“Catalonia – a New State in Europe?”
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THE TRUTH ABOUT CATALONIA’S BID FOR INDEPENDENCE Last update: 28 November 2019 This document is subject to the evolution of the events it contains and will be periodically updated. Please note the date of the last update and, if necessary, request the latest version from: [email protected] This edition has only been updated to include the sentences of the trial that were published on 14 October. The verb tenses of the previous version have been maintained, without prejudice to the fact that a last update can be made by adjusting the concordances. Contents CATALONIA’S BID FOR INDEPENDENCE 1. Timeline of the Independence bid THE CATALAN INDEPENDENCE BID ON TRIAL 2. The acts of 2017 and their prosecution 3. The five Articles of Spain’s Criminal Code that landed the procès defendants in the dock 4. Safeguards for the accused during the trial 5. Independence and safeguards of the Spanish legal system 6. Private prosecution: What is it? 7. The trial and sentences THE TRUTH ABOUT SPAIN AND ITS CATALAN REGION 8. The secessionists’ falsehoods 9. Spain is a state made up of Autonomous Communities 10. The price Catalonia is paying for the independence bid 11. Spain in international rankings QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS APPENDIX CATALONIA’S BID FOR INDEPENDENCE 1. Timeline of the Independence bid 11 SEPT Massive demonstration day (or Diada) for independence 2012 “Consultative process” • Promoted by the Catalan Regional 9 NOV Government [known as the Govern], presided by Artur Mas. 2014 Suspended by Spain’s Constitutional Court. • According to the Catalan regional administration [known as the Generalitat] 2,305,290 citizens voted and 80.76% of them voted in favour of independence. -
The Guatemala Genocide Cases: Universal Jurisdiction and Its Limits
© The Guatemala Genocide Cases: Universal Jurisdiction and Its Limits by Paul “Woody” Scott* INTRODUCTION Systematic murder, genocide, torture, terror and cruelty – all are words used to describe the campaigns of Guatemalan leaders, including President Jose Efrain Rios Montt, directed toward the indigenous Mayans in the Guatemalan campo. The United Nations-backed Truth Commission concludes that the state carried out deliberate acts of genocide against the Mayan indigenous populations.1 Since Julio Cesar Mendez Montenegro took Guatemalan presidential office in 1966, Guatemala was involved in a bloody civil war between the army and guerrilla groups located in the Guatemalan countryside. The bloodshed escalated as Montt, a fundamentalist Christian minister, rose to power in 1982 after taking part in a coup d’état and becoming the de facto president of Guatemala. He was in power for just sixteen months, considered by many to be the bloodiest period of Guatemala’s history.2 Under his sixteen-month rule, more than 200,000 people were victims of homicide or forced kidnappings, 83% of whom were of indigenous Mayan origin. Indigenous Mayans were targeted, killed, tortured, raped, and * Paul “Woody” Scott is an associate attorney with Jeri Flynn & Associates in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. His practice is primarily immigration law and criminal defense, specializing in defending immigrants charged with criminal offenses, and deportation defense. He was born in San Pedro Sula, Honduras and moved to the United States at a very early age. He is fluent in both English and Spanish. 1 United Nations Office for Project Services [UNOPS], Commission for Historical Clarification [CEH], Conclusions and Recommendations, GUATEMALA, MEMORIA DEL SILENCIO [hereinafter, GUATEMALA, MEMORY OF SILENCE], Volume V, ¶ 26 (1999). -
Federalism Is Debated in Nepal More As an ‘Ism’ Than a System
The FEDERALISM Debate in Nepal Post Peace Agreement Constitution Making in Nepal Volume II Post Peace Agreement Constitution Making in Nepal Volume II The FEDERALISM Debate in Nepal Edited by Budhi Karki Rohan Edrisinha Published by United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Support to Participatory Constitution Building in Nepal (SPCBN) 2014 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Support to Participatory Constitution Building in Nepal (SPCBN) UNDP is the UN’s global development network, advocating for change and connecting countries to knowledge, experience and resources to help people build a better life. United Nations Development Programme UN House, Pulchowk, GPO Box: 107 Kathmandu, Nepal Phone: +977 1 5523200 Fax: +977 1 5523991, 5523986 ISBN : 978 9937 8942 1 0 © UNDP, Nepal 2014 Book Cover: The painting on the cover page art is taken from ‘A Federal Life’, a joint publication of UNDP/ SPCBN and Kathmandu University, School of Art. The publication was the culmination of an initiative in which 22 artists came together for a workshop on the concept of and debate on federalism in Nepal and then were invited to depict their perspective on the subject through art. The painting on the cover art titled ‘’Emblem” is created by Supriya Manandhar. DISCLAIMER: The views expressed in the book are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of UNDP/ SPCBN. PREFACE A new Constitution for a new Nepal drafted and adopted by an elected and inclusive Constituent Assembly (CA) is a key element of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of November 2006 that ended a decade long Maoist insurgency. -
Should Politicians Be Prosecuted for Statements Made in the Exercise of Their Mandate?
Provisional version Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights Should politicians be prosecuted for statements made in the exercise of their mandate? Report Rapporteur: Mr Boriss Cilevičs, Latvia, Socialists, Democrats and Greens Group A. Draft resolution 1. The Assembly stresses the crucial importance, in a living democracy, of politicians being able to freely exercise their mandates. This requires a particularly high level of protection of politicians’ freedom of speech and freedom of assembly, both in parliament and when speaking to their constituents in public meetings or through the media. 2. The European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR, the Convention) protects everyone’s freedom of speech, including the right to make statements that “shock or disturb” those who do not share the same opinions, as established in the case law of the European Court of Human Rights (the Court). 3. The Assembly also notes that freedom of speech is not unlimited. Hate speech condoning violence against certain persons or groups of persons on the grounds of race, origin, religion or political opinions, as well as calls for the violent overthrow of democratic institutions are not protected. Politicians even have a special responsibility, due to their high visibility, to refrain from such abuses. 4. Everyone, and in particular politicians, has the right to make proposals whose implementation would require changes of the constitution, provided the means advocated are peaceful and legal and the objectives do not run contrary to the fundamental principles of democracy and human rights. 5. This includes calls to change a centralist constitution into a federal or confederal one, or vice versa, or to change the legal status and powers of territorial (local and regional) entities, including to grant them a high degree of autonomy or even independence. -
Art 9 1 and Spanish Legal Framework
To: Compliance Committee of the Aarhus Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation in Decision-Making and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters (1998) Via: Mr. Jeremy Wates Secretary to the Aarhus Convention United Nations Economic Commission for Europe Environment and Human Settlement Division Room 332, Palais des Nations CH-1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland Phone: +41 22 917 2384 Fax: +41 22 907 0107 E-mail: [email protected] From: Association for Environmental Justice (Asociacion para la Justicia Ambiental, AJA), Spain CIF: G99135014 CIF: Contact Information: – Address: P° Maria Agustin, 3, dcha. E-50004 Zaragoza, Spain Tel. + 34 976 20 20 76 Fax + 34 968 22 71 91 Contact Person: Fe Sanchis Moreno, Coordinator and Lawyer Tel. + 34 661 168 203 E-mail: [email protected] Núm.Nacional Inscripción: 586196 de Re: (Ref. ACCC/C/2008/24) Clarification requested by the Committee at the 23 rd meeting with regard to the following questions: 1.- Reasons why the Association did not challenge before the courts the lack of access to environmental information (art. 9 (1) of the Convention) 2.- Brief description of the Spanish legal system regarding environmental responsibilities 1. Reasons why the Association did not challenge before the courts the lack of access to environmental information (art. 9 (3) of the Convention) The reason is very simple the administrative and judicial appeals available for protecting the exercise of access to information rights do not comply with requirements lay down by art. 9(3) of the Aarhus Convention: they are not timely and they are prohibitively expensive. Therefore, it is easier to pay the unreasonable costs requested than to challenge the decision before the courts, especially because it can take from 5 to 8 years to get a final court decision, depending on the court responsible for. -
Nou Estat D'europa Globalisation, Language and Identity in Catalonia
Nou Estat d’Europa Globalisation, language and identity in Catalonia: a contemporary perspective. by Steven Byrne Thesis presented to the University of Limerick for the award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervisors: Dr David Atkinson and Dr Máiréad Moriarty External: Dr Agurtzane Elordui Submitted to the University of Limerick, May 2019. Abstract The processes associated with globalisation have seen Catalonia become an ethnolinguistically diverse region. Additionally, a vibrant civic and political movement for an independent Catalonia has brought a renewed urgency to questions about what it means, personally and politically, to speak or not to speak Catalan or Spanish in 21st century Catalonia. The current study seeks to address a gap in the literature by investigating the attitudes of members of independence organisations toward the Catalan and Spanish languages against the backdrop of the Catalan independence movement. This research examines the respondents’ language attitudes from a language orientations perspective, using Ruiz’s (1984, 2010) framework of language-as-a-problem and language-as-a-resource to unpack the complexities of the situation in present-day Catalonia. This research was conducted with members of independence organisations operating in the city of Girona and involved qualitative research methods, specifically focus groups and narrative interviews. This study indicates that a fuller understanding of the complex situation in Catalonia may be facilitated through qualitative methodologies, which have the potential to explore attitudes in-depth. The analysis of the data reveals a diversity of attitudes toward both Catalan and Spanish, with both languages being mobilised in diverse combinations for a wide range of purposes. -
Paintodayspain
SPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAIN- TODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYS- PAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTO- DAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYS- PAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTO- DAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYS- PAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTO- DAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYS- ALLIANCE OF CIVILIZATIONS PAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTO- DAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYS- PAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTO- DAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYS- PAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTO- 2009 DAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYS- Spain today 2009 is an up-to-date look at the primary PAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTO- aspects of our nation: its public institutions and political scenario, its foreign relations, the economy and a pano- 2009 DAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYS- ramic view of Spain’s social and cultural life, accompanied by the necessary historical background information for PAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTO- each topic addressed DAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYS- http://www.la-moncloa.es PAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTO- DAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYS- PAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTO- SPAIN TODAY TODAY SPAIN DAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYS- PAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTO- DAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYS- PAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAIN- TODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTO- DAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYS- PAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTO- DAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYS- PAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTO- DAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYS- PAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTODAYSPAINTO- -
Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
___________________________________________________________________ Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Application against Spain by Carles Puigdemont, President-Elect of Catalonia Lodged 1 March 2018 __________________________________________________________________ PUIGDEMONT -v- SPAIN SUMMARY: In this application Mr. Carles PUIGDEMONT alleges that Spain is guilty of violating its international treaty obligations through the cumulative imposition of disproportionate and unjustified restrictions with the exercise of his political rights under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (“UDHR”), and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”). Spain is a State Party to both treaties. It is also a signatory, without relevant reservations, to the Optional Protocol to the ICCPR, which provides for the right of individual petition. Spain has not notified any relevant derogation to the provisions of the ICCPR which thus remain fully in force. It is legally bound by treaty obligation to secure the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the ICCPR, throughout the territory of Spain, and to all those who fall within its jurisdiction. Mr. PUIGDEMONT brings this individual petition to the United Nations Human Rights Committee in order to vindicate his right to stand for elections (article 25, ICCPR); his right to freedom of association with other secessionist politicians and political parties in pursuit of a common goal of securing independence from Spain for Catalonia (article 22, ICCPR); and his right to freedom of peaceful political expression in support of the cause of independence for Catalonia (article 19, ICCPR). He invites the Committee to hold that these rights have been violated by cumulative and continuing conduct of the Kingdom of Spain. -
Human Rights and Politically-Motivated Violence in the Basque Country
Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe Vol 12, No 2, 2013, 7-29 Copyright © ECMI 2013 This article is located at: http://www.ecmi.de/fileadmin/downloads/publications/JEMIE/2013/Landa.pdf Human Rights and Politically-Motivated Violence in the Basque Country Jon-M Landa* University of the Basque Country UPV/EHU The Basque Region has experienced politically-motivated violence in different forms for decades. However, public policies and legal tools utilized in addressing this violence have centered on counterterrorism strategies, while bypassing, or even covering up, the occurrence of serious human rights violations committed by, or in collusion with, State representatives. This contribution identifies different forms of politically-motivated violence that have taken place from the period of the civil war in Spain onwards, offering an up-to-date map of the most serious violations of human rights related to the Basque Country. Thereafter, it briefly presents the legal framework addressing human rights violations, highlighting its strengths and weaknesses. The central thesis points out that double standards are being applied when legally acknowledging victims of human rights violations resulting from political violence. It leads to victims of terrorism being adequately and fairly considered, while other victims of the State or actors connected to the State are subject to non-recognition and even discrimination. Keywords: human rights; victims; Basque Country; Spain; politically-motivated violence; terrorism; historical memory The violation of human rights in the Basque Country is a subject of controversy, particularly in relation to politically-motivated violence. Polarization within the political arena has prompted very different narratives about the so-called “Basque problem” that influence the terminology, data collection and even the methodological approach required for any attempt to fairly assess the situation. -
Assembly of States Parties 11 February 2021 ENGLISH Original: English
International Criminal Court ICC-ASP/19/19/Add.1 Distr.: General Assembly of States Parties 11 February 2021 ENGLISH Original: English Nineteenth session, second resumption New York, 12 February 2021 Election of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court Addendum Annex II Alphabetical list of candidates (with supporting documentation) Contents Name Nationality Page 1. CASTRESANA FERNÁNDEZ, Carlos .... (Spain) ............................................... 2 2. GAYNOR, Fergal ..................................... (Ireland) ............................................. 10 3. KHAN, Karim ........................................... (United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland) ..................................... ……………………………………… 18 4. LO VOI, Francesco ................................... (Italy) ................................................. 26 19A1-E-110221 ICC-ASP/19/19/Add.1 Page 2 1. CASTRESANA FERNÁNDEZ, Carlos (Spain) [Original: English] Note verbale The Permanent Mission of Spain to the United Nations presents its compliments to the Secretariat of the Assembly of States Parties of the International Criminal Court and, in connection with the process of election of the next Prosecutor and ultimately its Note with Reference: ICC-ASP/R19/SP/20 of 5 February, has the honour to inform that Spain nominates Mr. Carlos Castresana Fernández for the post of Prosecutor of the Court. Spain considers that Mr. Castresana Fernández fully meets the requirements of article 42(3) of the Rome Statute and, as such, he is the most suitable candidate to fill the post. Mr. Castresana Fernández's main qualities in relation to the requirements set out in the Rome Statute and in the published Terms of Reference are as follows: Mr. Castresana Fernández is of the highest moral character. He is of impeccable personal and professional integrity and has been the recipient of several prestigious awards and decorations in Spain and abroad. -
Political & Social Integration of Migrant Communities: a Comparative Study
Political & social integration of migrant communities: a comparative study 1 Brussels, December 2012 This report has been supported by funds from the European Commission. However, the views expressed in this report are those of the author, and the Commission is not responsible for any use of the information it contains. Political & social integration of migrant communities: a comparative study 2 POLITICAL & SOCIAL INTEGRATION OF MIGRANT COMMUNITIES: A COMPARATIVE STUDY The case of Belgium, France, Italy, Spain and Greece Publication coordinated by Céline Brandeleer and Federico Camporesi Political & social integration of migrant communities: a comparative study 3 Political & social integration of migrant communities: a comparative study 4 Introduction The opening of the European Year of Citizens 2013 represents a good opportunity to look at the rights EU citizens actually enjoy across Europe. Are those fundamental rights still guaranteed when they move and settle down in another member state? Are they welcomed to participate in local political or civil dynamics? Whatever the reason, European citizens are often moving and settling down in European member states other than their country of origin but their participation in the democratic life of their immigration countries remains very low. This is why the European think tank Pour la Solidarité and 5 other European partners set up the project ―Access to Rights and Civil Dialogue for All‖, co-financed by the DG justice programme “Fundamental rights and citizenship” whose main aim was to address the lack of migrants‖ participation to the political life of the host countries. Furthermore, the project aimed at increasing the access to information available to European citizens residing in a member state other than their own, providing them with incentives to vote and stand in municipal and European elections, and raising awareness about fundamental rights and the fight against racism and xenophobia. -
Examining Catalan Nationalism
University of Mississippi eGrove Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors Theses Honors College) 2015 Catalunya No Es Espanya?: Examining Catalan Nationalism Shiloh Jaggers Jones University of Mississippi. Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Jones, Shiloh Jaggers, "Catalunya No Es Espanya?: Examining Catalan Nationalism" (2015). Honors Theses. 862. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis/862 This Undergraduate Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College) at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CATALUNYA NO ES ESPANYA?: EXAMINING CATALAN NATIONALISM © 2015 by Shiloh Jaggers Jones Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for completion of the Bachelor of Arts degree in International Studies Croft Institute for International Studies Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College The University of Mississippi University, MS May 2015 Approved: Advisor: Dr. Alice Cooper Reader: Dr. William Schenck Reader: Dr. Luanne Buchanan Jones 1 ABSTRACT Catalonia is one of a few European separatist movements that have real significance in the European political sphere. Separatism is new to Catalonia, however Catalan nationalism is not. Through the analysis of primary and secondary sources, this thesis explains that the reason the Catalan nationalist movement is so strong and demands the attention it is receiving in the Spanish national and international communities is the long- standing political, economic, and cultural foundations that have been building even before Catalonia was formed.