Mandie Iveson Thesis
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EL PROCÉS SOBIRANISTA I L'esquerra INDEPENDENTISTA Publicació D’EndavantOSAN: La Barraqueta C
ENDAVANT OSAN endavant.org EL PROCÉS SOBIRANISTA I L'ESQUERRA INDEPENDENTISTA PublicaciÓ d’EndavantOSAN: La Barraqueta C. Tordera, 30 (08012 Barcelona) RacÓ de la Corbella C. Maldonado, 46 (46001 ValÈncia) Ateneu Popular de Palma C. MissiÓ, 19 (07011 Palma) Contacte: [email protected] 1 EL PROCÉS SOBIRANISTA I L'ESQUERRA INDEPENDENTISTA El procÉs sobiranista i l'esquerra independentista Els objectius fonamentals de l'esquerra independentista 3 D'on ve l'actual procÉs sobiranista? 4 Quines sÓn les caracterÍstiques de l'independentisme majoritari avui en dia? 7 El paper de les elits econÒmiques 9 Perspectives de canvi social 12 El procÉs sobiranista i els PaÏsos Catalans 14 Objectius, etapes i lÍnies d'actuaciÓ en els propers mesos 17 endavant.org 2 Els objectius fonamentals de l'esquerra independentista L'objectiu final de l'esquerra independentista És la independÈncia, el socialisme i el feminisme als PaÏsos Catalans. És a dir, la constituciÓ d'un estat independent que englobi el conjunt de la naciÓ catalana i la construcciÓ d'una societat socialista i fe minista. Qualsevol actuaciÓ polÍtica, des de la intervenciÓ en una lluita conjuntural fins a les estratÈgies polÍtiques nacionals o territorials, ha d'anar encaminada a l'acumulaciÓ de forces per a poder assolir aquest objectiu final que És la raÓ de ser del nostre moviment. Per tant, la mobilitzaciÓ independentista que actualment viu el Principat de Catalu nya, tambÉ cal que la inserim en aquesta mateixa lÒgica d'analitzarla i intervenirhi polÍticament amb l'objectiu d'acumular forces i avanÇar cap a la consecuciÓ del nos tre projecte polÍtic. -
Acts of Dissent Against 'Mass Tourism' in Barcelona[Version 1; Peer
Open Research Europe Open Research Europe 2021, 1:66 Last updated: 30 SEP 2021 RESEARCH ARTICLE A summer of phobias: media discourses on ‘radical’ acts of dissent against ‘mass tourism’ in Barcelona [version 1; peer review: 2 approved, 1 approved with reservations] Alexander Araya López Department of Linguistics and Comparative Cultural Studies, Ca' Foscari University of Venice, Venezia, Venezia, 30123, Italy v1 First published: 10 Jun 2021, 1:66 Open Peer Review https://doi.org/10.12688/openreseurope.13253.1 Latest published: 10 Jun 2021, 1:66 https://doi.org/10.12688/openreseurope.13253.1 Reviewer Status Invited Reviewers Abstract In the summer of 2017, the young group Arran coordinated a series of 1 2 3 protests in Barcelona and other Spanish cities to denounce the negative effects of global mass tourism. These acts of dissent fueled a version 1 heated public debate in both Spanish and international press, mainly 10 Jun 2021 report report report due to the ‘radical’ tactics employed by the demonstrators. Following the narratives about these protest acts across a diversity of media 1. Freya Higgins-Desbiolles , University of outlets, this article identifies the complex power struggles between the different actors involved in the discussion on the benefits and South Australia, Adelaide, Australia externalities of global mass tourism, offering an extensive analysis of the political uses of the term ‘turismofobia’ (tourismphobia) and a 2. Neil Hughes , University of Nottingham, revisited interpretation of the notion of the ‘protest paradigm’. This Nottingham, UK qualitative analysis was based on more than 700 media texts (including news articles, op eds and editorials) collected through the 3. -
Article Journal of Catalan Intellectual History, Volume I, Issue 1, 2011 | Print ISSN 2014-1572 / Online ISSN 2014-1564 DOI 10.2436/20.3001.02.1 | Pp
article Journal of Catalan IntelleCtual HIstory, Volume I, Issue 1, 2011 | Print ISSN 2014-1572 / online ISSN 2014-1564 DoI 10.2436/20.3001.02.1 | Pp. 27-45 http://revistes.iec.cat/index.php/JoCIH Ignasi Casanovas and Frederic Clascar. Historiography and rediscovery of the thought of the 1700s and 1800s* Miquel Batllori abstract This text shows the similitudes and the differences between Ignasi Casanovas and Frederic Clascar, two of the most important representatives of the religious thought in Catalonia, in the first third of the 20th century. The article studies their philosophi- cal writings in the rich context of their global work, analysing their deficiencies and underlining the positive contribution to the Catalan culture. key words Ignasi Casanovas, Frederic Clascar, religious thought. I would like to begin with a small anecdote on the question as to whether there is such a thing as “Catalan” philosophy. Whilst teaching at Harvard, Juan Mar- ichal, publisher and scholar of the life and political works of Manuel Azaña, was asked by an American colleague what he taught there. On receiving the answer “the History1 of Latin America Thought”, the colleague replied, “Is there such * We would like to thank INEHCA and the Societat Catalana de Filosofia (Catalan Philo- sophical Society) for allowing us to public the text of this speech given by Father Miquel Batllori on 26 February 2002 as part of the course “Thought and Philosophy in Catalonia. I: 1900- 1923” at the INEHCA. The text, corrected by Miquel Batllori, has been published in the first of the volumes containing the contributions made in these courses: J. -
Bulls and Donkeys. National Identity and Symbols in Catalonia and Spain
9TH ANNUAL JOAN GILI MEMORIAL LECTURE Miquel Strubell i Trueta Bulls and donkeys. National identity and symbols in Catalonia and Spain The Anglo-Catalan Society 2008 2 Bulls and donkeys. National identity and symbols in Catalonia and Spain 9TH ANNUAL JOAN GILI MEMORIAL LECTURE Miquel Strubell i Trueta Bulls and donkeys. National identity and symbols in Catalonia and Spain The Anglo-Catalan Society 2008 2 3 The Annual Joan Gili Memorial Lecture Bulls and donkeys. National identity and symbols in Catalonia and 1 Spain In this paper, after an initial discussion about what identity means and how to measure it, I intend to review some studies and events in Spain in which identity issues arise. The conclusion will be reached that identities in Spain, in regard to people’s relationship with Spain itself and with Catalonia, are by no means shared, and the level of both stereotyping and prejudice, on the one hand, and of collective insecurity (even “self-hatred”) on the other, are, I claim, higher than in consolidated nation-states of western Europe, with the partial exceptions of the United Kingdom and Belgium. Let me from the outset say how honoured I am, in having been invited to deliver this paper, to follow in the footsteps of such outstanding Catalan academics as Mercè Ibarz, Antoni Segura, Joan F. Mira, Marta Pessarrodona, Miquel Berga … and those before them. The idea of dedicating what up till then had been the Fundació Congrés de Cultura lectures to the memory of Joan Gili (Barcelona 1907 - Oxford 1998) was an inspiration. Unlike some earlier Memorial lecturers, however, I was fortunate enough to have a special personal relationship with him and, of course, with his wife Elizabeth. -
Ich Country Would You Place This Point?
THE RISE OF EUROPE'S LITTLE NATIONS BY DAVID T. GIES t their outset at least, the 1992 lieved an advertisement, designed and paid Summer Olympics in Barcelona for by the Generalitat, the governing body of appeared to be organized by Catalonia, that appeared in several interna- people who had nationalism, not tional magazines. This provocative piece of sports, foremost in mind. Consider the curious self-promotion located Barcelona in Catalonia, fact that the three official languages of the "a country in Spain," the copy read, "wit11 its games were English, French, and Catalan. own culture, language, and identity." In case Why Catalan and not Spanish? Because Olym- readers missed the point, the advertisement pic Committee rules allow for the use of Eng- depicted the "country" of Catalonia in sharply lish, French, and the language of the country colored relief on an otherwise borderless map hosting the games. More to the point, the or- of Europe. ganizers had no doubt that Catalan was the The advertisement was only part of a language of their country. campaign by the Catalan organizers of the But Catalonia a count;y? Yes, if one be- Olympic Games to inform the world of their ICH COUNTRY WOULD YOU PLACE THIS POINT? 70 WQ WINTER 1994 independence from the Spanish state-the cartoonists. In the first block of the cartoon, the very state that had contributed nearly 70 per- question, "In which country would you place cent of the funding for the games. To be sure, this point," was reproduced as in the original. the Spanish language was heard throughout In the second block, the point, Barcelona, is the games, but the Catalan national anthem revealed to be a livid boil on the backside of played before the Spanish anthem as the Spain's president, Felipe Gonzhlez. -
Federalism Is Debated in Nepal More As an ‘Ism’ Than a System
The FEDERALISM Debate in Nepal Post Peace Agreement Constitution Making in Nepal Volume II Post Peace Agreement Constitution Making in Nepal Volume II The FEDERALISM Debate in Nepal Edited by Budhi Karki Rohan Edrisinha Published by United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Support to Participatory Constitution Building in Nepal (SPCBN) 2014 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Support to Participatory Constitution Building in Nepal (SPCBN) UNDP is the UN’s global development network, advocating for change and connecting countries to knowledge, experience and resources to help people build a better life. United Nations Development Programme UN House, Pulchowk, GPO Box: 107 Kathmandu, Nepal Phone: +977 1 5523200 Fax: +977 1 5523991, 5523986 ISBN : 978 9937 8942 1 0 © UNDP, Nepal 2014 Book Cover: The painting on the cover page art is taken from ‘A Federal Life’, a joint publication of UNDP/ SPCBN and Kathmandu University, School of Art. The publication was the culmination of an initiative in which 22 artists came together for a workshop on the concept of and debate on federalism in Nepal and then were invited to depict their perspective on the subject through art. The painting on the cover art titled ‘’Emblem” is created by Supriya Manandhar. DISCLAIMER: The views expressed in the book are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of UNDP/ SPCBN. PREFACE A new Constitution for a new Nepal drafted and adopted by an elected and inclusive Constituent Assembly (CA) is a key element of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of November 2006 that ended a decade long Maoist insurgency. -
Terrorismo Y Autonomía. El Caso Balear (1989-1991)
Terrorismo y autonomía. El caso balear (1989-1991) Miquel Amengual Joan Pau Jordà Presentación Desde la muerte del general Franco y la instauración de la democracia, en las Islas Baleares se han dado diversos episodios de violencia protagonizados tanto por grupos de ultraderecha como por organizaciones independentistas. Sin embargo, el único grupo armado que realizó sus actividades recibiendo cierto apoyo estable fue la organización armada catalana Terra Lliure (TL). Esta organización, que desarrolló sus acciones en las Islas a lo largo de 1989, contó con un entramado de organizaciones más o menos extenso que, en Mallorca y Eivissa, apoyaba la lucha armada. La comunicación que aquí presentamos, busca analizar las causas del surgimiento de la violencia armada en Baleares centrándose en la evolución del independentismo radical en las Islas. Para la realización de esta investigación hemos recorrido a una metodología mixta. Por un lado hemos realizado un vaciado bibliográfico sobre las organizaciones y la violencia terrorista desde la transición hasta los años noventa (Muñoz, 1982; Aulestia 2005) y sobre Terra Lliure y su contexto histórico (Fernández, 1985; Vilaregut 2004; Buch 2007). Por otro lado, hemos trabajado con fuentes primarias, como archivos de prensa (Diario de Mallorca, Diario 16 y Diario Baleares/Diari de Balears), documentación de la época, como atestados y documentación judicial vinculadas a la organización Terra Lliure, así como su boletín interno, Alerta, y diversos panfletos de propaganda pertenecientes a diferentes grupos de extrema izquierda (como la Liga Comunista Revolucionaària (LCR), la organización juvenil Maulets o el Moviment en Defensa de la Terra (MDT)). Finalmente, hemos realizado una entrevista a Macià Manera, activista independentista mallorquín vinculado a TL. -
Catalan in the Classroom: a Language Under Fire Sara Fowler
Catalan in the Classroom: A Language Under Fire Sara Fowler Hawaii Pacific University Abstract This paper describes the role of Spain’s largest minority language, Catalan, in Spanish society, specifically in the classroom. Throughout its history, Catalan has gone through many cycles of oppression and revival. Currently, despite several decades of positive progress in its official role and a growing number of young speakers, Catalan is facing new challenges once again. Some members of the Spanish government believe that the language of instruction in Catalonia should be Castilian, a development which the citizens of Catalonia feel is an attack on their linguistic rights and identity. Catalan is a well-documented example of the tensions which can arise in a country with a minority language or languages. The Catalan case can also serve as a reminder to English teachers that the politics of language are often more complicated than they seem; teachers must be aware of and sensitive to the cultural and political backgrounds of their students. Introduction It is a fact that linguistic boundaries and political borders are not a perfect match; nevertheless, most people associate one language with one country. For example, the name Spain, for many people, brings to mind one language: Spanish. However, Spanish, or “Castilian” as it is more specifically called, is not the only language in Spain. There are 15 languages spoken in Spain—one official language and three other “co-official” languages, the largest of which is Catalan, spoken as a “mother tongue” by approximately nine percent of the population, compared to five percent speakers of Galician and a mere one percent who speak Euskera (Basque) as a mother tongue (Ethnologue, 2014; European Commission, 2006, p. -
Incertesa Sobre El Nou Aparcament De L'hospital
DESEMBRE DE 2019 EDICIÓ NÚMERO 292 PERIÒDIC GRATUÏT www.uncopdull.com p2 a 4 p31 Pujol, Bel, Aubà i De Acord de cinc anys la Vega, a Madrid pels Reials Col·legis Incertesa sobre el nou aparcament de l’hospital La directora de Salut fa una crida al sentit La decisió definitiva és imminent i Lleixà no comú per trobar ‘la millor de les solucions’ descarta l’opció del nou hospital a Tortosa p25 ‘Tots els mitjans’ per retirar el monument franquista La consellera de Justícia, Ester Capella, confirma que la nova llei de Memòria Democràtica posarà punt i final al polèmic monòlit de Tortosa. FOTO: G.M. p12 Salvadó nega al jutge que preparés estructures d’estat i l’1-O p7 2 // Desembre 2019 cop d’ull Bel rebutja l’acord PSOE-UP EL DIPUTAT electe de JuntsxCat per a l’acord entre Pedro Sánchez i Pablo Tarragona, Ferran Bel, ha valorat positi- Iglesias per formar govern, Bel creu que vament els resultats assolits a les elec- és un “retrocés espectacular” que no es cions espanyoles del 10-N. Bel ha remar- reconegui que hi ha un conflicte polític a cat especialment que a les Terres de Catalunya. Bel diu que Unidas Podemos l’Ebre s’hagin posicionat com a segona ha comprat el “marc mental” del bloc del P força, i que que el 60% dels ebrencs vo- 155, i també que sembla que el PSOE es- POLÍTICA tessin opcions independentistes”. Quant tiga buscant l’abstenció de Cs. G.M. EL NOU ESCENARI POLÍTIC Norma Pujol i Ferran Bel, els únics ebrencs al Congrés per segon cop ERC torna a guanyar les eleccions espanyoles a la El republicà Miquel Aubà torna al Senat, on es demarcació, tot i perdre gairebé 16.0000 vots trobarà amb el tortosí Manel de la Vega força més votada en ciutats Gustau Moreno com Reus, Cambrils, Valls, TORTOSA Montblanc, Falset, Tortosa, Amposta, Móra d’Ebre i Gan- La flixenca Norma Pujol desa, així com en la gran majo- (ERC) i el tortosí Ferran Bel ria de petits municipis de l’in- (JxCat) seran els dos únics di- terior i de les Terres de l’Ebre. -
Language, Culture, and Nationality: the Case of Jordi Soler Mryellen Bieder
You are accessing the Digital Archive of the Esteu accedint a l'Arxiu Digital del Catalan Catalan Review Journal. Review By accessing and/or using this Digital A l’ accedir i / o utilitzar aquest Arxiu Digital, Archive, you accept and agree to abide by vostè accepta i es compromet a complir els the Terms and Conditions of Use available at termes i condicions d'ús disponibles a http://www.nacs- http://www.nacs- catalanstudies.org/catalan_review.html catalanstudies.org/catalan_review.html Catalan Review is the premier international Catalan Review és la primera revista scholarly journal devoted to all aspects of internacional dedicada a tots els aspectes de la Catalan culture. By Catalan culture is cultura catalana. Per la cultura catalana s'entén understood all manifestations of intellectual totes les manifestacions de la vida intel lectual i and artistic life produced in the Catalan artística produïda en llengua catalana o en les language or in the geographical areas where zones geogràfiques on es parla català. Catalan Catalan is spoken. Catalan Review has been Review es publica des de 1986. in publication since 1986. Language, Culture, and Nationality: The case of Jordi Soler Mryellen Bieder Catalan Review, Vol. XXI, (2007), p. 381 -394 LANGUAGE, CULTURE, AND NATIONALITY: THE CASE OF JORDI SOLER MARYELLEN BIEDER nd SOLER, Jordi. Los rojos de ultra mar. 2004. 2 ed. Madrid: Santillana, 2005. 237 pp. SOLER, Jordi. La última hora del última día. Barcelona: RBA Libros, 2007. 219 pp. Catalan literature's status as Guest of Honor at the 2007 Fira de Frankfurt, dubbed a "macroencuentro" by the press (Barranco), brought to the forefront of national debate the conflictive responses linking the Catalan language with Catalan identity. -
History, Historiography and the Ambiguities of Catalan Nationalism’, In: Studies on National Movements, 1 (2013) Pp
Enric Ucelay-Da Cal HISTORY, HISTORIOGRAPHY AND THE AMBIGUITIES OF CATALAN NATIONALISM This essay shall attempt to address some of the major difficulties encountered in the study of nationalism, with attention focused on Catalan nationalism and Catalan history.1 Precisely because the stress of the interpretation is on ambiguity, this article will use the most ambiguous (if also most common) Catalan term for patriotic or nationalist feelings: catalanisme or, literally, ‘Catalanism’. Both the questions and interpretation presented here are idiosyncratic, rather than representative, given that the author, who, not being a Catalan nor being a convert to the premises of catalanisme, has criteria regarding Catalan nationalism which are not shared by much of the profession in Catalonia, which is indeed partial, if not militant, in its feelings. Nor, it should be added, does he feel any particular regard for the often gratuitous suppositions of Spanish nationalist historians, who are increasing in presence and noise. Can a historian narrate a nationalist movement over time, and in context, without taking sides, without being influenced by the special pleading that all nationalisms, indeed, all social movements, invoke to buttress their case? Can the historian be without compassion, and not respond to the victimised nature of a ‘losing’, that is stateless, nationalism? Can the studious analyst avoid the implicit assumptions hidden in a field, say Hispanism or Hispanic studies, dedicated to the Spanish language and its culture, which is cluttered with doubtful suppositions? Is it even possible Enric Ucelay-Da Cal, ‘History, historiography and the ambiguities of Catalan nationalism’, in: Studies on National Movements, 1 (2013) pp. -
Fiestas and Fervor: Religious Life and Catholic Enlightenment in the Diocese of Barcelona, 1766-1775
FIESTAS AND FERVOR: RELIGIOUS LIFE AND CATHOLIC ENLIGHTENMENT IN THE DIOCESE OF BARCELONA, 1766-1775 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Andrea J. Smidt, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2006 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Dale K. Van Kley, Adviser Professor N. Geoffrey Parker Professor Kenneth J. Andrien ____________________ Adviser History Graduate Program ABSTRACT The Enlightenment, or the "Age of Reason," had a profound impact on eighteenth-century Europe, especially on its religion, producing both outright atheism and powerful movements of religious reform within the Church. The former—culminating in the French Revolution—has attracted many scholars; the latter has been relatively neglected. By looking at "enlightened" attempts to reform popular religious practices in Spain, my project examines the religious fervor of people whose story usually escapes historical attention. "Fiestas and Fervor" reveals the capacity of the Enlightenment to reform the Catholicism of ordinary Spaniards, examining how enlightened or Reform Catholicism affected popular piety in the diocese of Barcelona. This study focuses on the efforts of an exceptional figure of Reform Catholicism and Enlightenment Spain—Josep Climent i Avinent, Bishop of Barcelona from 1766- 1775. The program of “Enlightenment” as sponsored by the Spanish monarchy was one that did not question the Catholic faith and that championed economic progress and the advancement of the sciences, primarily benefiting the elite of Spanish society. In this context, Climent is noteworthy not only because his idea of “Catholic Enlightenment” opposed that sponsored by the Spanish monarchy but also because his was one that implicitly condemned the present hierarchy of the Catholic Church and explicitly ii advocated popular enlightenment and the creation of a more independent “public sphere” in Spain by means of increased literacy and education of the masses.