. 2. Las alegaciones de Bildu. 3. La fundamentación del fallo mayoritario de la Sala Especial: 3.1. Nor- mativa aplicable. 3.2. Análisis y valoración de la prueba. 3.3. Conclusiones. 3.4. El «contraindi- cio». 3.5. El principio de proporcionalidad. 4. Análisis del Voto particular.—III. LA SENTENCIA DEL Tribunal Constitucional DE 5 DE MAYO DE 2011: 1. La fundamentación del recurso de amparo. 2. Las alegaciones de la Abogacía del Estado y del Ministerio Fiscal. 3. Los Fundamen- tos Jurídicos de la sentencia. 4. El Voto particular del profesor Manuel Aragón.—IV. CONSIDE- raciones finales. I. Introducción El día 5 de mayo de 2011, por una exigua mayoría de seis votos frente a cinco, el Pleno del Tribunal Constitucional, tras una deliberación de urgencia de menos de cuatro horas, dictó una de las sentencias más importantes de toda su historia. En ella estimó el recurso de amparo de la coalición electoral Bildu contra la sentencia de la Sala Especial del Tribunal Supremo que cuatro días atrás había anulado todas las candidaturas presentadas a los comicios del 22 de mayo. Desde el punto de vista jurídico, la principal objeción que cabe formular a esta sentencia es la de haberse extralimitado en sus funciones y haber invadido, de forma clara y notoria, el ámbito competencial propio del Tribunal Supremo.
    [Show full text]
  • Abertzaletasunaren Gorakada Non Zer Alkartasuna Eusko Alkartasunaren Barne Aldizkaria
    29 aalkartasuna ekaina - uztaila 37/72 FRANQUEO C ONCERTADO Abertzaletasunaren gorakada non zer alkartasuna eusko alkartasunaren barne aldizkaria 8.500 ale 2003ko Uztaila 811 posta kutxa, Donostia D.L./L.G. SS 714/88 Zuzendaria Onintza Lasa Koordinatzaileak 3-5 Elkarrizketa: Bruno Zubizarreta · Jabier Otermin Begoña Errazti: "El PP ha dejado claro su nula legitimidad democrática Erredakzioa pues ha vulnerado todo lo que dice defender" Eva Aranguren • Karmelo Arren • 6-7 Leire Ereño: Begoña Arruti · "Desde la impronta socialdemócrata, abertzale y pacifis- Ana Garaialde • ta de EA trabajaremos para que la sociedad guipuzcoa- Amaia Goikoetxea • na progrese" Mikel Irujo • Ana Iturralde · Joserra López-Larrinaga: Luis Mendizabal • "La estrategia tramposa del PP-PSOE ha fracasado" Igone Olarte • Mikel Cabello Iñaki Sanchez: "Araban, alderdi espainolek euren espania mailako inte- Maketazioa resak mantentzeko hitzarmen bat egin dute" Azk Taldea Imprimategia 8-10 Aberri Eguna 2003 Gertu, Koop. E. ● ARABA GASTEIZ · 01005 San Prudencio, 3 11 Análisis de elecciones Tel. 945 · 23 27 62 Fax 945 · 23 29 53 Eusko Alkartasuna logra un incremento del 26% en su [email protected] representación municipal ● BIZKAIA BILBO · 48005 Arenal, 2-3. 12-15 Ordezkariak Tel. 94 · 416 10 33 Fax 94 · 415 62 94 [email protected] - Nafarroako Parlamentuan ● IPARRALDE - Iruñeako Udalean BAIONA · 64100 8 Quia d’Galluperie - Gipuzkoako Batzar Nagusietan Tel. 59 · 25 50 28 Fax 59 · 25 50 28 - Donostiako Udalean [email protected] - Bizkaiako Batzar Nagusietan ● GIPUZKOA DONOSTIA · 20018 - Bilboko Udalean Portuetxe bidea, 23 Tel. 943 · 02 01 30 - Arabako Batzar Nagusietan Fax 943 · 02 01 31 [email protected] - Gasteizko Udalean ● NAFARROA IRUÑA · 31001 Plaza del Castillo, 49 Tel.
    [Show full text]
  • The Construction of the Basque Polarized Pluralism
    The Construction of the Basque Polarized Pluralism Francisco J. LLERA RAMO Universidad del País Vasco Working Paper n.64 Barcelona 1993 The political transition from the authoritarian system to the pluralist regime started in December 1976 with the Political Reform Act and finished with the approving referenda of Constitution and Statutes, being the first one (December 1978) general for the State and the second (October 1979) specific for the Basque Country. The following stage in both cases was that of starting the previously designed institution-building process to result in a third phase that we might define as consolidation of the democratic system which is the present one. The Basque people have been called to polls more than twelve times since the first free elections in 1977. They have voted the composition of the Houses in Madrid and Vitoria, of the regional institutions of Alava, Guipúzcoa and Vizcaya, of the city councils and even of the European Parliament, not to mention the four referenda. At the regional level, the "inaugural" 1980 election opened a period of political alignment and institution-building hegemonized by the PNV (Partido Nacionalista Vasco, Basque Nationalist Party) in a context of strong anti-centralist mobilization and of maximum activity of the radical nacionalism's armed organisms at the same time as ETApm decided its disolution. The second elections of 1984 were of "passage", extending the previous situation to a term shortened by PNV's parliamentary weakening eventually leading to its early split at the time of defining the internal organization of the Basque Country with the LTH as well as its alliance-politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Disposición 9135 Del BOE Núm. 124 De 2011
    BOLETÍN OFICIAL DEL ESTADO Núm. 124 Miércoles 25 de mayo de 2011 Sec. TC. Pág. 94 Suplemento TRIBUNAL CONSTITUCIONAL 9135 Pleno. Sentencia 62/2011, de 5 de mayo de 2011. Recurso de amparo 2561- 2011. Promovido por la coalición electoral Bildu-Eusko Alkartasuna (EA)/ Alternatiba Eraikitzen frente a la sentencia de la Sala Especial del artículo 61 de la LOPJ del Tribunal Supremo sobre anulación de candidaturas para las elecciones locales y forales de 2011. Vulneración del derecho a acceder a los cargos representativos: falta de acreditación de que la coalición electoral continúe o suceda la actividad de un partido político declarado ilegal (STC 126/2009). Votos particulares. El Pleno del Tribunal Constitucional, compuesto por don Pascual Sala Sánchez, Presidente; don Eugeni Gay Montalvo, don Javier Delgado Barrio, doña Elisa Pérez Vera, don Ramón Rodríguez Arribas, don Manuel Aragón Reyes, don Pablo Pérez Tremps, don Francisco José Hernando Santiago, doña Adela Asua Batarrita, don Luis Ignacio Ortega Álvarez y don Francisco Pérez de los Cobos Orihuel, Magistrados, ha pronunciado EN NOMBRE DEL REY la siguiente SENTENCIA En el recurso de amparo núm. 2561-2011, promovido por la coalición electoral Bildu- Eusko Alkartasuna (EA)/Alternatiba Eraikitzen, representada por el Procurador de los Tribunales don José Guerrero Tramoyeres, y asistida por el Letrado don Carlos Ginto Monzón, frente a la Sentencia de 1 de mayo de 2011 de la Sala Especial del art. 61 de la LOPJ del Tribunal Supremo, que estima los recursos contencioso-electorales núms. 2-2011 y 4-2011, interpuestos, respectivamente, por la Abogacía del Estado y el Ministerio Fiscal.
    [Show full text]
  • PDF to Print
    Revista Latina de Comunicación Social # 66 – 2011 – pages 454 to 481 Investigación | DOI: 10.4185/RLCS-66-2011-941-454-481 | ISSN 1138-5820 | 28 pages Institutional Advertising in the Spanish Parliament Ángeles Feliu-Albaladejo, B.A. - Assistant Professor of Audiovisual Communication and Advertising - University of Alicante (UA), Spain - [email protected] Abstract: This article presents the results of a study about the legislation of institutional advertising in the Spanish Congress, which is understood as an arena for political communication. The research is focused on the analysis of the parliamentary initiatives and the corresponding parliamentary debates, with special emphasis on the legislative initiatives prior to the 2005 Law of Advertising and Institutional Communication, and its value as predecessor of other regulations. The first proposal of the law, still rejected, was taken by different political forces as the basis for subsequent regulative proposals concerning institutional advertising. The position of different groups, and their arguments, shows a clear lack of coherence in many cases. The comparison of the different initiatives in different Spanish chambers –and the debates around them- is a first step to establish the policy memory which, beyond the specific case of institutional communication, becomes a very useful instrument in the field of Political Communication. Keywords: Political communication; institutional advertising; debate; parliament; regulation. Summary: 1. The Spanish parliament as public space. 2. Institutional Advertising in the Spanish parliaments. 3. Parliamentary Initiatives in the Spanish Congress of Deputies. 4. Elements of the Parliamentary Debate. 5. Conclusions. 6. Bibliography. 7. Notes. Translation by Cruz-Alberto Martínez-Arcos, M.A. (University of London) 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Basque Political Systems
    11m_..... ·· _~ ~ - -= ,_.... ff) • ' I I -' - i ~ t I V Center for Basque Studies - University of Nevada, Reno BASQUE POLITICS SERIES Center for Basque Studies Basque Politics Series, No. 2 Basque Political Systems Edited by Pedro Ibarra Güell and Xabier Irujo Ametzaga Translated by Cameron J. Watson Center for Basque Studies University of Nevada, Reno Reno, Nevada This book was published with generous financial support from the Basque government. Center for Basque Studies Basque Politics Series, No. 2 Series Editor: Xabier Irujo Ametzaga Center for Basque Studies University of Nevada, Reno Reno, Nevada 89557 http://basque.unr.edu Copyright © 2011 by the Center for Basque Studies All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Cover and Series design © 2011 Jose Luis Agote. Cover Illustration: Juan Azpeitia Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Basque political systems / edited by Pedro Ibarra G?ell, and Xabier Irujo Ametzaga ; translated by Cameron J. Watson. p. cm. -- (Basque politics series ; No. 2) Includes index. Summary: “Collection of articles on the Basque political system within its own context and larger national and global contexts”--Provided by publisher. ISBN 978-1-935709-03-9 (pbk.) 1. País Vasco (Spain)--Politics and government. I. Ibarra Güell, Pedro. II. Irujo Ame- tzaga, Xabier. JN8399.P342B37 2011 320.446’6--dc22 2011001811 CONTENTS Introduction .......................................................................... 7 PEDRO IBARRA GÜELL and XABIER IRUJO AMETZAGA 1. Hegoalde and the Post-Franco Spanish State ................................... 13 XABIER IRUJO AMETZAGA 2. Political Institutions in Hegoalde................................................ 33 MIKEL IRUJO AMETZAGA 3. Political Institutions and Mobilization in Iparralde ............................. 53 IGOR AHEDO GURRUTXAGA 4. Fiscal Pacts in Hegoalde ........................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Euskal Etxeak
    REPORT ERREPORTAIA PNV wins the elections and PP and EH rise Bingen Zupiria The Basque Nationalist Party will lead, for the sixth consecutive time sin- ce 1980, the organization of the new Basque Government, after their victory in the elections held to elect the mem- bers of the Basque Parliament, which took place last October 25th, and which gave them 21 of the 75 seats. The elections were preceded by ETA’s cease-fire and by tough confron- tations between the state parties and the nationalist parties. The extreme ends of the political landscape –José María Aznar’s Popular Party and Eus- kal Herritarrok, the new name of the political movement led by ETA– impro- ved their previous results. The elections of October 25th con- firm the plurality of Basque society and the need to maintain the understanding between Basque nationalists and state parties. ment will have indubitably to count with portant role in the achievement of the The day of the elections, the first the participation of nationalist and cease-fire during the last few months. that has been celebrated in peace since Spanish parties, just as it has been The Popular Party had previously the advent of autonomy in Euskadi, the- happening since 1986. After all, this si- 11 seats and in these elections they ha- re was a high participation –abstention tuation is only a reflection of the plura- ve reached 16 seats, therefore they ha- was a little under 30%- and a complete lity of Basque society. ve become the second political group in lack of incidents.
    [Show full text]
  • Basque Country Within the Spanish State
    The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Honors College 5-2014 An Analysis of the Basque Independence Movement and the Political Position of the Basque Country Within the Spanish State Ariel Bothen University of Maine - Main Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors Part of the Anthropology Commons, Basque Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Bothen, Ariel, "An Analysis of the Basque Independence Movement and the Political Position of the Basque Country Within the Spanish State" (2014). Honors College. 152. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors/152 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. AN ANALYSIS OF THE BASQUE INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT AND THE POLITICAL POSITION OF THE BASQUE COUNTRY WITHIN THE SPANISH STATE by Ariel Bothen A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for a Degree with Honors (International Affairs-POS and Anthropology) The Honors College University of Maine May 2014 Advisory Committee: Dr. James W. Warhola, Professor and Chair of Political Science, Advisor Dr. Seth Singleton, Professor of Political Science Dr. Paul Roscoe, Professor of Anthropology Dr. Gene Del Vecchio, Professor of Spanish, Honors College Dr. Robert Glover, Professor of Political Science, Honors College ABSTRACT The Basque desire for independence or self-governance has been a part of Basque political culture since the medieval era. The Basques have a history of democracy and preserved their self-governance in the face of invasion and domination for many centuries.
    [Show full text]
  • Sijstermans2019.Pdf (3.020Mb)
    This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. 1 Political Party Learning in the European Free Alliance: Inspiration and Information in the (Trans)Nationalist Family Judith Sijstermans PhD in Politics University of Edinburgh 2019 2 Declaration I declare that this thesis was composed by myself, Judith Sijstermans, and that the work contained herein is my own except where explicitly stated otherwise in the text. I declare that this work has not been submitted for any other degree or professional qualification. Judith Sijstermans 26 February 2019 Edinburgh, Scotland 3 Table of Contents Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………….6 Abstract…………………………………………………………………………......7 Lay Summary……………………………………………………………………….9 Introduction……………………………………………………………………….11
    [Show full text]
  • Begoña Errazti
    FRANQUEO CONCERTADO 37/72 reelegida Presidenta de Eusko Alkartasuna Begoña Errazti non zer alkartasuna 3 Editoriala eusko alkartasunaren La importancia de un proyecto claro en barne aldizkaria las elecciones 8.500 ale 2004ko Martxoa 4-6 Elkarrizketa: Unai Ziarreta 811 posta kutxa, Donostia “El voto útil es el de EA porque es el D.L./L.G. SS 714/88 voto que defiende los intereses de Zuzendaria Euskal Herria” Onintza Lasa 7 Berriak Koordinatzailea Bruno Zubizarreta Eusko Alkartasuna expresa su apoyo y solidaridad con Esquerra republicana de Erredakzioa Catalunya Eva Aranguren Ikerne Badiola Ana Iturralde 8-9-10-11 Erreportaia Leire López de Aberásturi EA refuerza su identidad socialdemócrata Bruno Zubizarreta e independentista Alberto García Amaia Goikoetxea Luis Mendizabal 12 Bizigay Begoña Arruti Decisión histórica Javier Otermin 13 Eritzia Inprimategia Imprenta Sacal (Gasteiz) Mumbai 2004: Propuestas para el nuevo órden mundial • ARABA GASTEIZ · 01005 San Prudencio, 3 14-15 Elkarrizketa: Begoña Errazti Tel.945 · 23 27 62 Fax 945 · 23 29 53 [email protected] 16 Elecciones • BIZKAIA BILBO · 48005 Lista de candidatos Arenal, 2-3. Tel.94 · 416 10 33 Fax 94 · 415 62 94 [email protected] 17 Gazte Abertzaleak • IPARRALDE Hauteskundeak eta ezker abertzalea BAIONA · 64100 8 Quia d’Galluperie Tel.59 · 25 50 28 Fax 59 · 25 50 28 [email protected] 18-19-20-21-22-23-24 Lan ta lan • GIPUZKOA DONOSTIA · 20018 Portuetxe bidea, 23 25 Revista de prensa Tel.943 · 02 01 30 Fax 943 · 02 01 31 [email protected]
    [Show full text]
  • Manifesto Project Dataset List of Political Parties
    Manifesto Project Dataset List of Political Parties [email protected] Website: https://manifesto-project.wzb.eu/ Version 2020a from July 22, 2020 Manifesto Project Dataset - List of Political Parties Version 2020a 1 Coverage of the Dataset including Party Splits and Merges The following list documents the parties that were coded at a specific election. The list includes the name of the party or alliance in the original language and in English, the party/alliance abbreviation as well as the corresponding party identification number. In the case of an alliance, it also documents the member parties it comprises. Within the list of alliance members, parties are represented only by their id and abbreviation if they are also part of the general party list. If the composition of an alliance has changed between elections this change is reported as well. Furthermore, the list records renames of parties and alliances. It shows whether a party has split from another party or a number of parties has merged and indicates the name (and if existing the id) of this split or merger parties. In the past there have been a few cases where an alliance manifesto was coded instead of a party manifesto but without assigning the alliance a new party id. Instead, the alliance manifesto appeared under the party id of the main party within that alliance. In such cases the list displays the information for which election an alliance manifesto was coded as well as the name and members of this alliance. 2 Albania ID Covering Abbrev Parties No. Elections
    [Show full text]