Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
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Claiming Independence in 140 Characters. Uses of Metaphor in the Construction of Scottish and Catalan Political Discourses on Twitter
CLAIMING INDEPENDENCE IN 140 CHARACTERS. USES OF METAPHOR IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF SCOTTISH AND CATALAN POLITICAL DISCOURSES ON TWITTER Carlota Maria Moragas Fernández ADVERTIMENT. L'accés als continguts d'aquesta tesi doctoral i la seva utilització ha de respectar els drets de la persona autora. Pot ser utilitzada per a consulta o estudi personal, així com en activitats o materials d'investigació i docència en els termes establerts a l'art. 32 del Text Refós de la Llei de Propietat Intel·lectual (RDL 1/1996). Per altres utilitzacions es requereix l'autorització prèvia i expressa de la persona autora. En qualsevol cas, en la utilització dels seus continguts caldrà indicar de forma clara el nom i cognoms de la persona autora i el títol de la tesi doctoral. No s'autoritza la seva reproducció o altres formes d'explotació efectuades amb finalitats de lucre ni la seva comunicació pública des d'un lloc aliè al servei TDX. Tampoc s'autoritza la presentació del seu contingut en una finestra o marc aliè a TDX (framing). Aquesta reserva de drets afecta tant als continguts de la tesi com als seus resums i índexs. ADVERTENCIA. El acceso a los contenidos de esta tesis doctoral y su utilización debe respetar los derechos de la persona autora. Puede ser utilizada para consulta o estudio personal, así como en actividades o materiales de investigación y docencia en los términos establecidos en el art. 32 del Texto Refundido de la Ley de Propiedad Intelectual (RDL 1/1996). Para otros usos se requiere la autorización previa y expresa de la persona autora. -
A Critical Discourse Analysis of Artur Mas's Selected
Raymond Echitchi “Catalunya no és Espanya”: A critical discourse... 7 “CATALUNYA NO ÉS ESPANYA”: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF ARTUR MAS’S SELECTED SPEECHES Raymond Echitchi, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia E-mail: [email protected] Abstract: This article is a Critical Discourse Analysis of secessionist discourse in Catalonia in the light of a selection of speeches given by Artur Mas. This work aims at deciphering the linguistic strategies used by Mas to construct a separate Catalan identity in three of his speeches, namely his acceptance, inauguration and 2014 referendum speeches. The analysis of these speeches was carried out in the light of Ruth Wodak’s Discourse-historical Approach to Critical Discourse and yielded the identification of three sets strategies to which Artur Mas mostly resorts; singularisation and autonomisation strategies, assimilation and cohesivation strategies and finally continuation strategies. Keywords: Catalonia, sub-state nationalism, secessionism, Critical Discourse Analysis. Resumen: Este artículo analiza, mediante el Análisis Crítico del Discurso, las disertaciones secesionistas en Cataluña de los discursos de Artur Mas. En este trabajo, se pretende captar las estrategias lingüísticas utilizadas por Mas para construir una identidad catalana separada en tres discursos que presentó; en su investidura, su toma de posesión y antes de celebrar el referéndum de 2014. El análisis de estos discursos se llevó a cabo a la luz de la aproximación histórica discursiva de Ruth Wodak y dio lugar a la identificación de tres tipos de estrategias en estos discursos: las estrategias de singularización y autonomización, las estrategias de asimilación y cohesión y las estrategias de continuidad. Palabras clave: Cataluña, nacionalimo sub-estatal, secesionismo, Análisis Crítico del Discurso. -
Greco Eval IV Rep (2013) 5E Final Spain PUBLIC
F O U R T Adoption: 6 December 2013 Public Publication: 15 January 2014 Greco Eval IV Rep (2013) 5E H E V FOURTH EVALUATION ROUND A L Corruption prevention in respect of members of parliament, judges and prosecutors U A T I O EVALUATION REPORT N SPAIN R O Adopted by GRECO at its 62nd Plenary Meeting U (Strasbourg, 2-6 December 2013) N D 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ..................................................................................................................................... 3 I. INTRODUCTION AND METHODOLOGY ..................................................................................................... 6 II. CONTEXT .................................................................................................................................................. 8 III. CORRUPTION PREVENTION IN RESPECT OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT ................................................ 10 OVERVIEW OF THE PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM ............................................................................................................... 10 TRANSPARENCY OF THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS ............................................................................................................. 11 REMUNERATION AND ECONOMIC BENEFITS ................................................................................................................. 12 ETHICAL PRINCIPLES AND RULES OF CONDUCT .............................................................................................................. 12 CONFLICTS OF INTEREST ......................................................................................................................................... -
Seven Theses on Spanish Justice to Understand the Prosecution of Judge Garzón
Oñati Socio-Legal Series, v. 1, n. 9 (2011) – Autonomy and Heteronomy of the Judiciary in Europe ISSN: 2079-5971 Seven Theses on Spanish Justice to understand the Prosecution of Judge Garzón ∗ JOXERRAMON BENGOETXEA “Something is rotten in the state of Denmark” (Hamlet) Abstract Judges may not decide cases as they wish, they are subject to the law they are entrusted to apply, a law made by the legislator (a feature of heteronomy). But in doing so, they do not take any instruction from any other power or instance (this contributes to their independence or autonomy). Sometimes, they apply the law of the land taking into account the norms and principles of other, international, supranational, even transnational systems. In such cases of conform interpretation, again, they perform a delicate balance between autonomy (domestic legal order and domestic culture of legal interpretation) and heteronomy (external legal order and culture of interpretation). There are common shared aspects of Justice in the Member States of the EU, but, this contribution explores some, perhaps the most salient, features of Spanish Justice in this wider European context. They are not exclusive to Spain, but they way they combine and interact, and their intensity is quite uniquely Spanish. These are seven theses about Justice in Spain, which combine in unique ways as can be seen in the infamous Garzón case, discussed in detail. Key words Spanish Judiciary; Judicial statistics; Transition in Spain; Sociology of the Judiciary; Consejo General del Poder Judicial; Politicisation of Justice; Judicialisation of Politics; Spanish Constitutional Court; Spanish Supreme Court; Audiencia Nacional; Acusación Pública; Judge Garzón; Basque Political Parties; Clashes between Judicial Hierarchies ∗ Universidad del País Vasco – Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea, [email protected] This research has been carried out within the framework of a research project on Fundamental Rights After 1 Lisbon (der2010-19715, juri) financed by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation. -
Presentación De Powerpoint
THE TRUTH ABOUT CATALONIA’S BID FOR INDEPENDENCE Last update: 28 November 2019 This document is subject to the evolution of the events it contains and will be periodically updated. Please note the date of the last update and, if necessary, request the latest version from: [email protected] This edition has only been updated to include the sentences of the trial that were published on 14 October. The verb tenses of the previous version have been maintained, without prejudice to the fact that a last update can be made by adjusting the concordances. Contents CATALONIA’S BID FOR INDEPENDENCE 1. Timeline of the Independence bid THE CATALAN INDEPENDENCE BID ON TRIAL 2. The acts of 2017 and their prosecution 3. The five Articles of Spain’s Criminal Code that landed the procès defendants in the dock 4. Safeguards for the accused during the trial 5. Independence and safeguards of the Spanish legal system 6. Private prosecution: What is it? 7. The trial and sentences THE TRUTH ABOUT SPAIN AND ITS CATALAN REGION 8. The secessionists’ falsehoods 9. Spain is a state made up of Autonomous Communities 10. The price Catalonia is paying for the independence bid 11. Spain in international rankings QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS APPENDIX CATALONIA’S BID FOR INDEPENDENCE 1. Timeline of the Independence bid 11 SEPT Massive demonstration day (or Diada) for independence 2012 “Consultative process” • Promoted by the Catalan Regional 9 NOV Government [known as the Govern], presided by Artur Mas. 2014 Suspended by Spain’s Constitutional Court. • According to the Catalan regional administration [known as the Generalitat] 2,305,290 citizens voted and 80.76% of them voted in favour of independence. -
Brussels, 17Th June 2019 Dear Bureau Members of the European
Brussels, 17th June 2019 Dear Bureau Members of the European Parliament, Newly elected MEPs Carles Puigdemont, Antoni Comín and Oriol Junqueras, have been prevented from taking office as Members of the European Parliament by the Spanish authorities after the European election on 26th of May. The list led by Carles Puigdemont and Antoni Comín received 1.025.411 votes, and the list led by Oriol Junqueras received 1.257.484 votes. On 14th of June 2019, elected MEP Oriol Junqueras –in pre-trial detention for 593 days for having organized the Catalan self-determination referendum in 2017– has been banned by the Spanish Supreme Court to leave the prison in order to take the MEP credential. Furthermore, on the 13th of June 2019, the Spanish Electoral Board imposed elected MEPs Carles Puigdemont and Antoni Comín –in exile since October 2017– to be personally in Madrid in order to take their seats as MEPs. The decisions taken by the Spanish authorities banning newly elected MEPs from taking office and attending to the European Parliament’s constitutive plenary session on the 2nd July 2019 are a clear violation of their political rights and a disregard of more than 2 million European citizens that voted for them. These acts of the Spanish authorities attempt against the political rights of the MEP-elected Carles Puigdemont, Oriol Junqueras, Antoni Comín and more than 2 million European citizens that voted for them. An unacceptable breach of the Rules of Procedures of the European Parliament, the consolidated Treaties of the EU, the European Charter of Fundamental Rights, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. -
Catalan Independence 2018
Catalan Independence 2018 On October 1, 2017, the Catalan Government headed by Carles Puigdemont of the Junts per Catalunya parliamentary alliance held a referendum on the future independence of Catalonia. A semi-autonomous region within Spain, Catalonia enjoyed comparatively larger self-governance than many of Spain’s other regions after Francisco Franco’s rule ended in 1975. While independence has had relatively strong support in recent years, a final decision has remained elusive due to inconclusive elections, referenda, and political opposition from Madrid. The 2017 referendum recorded 92% of respondents favoring Catalan independence. However, only 43% of registered voters voted in the election marred by domestic and national opposition. The government nonetheless pushed through, declaring itself independent on October 27th. Declaring the referendum and declaration illegal, Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy dismissed the Catalan Generalitat and renewed elections. Puigdemont and his cabinet subsequently fled to Brussels, the headquarters of the European Union. This committee takes place in Catalonia, but Puigdemont remains in exile and his former vice president, Oriol Junqueras, remains in prison. This cabinet consists of fifteen members of Junts pel Sí (Together for Yes) who had not been prosecuted by the Spanish Government after the referendum, and five Spanish representatives sent from Madrid to ensure compliance. Each Catalan member will have access to powers retained after the dissolution of parliament and powers temporarily withheld by Madrid in response to the crisis. Each Spanish member starts with greater powers given by the Spanish government, but will lose some power if and when Madrid deems the situation more under control. -
El Foc Que Il·Lumina Els Països Catalans La Nit De Sant Joan
El foc que il·lumina els Països Catalans la nit de Sant Joan #FlamaExili www.flama.cat www.flama.cat La Flama del Canigó 2018 JORDI CUIXART, LA VEU DE LA FLAMA 2018 Un dels elements que donen personalitat al ritual de la Flama del Canigó és la lectura del missatge que, juntament amb el foc baixat del cim del Canigó, és l’element comú que agermana totes les enceses. Aquest any, els equips de foc han triat que sigui el president d’Òmnium Cultural, Jordi Cuixart, qui posi paraules al missatge de la Flama. Avui renovem la Flama gràcies al compromís la festa i la màgia de la nit de Sant Joan. La cultura granític de la societat civil, l’autèntic motor d’un sempre ha estat una eina de transformació social. poble sempre en moviment. Un agraïment infinit a totes les entitats que la fan possible. La cultura amara ciutats, barris i pobles definits per una diversitat que ens enriqueix i ens fa més La Flama del Canigó que agermana els Països forts, per un país que no demana pels orígens sinó Catalans és un símbol d’esperança en el futur. Ens per on volem anar plegats. Convençuts que si els demostra la capacitat del poble català d’unir-se en infants creixen junts a l’escola, romandran junts moments difícils i anar sempre endavant. Com el al carrer i units com a societat; convençuts que el 1966, quan, malgrat la dictadura franquista, la Flama camí l’hem de fer junts i tindrà sentit si decidim va arribar per primer cop al Principat de Catalunya. -
Briefing #12/2019
BRIEFING #12/2019 A HUNDRED YEARS OF INJUSTICE On 14th October, Spain’s Supreme Court made public its verdict convicting nine political and civil society pro-independence leaders of sedition and sentencing them to a total of 99 years and 6 months of prison and to a similar ban from holding public office1. It is worth remembering that, as pointed out in a communiqué by Agora Judicial- a professional association of judges- “Those found guilty worked together in the calling and the organisation of a referendum on self-determination and that, in itself, is not a crime (...). Such was the decision of the [Spanish] Parliament in 2005 when it excluded from the Criminal Code the call of a referendum without legal base.” Similarly, magistrate and jurist Joaquim Bosch claims that “(…) the verdict attributes to the pro-independence public officials the authorship of sedition through a stream of behaviours linked to the call of the referendum and their calls to go to vote. That attribution of guilt also generates legal doubts, because holding illegal referendums is a conduct that was decriminalized. And encouraging citizens to vote cannot criminalize the summoners for the crimes that may occur subsequently. If it is not a crime to hold a referendum, even less so calling to participate in the consultation. For instance, those who call to take part in a peaceful demonstration cannot be responsible for the offenses that may occur in it. There is no causal link. However, the sentence considers several public officials responsible for sedition, while admitting that they did not participate in acts of passive resistance, nor did they encourage the sitting downs to hinder the actions of [police] agents”. -
“Behind-The-Table” Conflicts in the Failed Negotiation for a Referendum for the Independence of Catalonia
“Behind-the-Table” Conflicts in the Failed Negotiation for a Referendum for the Independence of Catalonia Oriol Valentí i Vidal*∗ Spain is facing its most profound constitutional crisis since democracy was restored in 1978. After years of escalating political conflict, the Catalan government announced it would organize an independence referendum on October 1, 2017, an outcome that the Spanish government vowed to block. This article represents, to the best of the author’s knowledge, the first scholarly examination to date from a negotiation theory perspective of the events that hindered political dialogue between both governments regarding the organization of the secession vote. It applies Robert H. Mnookin’s insights on internal conflicts to identify the apparent paradox that characterized this conflict: while it was arguably in the best interest of most Catalans and Spaniards to know the nature and extent of the political relationship that Catalonia desired with Spain, their governments were nevertheless unable to negotiate the terms and conditions of a legal, mutually agreed upon referendum to achieve this result. This article will argue that one possible explanation for this paradox lies in the “behind-the-table” *Attorney; Lecturer in Law, Barcelona School of Management (Universitat Pompeu Fabra) as of February 2018. LL.M. ‘17, Harvard Law School; B.B.A. ‘13 and LL.B. ‘11, Universitat Pompeu Fabra; Diploma in Legal Studies ‘10, University of Oxford. This article reflects my own personal views and has been written under my sole responsibility. As such, it has not been written under the instructions of any professional or academic organization in which I render my services. -
The Regions of Spain
© 2017 American University Model United Nations Conference All rights reserved. No part of this background guide may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means whatsoever without express written permission from the American University Model United Nations Conference Secretariat. Please direct all questions to [email protected] A NOTE Julia Clark Chair Estimats Diputats del Parlament de Catalunya, Dear Diputats of the Parliament of Catalonia, My name is Julia Clark and I’ll be serving as your Chair for the Parliament of Catalonia. I cannot wait to meet all of you in February. Time is of the essence and the Catalan Republic needs creating! As for a little bit about myself: MUN is my life! Last year, I served on the AmeriMUNC Secretariat as the Charges D’Affaires and currently I am an Assistant Head Delegate of the AU Model United Nations competitive travel team. I have done MUN for seven years, competing at 24 conferences across the US and Canada, and I once chaired a conference in the Netherlands! I’m proud to say that AmeriMUNC will be my eighth time chairing. Outside of MUN, I am also the President of my sorority, Phi Mu. If you have any questions about greek life or collegiate MUN, I’d love to chat via email or at the conference. I’m personally very excited to be forming our own new nation, the Catalan Republic. I just studied abroad for four months in Madrid, Spain and was at the center of the real life action surrounding the Catalan independence movement. -
Catalonia, Spain and Europe on the Brink: Background, Facts, And
Catalonia, Spain and Europe on the brink: background, facts, and consequences of the failed independence referendum, the Declaration of Independence, the arrest and jailing of Catalan leaders, the application of art 155 of the Spanish Constitution and the calling for elections on December 21 A series of first in history. Examples of “what is news” • On Sunday, October 1, Football Club Barcelona, world-known as “Barça”, multiple champion in Spanish, European and world competitions in the last decade, played for the first time since its foundation in 1899 at its Camp Nou stadium, • Catalan independence leaders were taken into custody in “sedition and rebellion” probe • Heads of grassroots pro-secession groups ANC and Omnium were investigated over September incidents Results • Imprisonment of Catalan independence leaders gives movement new momentum: • Asamblea Nacional Catalana (Jordi Sànchez) and • Òmnium Cultural (Jordi Cuixart), • Thousands march against decision to jail them • Spain’s Constitutional Court strikes down Catalan referendum law • Key background: • The Catalan Parliament had passed two laws • One would attempt to “disengage” the Catalan political system from Spain’s constitutional order • The second would outline the bases for a “Republican Constitution” of an independent Catalonia The Catalan Parliament factions • In the Parliament of Catalonia, parties explicitly supporting independence are: • Partit Demòcrata Europeu Català (Catalan European Democratic Party; PDeCAT), formerly named Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya