Human Rights and Politically-Motivated Violence in the Basque Country
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Versión Final 3 Disertación 2013
Agradecimentos Agradeço a todas as pessoas que estiveram ao meu lado e fizeram o possível para que este trabalho chegasse a bom termo. Especialmente ao Departamento de Ciência Política da Universidade, Trinity College, University of Dublin, na qual estive a desenvolver a minha investigação durante seis meses de período ERASMUS, oportunidade proporcionada pela Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto. Gostaria de agradecer ao Professor Koji Kagotani, do Trinity College, por ter oferecido sempre a sua ajuda em termos de desenvolvimento metodológico; e ao Professor Jeffrey R. Weber, do Trinity College, que foi o meu supervisor durante esse período, por me recomendar as leituras que me permitiram aprofundar o conhecimento sobre o terrorismo, e me aproximar deste fenómeno com outra perspectiva, através de dados estatísticos. Por fim, gostaria de ressaltar a ajuda fornecida pela Professora Maria Helena Cardoso Osswald, e pelo meu orientador o Professor Jorge Manuel Martins Ribeiro, Professores da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto. Além da colaboração dos meus colegas, que fizeram uma leitura crítica do texto, para refletir sobre o mesmo e efetuar as alterações devidas. Sem a ajuda de todos, esta dissertação não teria sido possível. O terrorismo internacional e o terrorismo doméstico: o caso da ETA KEYWORDS: INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM, DOMESTIC TERRORISM, TERRORIST STRATEGIES, TERRORISM AND ELECTORAL OUTCOMES, ETA ABSTRACT In the last century Europe had to withstand countless terrorist attacks, but it was in the XXI century when the attacks of September 11 had a strong effect on the research agenda in the field of International Relations. Today there is an increasing number of analysis of the effects of terrorism, and much has been written on the origins of terror, and targeted governments' response, but little has appeared on the strategies terrorists employ directed at another sector, civilian targets. -
The Lehendakari
E.ETXEAK montaje ENG 3/5/01 16:08 P‡gina 1 Issue 49 YEAR 2001 TheThe LehendakariLehendakari callscalls forfor anan electionelection inin thethe BasqueBasque CountryCountry onon MayMay 13th13th E.ETXEAK montaje ENG 4/5/01 08:53 P‡gina 2 Laburpena SUMMARY Laburpena SUMMARY EDITORIALA■EDITORIAL – Supplementary statement to the Decree dissolving Parliament ...................... 3 GAURKO GAIAK■CURRENT EVENTS – Instructions for voting by mail .................................................................................. 5 – Basque election predictions according to surveys................................................ 6 PERTSONALITATEAK■PERSONALITIES – The Sabino Arana Awards for the year 2000........................................................ 8 EUSKAL ETXEAK – The Human Rights Commissioner visited the Basque Country ....................... 8 ISSUE 49 - YEAR 2001 URTEA – Francesco Cossiga received the "Lagun Onari" honor ...................................... 9 EGILEA AUTHOR Eusko Jaurlaritza-Kanpo – The Government of Catalonia receives part of its history Harremanetarako Idazkaritza Nagusia from the Sabino Arana Foundation ....................................................................... 10 Basque Government-Secretary General for Foreign Action – The Secretary of State of Idaho calls for the U.S. C/ Navarra, 2 to mediate in the Basque Country......................................................................... 11 01007 VITORIA-GASTEIZ Phone: 945 01 79 00 ■ [email protected] ERREPORTAIAK ARTICLES ZUZENDARIA DIRECTOR – The -
A La Sala Especial Del Tribunal Supremo Prevista En El Artículo 61 De La Ley Orgánica Del Poder Judicial
MINISTERIO ABOGACÍA GENERAL DEL ESTADO DE JUSTICIA DIRECCIÓN DEL SERVICIO JURÍDICO DEL ESTADO INDICE DEL RECURSO HECHOS PRIMERO. CONVOCATORIA DE ELECCIONES MUNICIPALES, AL PARLAMENTO NAVARRO, A LAS JUNTAS GENERALES Y ELECCIONES CONCEJILES EN NAVARRA. CONSTITUCIÓN DE LA COALICIÓN ELECTORAL BILDU. SEGUNDO.- LOS REITERADOS INTENTOS DEL COMPLEJO ETA/BATSAUNA DE ACCEDER A LA LEGALIDAD BURLANDO LOS EFECTOS DE LA SENTENCIA DE ILEGALIZACIÓN DE 27 DE MARZO DE 2003 TERCERO.- LA EVOLUCIÓN DE EUSKO ALKARTASUNA Y ALTERNATIBA EN LOS ÚLTIMOS AÑOS. RELACIÓN CON LA IZQUIERDA ABERTZALE ILEGALIZADA. 1.- EUSKO ALKARTASUNA 2.- ALTERNATIBA 3.- La celebración conjunta del reciente “Aberri Eguna” (día de la patria vasca) de 2011. 4.- Conclusión CUARTO.- LA ALIANZA CON EUSKO ALKARTASUNA COMO ELEMENTO ESENCIAL DE LA ESTRATEGIA DEL COMPLEJO ETA/BATASUNA EN EL DENOMINADO POR ETA “PROCESO DEMOCRÁTICO”. AUTO DE LA SALA ESPECIAL DEL ART. 61 LOPJ DE 30 DE MARZO DE 2011 QUINTO.- OTRAS PRUEBAS DEL PROCESO DE ACUERDO, TANTO ESTRATÉGICO COMO ELECTORAL, ENTRE EL COMPLEJO ETA/BATASUNA, C/ S. BERNARDO, 45 28001 MADRID ABOGACÍA GENERAL DEL ESTADO EUSKO ALKARTASUNA Y ALTERNATIBA PARA LA PRESENTACIÓN DE CANDIDATURAS A TRAVÉS DE UNA COALICIÓN ELECTORAL A) PRUEBAS DOCUMENTALES B) CONVERSACIONES TELEFÓNICAS, REUNIONES Y COMUNICACIONES. C) DECLARACIONES PÚBLICAS Y MANIFESTACIONES DE LOS RESPONSABLES DE BILDU SEXTO.- OTRAS CARACTERÍSTICAS DE LAS CANDIDATURAS IMPUGNADAS Y SU RELACIÓN CON EL COMPLEJO ETA/BATASUNA A) CARACTERÍSTICAS GENERALES O DE ÍNDOLE ESTRUCTURAL B) ALGUNAS CONEXIONES PERSONALES DE LOS MIEMBROS DE LAS CANDIDATURAS CON LOS PARTIDOS ILEGALIZADOS FUNDAMENTOS DE DERECHO I PROCEDENCIA DEL RECURSO CONTENCIOSO-ELECTORAL, COMPETENCIA Y PROCEDIMIENTO. II LEGITIMACIÓN ACTIVA. 2 MINISTERIO DE JUSTICIA ABOGACÍA GENERAL DEL ESTADO III SOBRE LOS MEDIOS DE PRUEBA UTILIZABLES Y ADMISIBLES EN LOS PROCESOS JUDICIALES DESTINADOS A ACREDITAR LA SUCESIÓN O CONTINUACIÓN DE LOS PARTIDOS ILEGALIZADOS IV APRECIACIÓN CONJUNTA DE LA PRUEBA. -
El Caso Bildu: Un Supuesto De Extralimitación De
EL CASO BILDU: UN SUPUESTO DE EXTRALIMITACIÓN DE FUNCIONES DEL TRIBUNAL CONSTITUCIONAL Comentario de la Sentencia de la Sala Especial del Tribunal Supremo de 1 de mayo de 2011 y de la Sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional de 5 de mayo de 2011 JAVIER Tajadura Tejada I. Introducción.—II. LA SENTENCIA DE LA SALA ESPECIAL DEL Tribunal SUPREMO DE 1 DE MAYO DE 2011: 1. Las demandas de la Abogacía del Estado y del Ministerio Fiscal. 2. Las alegaciones de Bildu. 3. La fundamentación del fallo mayoritario de la Sala Especial: 3.1. Nor- mativa aplicable. 3.2. Análisis y valoración de la prueba. 3.3. Conclusiones. 3.4. El «contraindi- cio». 3.5. El principio de proporcionalidad. 4. Análisis del Voto particular.—III. LA SENTENCIA DEL Tribunal Constitucional DE 5 DE MAYO DE 2011: 1. La fundamentación del recurso de amparo. 2. Las alegaciones de la Abogacía del Estado y del Ministerio Fiscal. 3. Los Fundamen- tos Jurídicos de la sentencia. 4. El Voto particular del profesor Manuel Aragón.—IV. CONSIDE- raciones finales. I. Introducción El día 5 de mayo de 2011, por una exigua mayoría de seis votos frente a cinco, el Pleno del Tribunal Constitucional, tras una deliberación de urgencia de menos de cuatro horas, dictó una de las sentencias más importantes de toda su historia. En ella estimó el recurso de amparo de la coalición electoral Bildu contra la sentencia de la Sala Especial del Tribunal Supremo que cuatro días atrás había anulado todas las candidaturas presentadas a los comicios del 22 de mayo. Desde el punto de vista jurídico, la principal objeción que cabe formular a esta sentencia es la de haberse extralimitado en sus funciones y haber invadido, de forma clara y notoria, el ámbito competencial propio del Tribunal Supremo. -
Presentación De Powerpoint
THE TRUTH ABOUT CATALONIA’S BID FOR INDEPENDENCE Last update: 28 November 2019 This document is subject to the evolution of the events it contains and will be periodically updated. Please note the date of the last update and, if necessary, request the latest version from: [email protected] This edition has only been updated to include the sentences of the trial that were published on 14 October. The verb tenses of the previous version have been maintained, without prejudice to the fact that a last update can be made by adjusting the concordances. Contents CATALONIA’S BID FOR INDEPENDENCE 1. Timeline of the Independence bid THE CATALAN INDEPENDENCE BID ON TRIAL 2. The acts of 2017 and their prosecution 3. The five Articles of Spain’s Criminal Code that landed the procès defendants in the dock 4. Safeguards for the accused during the trial 5. Independence and safeguards of the Spanish legal system 6. Private prosecution: What is it? 7. The trial and sentences THE TRUTH ABOUT SPAIN AND ITS CATALAN REGION 8. The secessionists’ falsehoods 9. Spain is a state made up of Autonomous Communities 10. The price Catalonia is paying for the independence bid 11. Spain in international rankings QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS APPENDIX CATALONIA’S BID FOR INDEPENDENCE 1. Timeline of the Independence bid 11 SEPT Massive demonstration day (or Diada) for independence 2012 “Consultative process” • Promoted by the Catalan Regional 9 NOV Government [known as the Govern], presided by Artur Mas. 2014 Suspended by Spain’s Constitutional Court. • According to the Catalan regional administration [known as the Generalitat] 2,305,290 citizens voted and 80.76% of them voted in favour of independence. -
Self-Determination for the Basque People
THE HUMAN RIGHT TO SELF DETERMINATION AND THE LONG WALK OF THE BASQUE COUNTRY TO A DEMOCRATIC SCENARIO ―Law is a living deed, not a brilliant honors list of past writers whose work of course compels respect but who cannot, except for a few great minds, be thought to have had such a vision of the future that they could always see beyond their own times‖. Judge Ammoun ―Separate Opinion‖ Advisory Opinion of the ICJ Jon Namibia, 1971 Introduction Let me start with some considerations. The case of the right to self determination is the case of human rights and history shows us that human rights are the cause of the oppressed, the cause of the colonized, the subalterns, and the cause of those on the other side of the borderline. Human rights have always been opposed by those in power, by the states of the capitalist world system. And so the recognized human rights are not but the consequences of long term struggles for non-recognized rights. And same pass with the right to self determination. Those who today consider this right only to be applied to colonies or occupied territories, are the same who opposed to the struggles for national liberation. Those who consider right now the right to self determination recognized in art 1 of the UN International Covenants on Civil and Political rights and Social, Cultural and Ecomic Rights are the same who opposed in the UN to the stablishment of art.1 and those who right now try to limit the right of indigenous peoples to self determination. -
Comparing the Basque Diaspora
COMPARING THE BASQUE DIASPORA: Ethnonationalism, transnationalism and identity maintenance in Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Peru, the United States of America, and Uruguay by Gloria Pilar Totoricagiiena Thesis submitted in partial requirement for Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 2000 1 UMI Number: U145019 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U145019 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Theses, F 7877 7S/^S| Acknowledgments I would like to gratefully acknowledge the supervision of Professor Brendan O’Leary, whose expertise in ethnonationalism attracted me to the LSE and whose careful comments guided me through the writing of this thesis; advising by Dr. Erik Ringmar at the LSE, and my indebtedness to mentor, Professor Gregory A. Raymond, specialist in international relations and conflict resolution at Boise State University, and his nearly twenty years of inspiration and faith in my academic abilities. Fellowships from the American Association of University Women, Euskal Fundazioa, and Eusko Jaurlaritza contributed to the financial requirements of this international travel. -
The Guatemala Genocide Cases: Universal Jurisdiction and Its Limits
© The Guatemala Genocide Cases: Universal Jurisdiction and Its Limits by Paul “Woody” Scott* INTRODUCTION Systematic murder, genocide, torture, terror and cruelty – all are words used to describe the campaigns of Guatemalan leaders, including President Jose Efrain Rios Montt, directed toward the indigenous Mayans in the Guatemalan campo. The United Nations-backed Truth Commission concludes that the state carried out deliberate acts of genocide against the Mayan indigenous populations.1 Since Julio Cesar Mendez Montenegro took Guatemalan presidential office in 1966, Guatemala was involved in a bloody civil war between the army and guerrilla groups located in the Guatemalan countryside. The bloodshed escalated as Montt, a fundamentalist Christian minister, rose to power in 1982 after taking part in a coup d’état and becoming the de facto president of Guatemala. He was in power for just sixteen months, considered by many to be the bloodiest period of Guatemala’s history.2 Under his sixteen-month rule, more than 200,000 people were victims of homicide or forced kidnappings, 83% of whom were of indigenous Mayan origin. Indigenous Mayans were targeted, killed, tortured, raped, and * Paul “Woody” Scott is an associate attorney with Jeri Flynn & Associates in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. His practice is primarily immigration law and criminal defense, specializing in defending immigrants charged with criminal offenses, and deportation defense. He was born in San Pedro Sula, Honduras and moved to the United States at a very early age. He is fluent in both English and Spanish. 1 United Nations Office for Project Services [UNOPS], Commission for Historical Clarification [CEH], Conclusions and Recommendations, GUATEMALA, MEMORIA DEL SILENCIO [hereinafter, GUATEMALA, MEMORY OF SILENCE], Volume V, ¶ 26 (1999). -
00-190 Eng Briefing Notes Jan
ETA violence and the Basque Country: Does federalism offer a solution? BY GURUTZ JAUREGUI The Spanish system of regional and federal models of government. The problem of territory autonomies has had very positive effects Its complex and ambiguous nature is a The Basque region is located for the Basque Country. The progress constant source of clashes between the geographically in Spanish and French made over the years in the recovery of federal and community governments. territory. Traditionally, the strategic Basque identity has been very significant. Rather than a list of powers, the aspiration of Basque nationalism has The system, however, has been unable to Constitution establishes a distribution of been to establish an independent State solve the ‘Basque problem’. The conflict functions. In many areas, the Constitution that covers the whole territory. between Basque separatists and Spain qualifies the functions of the autonomous has left hundreds dead, and has caused Not only is the division between France regions with phrases such as ‘in the untold suffering. and Spain a contentious issue, but frame of’ or ‘according to’ (other there are also problems regarding the Today’s conflicts between the Basque authorities). The upshot is that the federal territorial boundaries of the Basque region and the Spanish government are government has established regulations, region inside Spain. chiefly, although not exclusively, based on directives and controls that have led to a three aspects: distribution of powers, terri- real reduction in the powers of the The Autonomy Statute identifies the tory, and the right to self-determination. autonomous regions. provinces of Alava, Guipuzcoa and Vizcaya as comprising the Basque region, The regions have very few possibilities and also mentions Navarra, giving it the Distribution of powers for participating in overall federal choice of joining this region. -
Catholic Mediation in the Basque Peace Process: Questioning the Transnational Dimension
religions Article Catholic Mediation in the Basque Peace Process: Questioning the Transnational Dimension Xabier Itçaina 1,2 1 CNRS—Centre Emile Durkheim, Sciences Po Bordeaux, 11 allée Ausone, 33607 Pessac, France; [email protected] 2 GEZKI, University of the Basque Country, 20018 San Sebastian, Spain Received: 30 March 2020; Accepted: 17 April 2020; Published: 27 April 2020 Abstract: The Basque conflict was one of the last ethnonationalist violent struggles in Western Europe, until the self-dissolution in 2018 of ETA (Euskadi ta Askatasuna, Basque Country and Freedom). The role played by some sectors of the Roman Catholic Church in the mediation efforts leading to this positive outcome has long been underestimated, as has the internal pluralism of the Church in this regard. This article specifically examines the transnational dimension of this mediation, including its symbolic aspect. The call to involve the Catholic institution transnationally was not limited to the tangible outcomes of mediation. The mere fact of involving transnational religious and non-religious actors represented a symbolic gain for the parties in the conflict struggling to impose their definitions of peace. Transnational mediation conveyed in itself explicit or implicit comparisons with other ethnonationalist conflicts, a comparison that constituted political resources for or, conversely, unacceptable constraints upon the actors involved. Keywords: Basque conflict; nationalism; Catholic Church; Holy See; transnational mediation; conflict resolution 1. Introduction The Basque conflict was one of the last ethnonationalist violent struggles in Western Europe, until the definitive ceasefire (2011), decommissioning (2017), and self-dissolution (2018) of the armed organization ETA (Euskadi ta Askatasuna, Basque Country and Freedom). -
Herri Mugimenduen Eta Ezkerreko Gobernuen Arteko Ezinak Eta Eginak Gipuzkoako Foru Aldundiko Gobernantza Sareak Aztergai (2011-2015)
Herri mugimenduen eta ezkerreko gobernuen arteko ezinak eta eginak Gipuzkoako Foru Aldundiko gobernantza sareak aztergai (2011-2015) Doktore-tesia Andere Ormazabal Gaston Zuzendaria: Iñaki Bárcena Hinojal Herri mugimenduen eta ezkerreko gobernuen arteko ezinak eta eginak Gipuzkoako Foru Aldundiko gobernantza sareak aztergai (2011-2015) Tesi honek Euskal Herriko Unibertsitateko Ikertzaileen prestakuntzarako laguntza jaso du 2007ko maiatzetik 2011ko apirilera. Horrez gain, Euskal Herriko Unibertsitateko mugikortasuna susatzeko eta ikerketaren emaitzak hedatzen laguntzeko diru-laguntza jaso du, 2010eko urritik 2011ko urtarrilera. Herri mugimenduen eta ezkerreko gobernuen arteko ezinak eta eginak Gipuzkoako Foru Aldundiko gobernantza sareak aztergai (2011-2015) Doktore-tesia Andere Ormazabal Gaston Zuzendaria: Iñaki Barcena Hinojal Facultad de Ciencias Sociales Gizarte eta Komunikazio y de la Comunicación Zientzien Fakultatea Departamento de Ciencia Política Politika eta Administrazio y de la Administración Zientzia Saila (c)2019 ANDERE ORMAZABAL GASTON Aurkibidea 1. Ikerketaren aurkezpena ...................................................................................................................................................13 1.1. Sarrera ..................................................................................................................................................................................... 15 1.2. Helburuak ............................................................................................................................................................................ -
Should Politicians Be Prosecuted for Statements Made in the Exercise of Their Mandate?
Provisional version Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights Should politicians be prosecuted for statements made in the exercise of their mandate? Report Rapporteur: Mr Boriss Cilevičs, Latvia, Socialists, Democrats and Greens Group A. Draft resolution 1. The Assembly stresses the crucial importance, in a living democracy, of politicians being able to freely exercise their mandates. This requires a particularly high level of protection of politicians’ freedom of speech and freedom of assembly, both in parliament and when speaking to their constituents in public meetings or through the media. 2. The European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR, the Convention) protects everyone’s freedom of speech, including the right to make statements that “shock or disturb” those who do not share the same opinions, as established in the case law of the European Court of Human Rights (the Court). 3. The Assembly also notes that freedom of speech is not unlimited. Hate speech condoning violence against certain persons or groups of persons on the grounds of race, origin, religion or political opinions, as well as calls for the violent overthrow of democratic institutions are not protected. Politicians even have a special responsibility, due to their high visibility, to refrain from such abuses. 4. Everyone, and in particular politicians, has the right to make proposals whose implementation would require changes of the constitution, provided the means advocated are peaceful and legal and the objectives do not run contrary to the fundamental principles of democracy and human rights. 5. This includes calls to change a centralist constitution into a federal or confederal one, or vice versa, or to change the legal status and powers of territorial (local and regional) entities, including to grant them a high degree of autonomy or even independence.