DOCSLIB.ORG

Master-Thesis-Gjelsten.Pdf

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Master-Thesis-Gjelsten.Pdf Contestation or accommodation? Catalan and Basque sub-nationalist movements compared Cristina Gjelsten Master’s thesis in Peace and Conflict Studies Department of Political Science UNIVERSITY OF OSLO Spring 2020 Supervisor: Marcus Buck Word count: 31.078 Contestation or accommodation? Catalan and Basque sub-nationalist movements compared I © Cristina Gjelsten 2020 Contestation or accommodation? Cristina Gjelsten http://www.duo.uio.no Word count: 31.078 II Abstract Nationalist conflicts are a recurrent source of concern for disparate countries, Spain is one of them. Despite sharing the same statewide context, the Catalan and Basque sub-nationalist movements have evolved quite differently in the last years. Whereas Catalonia has reached an unprecedented increase of secessionism in roughly the last decade, the Basque Country has in the same timeframe experienced the easing of its sub-nationalist demands. Connecting with the broader field of nationalist movements, this thesis aims to fill a gap by analyzing this relatively unexplored dimension of contrasting the political momentums of Catalan and Basque sub-nationalism. To this end, this thesis provides more nuanced understanding of the processes and conditions (causal mechanisms) behind these differing political outcomes. Thus, the research question asks which conditions fueled the escalation of Catalan secessionist aspirations, and conversely, eased such demands in the Basque Country in the timeframe 2009-2019. The basis for this study is an eclectic theoretical framework which connects broader theory on nationalism with top-down and bottom-up approaches, social movements and non-violence theories. For that, I have combined comparative analysis with process tracing. In doing so, I take Richard Gillespie’s concepts of accommodation and contestation towards the central state and apply them by dividing the Basque and Catalan trajectories into phases. In the analysis, I show that the levels of sub-nationalist assertiveness are determined by three sets of conditions. Such conditions lead to differing mechanisms, which consequently, foster either accommodation or contestation. The theoretical framework I develop consists of a top-down, bottom-up and contextual-conditions trialogue. I found seven conditions that all impact sub-nationalist movements to some extent. Specifically: factionalism (within the main sub-nationalist party); competition (between sub-nationalist parties); type of regional leadership (contesting/accommodating); popular mobilization and pro-independence civil structures; economic situation (adverse/advantageous); and political violence related to the movement. These findings have important implications for the development of a typological theory of sub-nationalist performances. III IV Acknowledgements First of all, I want to thank my supervisor, Marcus Buck, for believing in my research proposal from the start. Thank you for your patience, for always being available just an email away and encouraging my work even when I have felt lost in the process. And all of it through not just a few challenges that appeared along the way. Gracias. Next, I am forever grateful for my biggest support in this journey, my partner. Thank you Jeez for encouraging me and helping me so much with everything. For not only being understanding but also for never complaining about anything and giving me all the positivity possible. I also thank my Kosegruppa for valuable advice and being my Oslo family. Tusen takk to Kari for your sincere interest, vitality (and the hard task of printing during Corona times)! To the very special and professional editor Frifri. Kathi, who oriented me in the beginning of the journey. And Leo for having the (much needed) group dinners for motivation! And importantly, thank you to my parents and family for always believing in me and never pressuring me. Your unconditional support is one of the greatest gifts I could ever ask for. This said, any errors and inaccuracies found in this thesis are my own. V Note to the reader Despite referring to the Catalan and Basque sub-nationalist movements in a broad sense at some points through my analysis, it is important to recall that there is not one Basque or one Catalan nationalist movement. As a matter of fact, these are split into various competing political parties and factions within these, having not only different leftist-rightist leanings but also different territorial strategies and ambitions. VI VII Table of contents Chapter 1: Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 Case Selection ................................................................................................................................ 3 Research Question.......................................................................................................................... 5 Positioning in the field ................................................................................................................... 6 Research Design............................................................................................................................. 6 1.4.1 Process tracing, Conditions and Causal Mechanisms ....................................................................... 8 Disposition of the thesis ................................................................................................................. 9 Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework ............................................................................. 10 Approaching Nationalism ............................................................................................................. 11 2.1.1 The Center-periphery Paradigm .................................................................................................... 12 2.1.2 Nation-Building and Identity ........................................................................................................ 14 Sub-nationalism or Sub-state Nationalism ..................................................................................... 16 2.2.1 Sovereignty and Secession ........................................................................................................... 17 2.2.2 The Accommodation and Contestation Rationale .......................................................................... 18 2.2.3 Resources..................................................................................................................................... 18 Rational Choice............................................................................................................................ 19 Top-Down and Bottom-Up theoretical divide................................................................................ 20 2.4.1 Behavioral Theory of Competitive Political Parties ....................................................................... 22 2.4.2 Political elites and leadership ........................................................................................................ 23 2.4.3 Factionalism................................................................................................................................. 24 2.4.4 Social Movements ........................................................................................................................ 25 2.4.5 Violent versus Non-Violent social movements .............................................................................. 26 Chapter 3: Research Method ....................................................................................... 28 Dimensions to the analysis ........................................................................................................... 28 3.1.1 Glossary ....................................................................................................................................... 30 Process-tracing mechanisms ......................................................................................................... 31 VIII 3.2.1 Selection of mechanisms .............................................................................................................. 32 Data Collection ............................................................................................................................ 33 Coding ......................................................................................................................................... 34 Concepts and Measurement .......................................................................................................... 35 Tradeoffs of process tracing.......................................................................................................... 35 Critical Quality Assessment .......................................................................................................... 36 Research Ethics ............................................................................................................................ 38 Next steps .................................................................................................................................... 38 Chapter 4: Historical Background ............................................................................... 39 Nation-Building and Identity in Spain ........................................................................................... 39 When did Spain become Spain? ...................................................................................................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Lehendakari
    E.ETXEAK montaje ENG 3/5/01 16:08 P‡gina 1 Issue 49 YEAR 2001 TheThe LehendakariLehendakari callscalls forfor anan electionelection inin thethe BasqueBasque CountryCountry onon MayMay 13th13th E.ETXEAK montaje ENG 4/5/01 08:53 P‡gina 2 Laburpena SUMMARY Laburpena SUMMARY EDITORIALA■EDITORIAL – Supplementary statement to the Decree dissolving Parliament ...................... 3 GAURKO GAIAK■CURRENT EVENTS – Instructions for voting by mail .................................................................................. 5 – Basque election predictions according to surveys................................................ 6 PERTSONALITATEAK■PERSONALITIES – The Sabino Arana Awards for the year 2000........................................................ 8 EUSKAL ETXEAK – The Human Rights Commissioner visited the Basque Country ....................... 8 ISSUE 49 - YEAR 2001 URTEA – Francesco Cossiga received the "Lagun Onari" honor ...................................... 9 EGILEA AUTHOR Eusko Jaurlaritza-Kanpo – The Government of Catalonia receives part of its history Harremanetarako Idazkaritza Nagusia from the Sabino Arana Foundation ....................................................................... 10 Basque Government-Secretary General for Foreign Action – The Secretary of State of Idaho calls for the U.S. C/ Navarra, 2 to mediate in the Basque Country......................................................................... 11 01007 VITORIA-GASTEIZ Phone: 945 01 79 00 ■ [email protected] ERREPORTAIAK ARTICLES ZUZENDARIA DIRECTOR – The
    [Show full text]
  • Comparing the Basque Diaspora
    COMPARING THE BASQUE DIASPORA: Ethnonationalism, transnationalism and identity maintenance in Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Peru, the United States of America, and Uruguay by Gloria Pilar Totoricagiiena Thesis submitted in partial requirement for Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 2000 1 UMI Number: U145019 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U145019 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Theses, F 7877 7S/^S| Acknowledgments I would like to gratefully acknowledge the supervision of Professor Brendan O’Leary, whose expertise in ethnonationalism attracted me to the LSE and whose careful comments guided me through the writing of this thesis; advising by Dr. Erik Ringmar at the LSE, and my indebtedness to mentor, Professor Gregory A. Raymond, specialist in international relations and conflict resolution at Boise State University, and his nearly twenty years of inspiration and faith in my academic abilities. Fellowships from the American Association of University Women, Euskal Fundazioa, and Eusko Jaurlaritza contributed to the financial requirements of this international travel.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Ich Country Would You Place This Point?
    THE RISE OF EUROPE'S LITTLE NATIONS BY DAVID T. GIES t their outset at least, the 1992 lieved an advertisement, designed and paid Summer Olympics in Barcelona for by the Generalitat, the governing body of appeared to be organized by Catalonia, that appeared in several interna- people who had nationalism, not tional magazines. This provocative piece of sports, foremost in mind. Consider the curious self-promotion located Barcelona in Catalonia, fact that the three official languages of the "a country in Spain," the copy read, "wit11 its games were English, French, and Catalan. own culture, language, and identity." In case Why Catalan and not Spanish? Because Olym- readers missed the point, the advertisement pic Committee rules allow for the use of Eng- depicted the "country" of Catalonia in sharply lish, French, and the language of the country colored relief on an otherwise borderless map hosting the games. More to the point, the or- of Europe. ganizers had no doubt that Catalan was the The advertisement was only part of a language of their country. campaign by the Catalan organizers of the But Catalonia a count;y? Yes, if one be- Olympic Games to inform the world of their ICH COUNTRY WOULD YOU PLACE THIS POINT? 70 WQ WINTER 1994 independence from the Spanish state-the cartoonists. In the first block of the cartoon, the very state that had contributed nearly 70 per- question, "In which country would you place cent of the funding for the games. To be sure, this point," was reproduced as in the original. the Spanish language was heard throughout In the second block, the point, Barcelona, is the games, but the Catalan national anthem revealed to be a livid boil on the backside of played before the Spanish anthem as the Spain's president, Felipe Gonzhlez.
    [Show full text]
  • Terrorismo Y Autonomía. El Caso Balear (1989-1991)
    Terrorismo y autonomía. El caso balear (1989-1991) Miquel Amengual Joan Pau Jordà Presentación Desde la muerte del general Franco y la instauración de la democracia, en las Islas Baleares se han dado diversos episodios de violencia protagonizados tanto por grupos de ultraderecha como por organizaciones independentistas. Sin embargo, el único grupo armado que realizó sus actividades recibiendo cierto apoyo estable fue la organización armada catalana Terra Lliure (TL). Esta organización, que desarrolló sus acciones en las Islas a lo largo de 1989, contó con un entramado de organizaciones más o menos extenso que, en Mallorca y Eivissa, apoyaba la lucha armada. La comunicación que aquí presentamos, busca analizar las causas del surgimiento de la violencia armada en Baleares centrándose en la evolución del independentismo radical en las Islas. Para la realización de esta investigación hemos recorrido a una metodología mixta. Por un lado hemos realizado un vaciado bibliográfico sobre las organizaciones y la violencia terrorista desde la transición hasta los años noventa (Muñoz, 1982; Aulestia 2005) y sobre Terra Lliure y su contexto histórico (Fernández, 1985; Vilaregut 2004; Buch 2007). Por otro lado, hemos trabajado con fuentes primarias, como archivos de prensa (Diario de Mallorca, Diario 16 y Diario Baleares/Diari de Balears), documentación de la época, como atestados y documentación judicial vinculadas a la organización Terra Lliure, así como su boletín interno, Alerta, y diversos panfletos de propaganda pertenecientes a diferentes grupos de extrema izquierda (como la Liga Comunista Revolucionaària (LCR), la organización juvenil Maulets o el Moviment en Defensa de la Terra (MDT)). Finalmente, hemos realizado una entrevista a Macià Manera, activista independentista mallorquín vinculado a TL.
    [Show full text]
  • Catholic Mediation in the Basque Peace Process: Questioning the Transnational Dimension
    religions Article Catholic Mediation in the Basque Peace Process: Questioning the Transnational Dimension Xabier Itçaina 1,2 1 CNRS—Centre Emile Durkheim, Sciences Po Bordeaux, 11 allée Ausone, 33607 Pessac, France; [email protected] 2 GEZKI, University of the Basque Country, 20018 San Sebastian, Spain Received: 30 March 2020; Accepted: 17 April 2020; Published: 27 April 2020 Abstract: The Basque conflict was one of the last ethnonationalist violent struggles in Western Europe, until the self-dissolution in 2018 of ETA (Euskadi ta Askatasuna, Basque Country and Freedom). The role played by some sectors of the Roman Catholic Church in the mediation efforts leading to this positive outcome has long been underestimated, as has the internal pluralism of the Church in this regard. This article specifically examines the transnational dimension of this mediation, including its symbolic aspect. The call to involve the Catholic institution transnationally was not limited to the tangible outcomes of mediation. The mere fact of involving transnational religious and non-religious actors represented a symbolic gain for the parties in the conflict struggling to impose their definitions of peace. Transnational mediation conveyed in itself explicit or implicit comparisons with other ethnonationalist conflicts, a comparison that constituted political resources for or, conversely, unacceptable constraints upon the actors involved. Keywords: Basque conflict; nationalism; Catholic Church; Holy See; transnational mediation; conflict resolution 1. Introduction The Basque conflict was one of the last ethnonationalist violent struggles in Western Europe, until the definitive ceasefire (2011), decommissioning (2017), and self-dissolution (2018) of the armed organization ETA (Euskadi ta Askatasuna, Basque Country and Freedom).
    [Show full text]
  • A Progressive Government Born Under the Gun in Spanish State
    A progressive government born under the gun in Spanish state https://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article6361 Spanish state A progressive government born under the gun in Spanish state - IV Online magazine - 2020 - IV540 - January 2020 - Publication date: Tuesday 14 January 2020 Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine - All rights reserved Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine Page 1/6 A progressive government born under the gun in Spanish state Amid rising tensions in a badly fragmented parliament (including 10 parliamentary groups and 22 parties), the leader of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE), Pedro Sánchez, won a very tight second vote (167 to 165 with 18 abstentions) to be confirmed prime minister of the first coalition government in the history of post-Franco democracy, which has until now rotated between two dominant parties. Undoubtedly a historic moment, the new PSOE-UP government comes to power in the context of a crisis in the Spanish regime unfolding along multiple fronts. On the socioeconomic front, the turn to austerity initiated by previous PSOE prime minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero in May 2010 led to one of the most unequal and precarious societies in the European Union and provoked the emergence of the mass occupation movement in public squares on in May 2011 - predating the Occupy movement in the U.S. by six months. On the institutional front, the judiciary has acted as a "government of the judges," there is a crisis of political representation, and more and more people question the role of the monarchy. And on the national-territorial front, the Catalan movement has challenged the central government's rule while simultaneously shedding light on a crisis of depopulation known as España vaciada ("empty Spain").
    [Show full text]
  • Disposiciones Generales
    BOLETÍN OFICIAL DEL PAÍS VASCO N.º 226 lunes 28 de noviembre de 2016 DISPOSICIONES GENERALES LEHENDAKARITZA 5038 DECRETO 24/2016, de 26 de noviembre, del Lehendakari, de creación, supresión y modificación de los Departamentos de la Administración de la Comunidad Autónoma del País Vasco y de determinación de funciones y áreas de actuación de los mismos. La Ley 7/1981, de 30 de junio, de Gobierno, atribuye al Lehendakari la facultad de crear y de extinguir departamentos, así como de determinar la denominación y la distribución de competen- cias entre los mismos. Una vez presentadas en el Parlamento las líneas generales del Programa de Gobierno, es pre- ciso realizar una adecuación de la estructura departamental aprobada para la pasada legislatura, por el Decreto 20/2012, de 15 de diciembre y sus modificaciones, de forma que se establezca una transición ordenada que garantice la continuidad de la labor político administrativa. Por lo expuesto, en virtud de las facultades que me atribuye el artículo 8.c) de la Ley 7/1981, de 30 de junio, de Gobierno, DISPONGO: Artículo 1.– Finalidad. Es objeto del presente Decreto la determinación de los departamentos en los que se estructura la Administración de la Comunidad Autónoma, y de las funciones y áreas de actuación de los mismos. Artículo 2.– Estructura de la Administración. La Administración de la Comunidad Autónoma se organiza en los siguientes departamentos: a) Gobernanza Pública y Autogobierno. b) Desarrollo Económico e Infraestructuras. c) Empleo y Políticas Sociales. d) Medio Ambiente, Planificación Territorial y Vivienda. e) Hacienda y Economía. f) Educación. g) Salud.
    [Show full text]
  • Those Who Came and Those Who Left the Territorial Politics of Migration
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Cadmus, EUI Research Repository Department of Political and Social Sciences Those who came and those who left The Territorial Politics of Migration in Scotland and Catalonia Jean-Thomas Arrighi de Casanova Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Florence, February 2012 EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE Department of Political and Social Sciences Those who came and those who left The Territorial Politics of Migration in Scotland and Catalonia Jean-Thomas Arrighi de Casanova Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Examining Board: Prof. Rainer Bauböck, EUI (Supervisor) Prof. Michael Keating, EUI (Co-supervisor) Dr Nicola McEwen, University of Edinburgh Prof. Andreas Wimmer, UCLA © 2012, Jean-Thomas Arrighi de Casanova No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author ABSTRACT Whilst minority nationalism and migration have been intensely studied in relative isolation from one another, research examining their mutual relationship is still scarce. This dissertation aims to fill this gap in the literature by exploring how migration politics are being fought over not only across society but also across territory in two well-researched cases of protracted nationalist mobilisation, Catalonia and Scotland. It meets three objectives: First, it introduces a theoretical framework accounting for sub-state elites’ and administrations’ boundary-making strategies in relation to immigrants and emigrants.
    [Show full text]
  • The Spanish Government and Subsequently Suspended by the Constitutional Court Until It Ruled on the Issue
    CatalExit a Matrix Game about the 2017 Spanish constitutional crisis by Tim Price. Introduction This is a Matrix Game intended to explore the issues and options surrounding the 2017 Spanish constitutional crisis, in the run up to Regional Elections on 21 December 17 to appoint a new Catalan Parliament following the suspension of the previous Parliament. It is the product of only a few hours exploratory game design taken from the Connections Netherlands 2017 conference on 14 Nov 2017. Background The 2017 Spanish constitutional crisis, also known as the Catalan crisis, is an ongoing political conflict between the Government of Spain and the Government of Catalonia under President Carles Puigdemont—the legal government of Catalonia until 28 October 2017—over the issue of Catalan independence, starting after a law intending to allow a Catalan independence referendum was denounced by the Spanish government and subsequently suspended by the Constitutional Court until it ruled on the issue. The events have been described as "one of the worst political crises in modern Spanish history". Puigdemont's government announced that neither central Spanish authorities nor the courts would halt their plans and that it intended to hold the vote anyway, sparking a legal backlash that quickly spread from the Spanish and Catalan governments to Catalan municipalities—as local mayors were urged by the Generalitat to provide logistical support and help for the electoral process to be carried out—as well as to the Constitutional Court, the High Court of Justice of Catalonia and state prosecutors. By 15 September, as pro-Catalan independence parties began their referendum campaigns, the Spanish government had launched an all-out legal offensive to thwart the upcoming vote, including threats of a financial takeover of much of the Catalan budget, police seizing pro-referendum posters, pamphlets and leaflets which had been regarded as illegal and criminal investigations ordered on the over 700 local mayors who had publicly agreed to help stage the referendum.
    [Show full text]
  • Espanya No Decidirà Qui És El President D'òmnium
    EDICIÓ CAP DE SETMANA CAP DE SETMANA 16 I 17 JUNY 2018 D.E.S. C.O.N.N.E.C.T.A. ARTS ESCÈNIQUES Festivals: L’Aphònica de Banyoles GASTRONOMIA / LLIBRES / MÚSICA CULTURA POPULAR Exposicions: Faraons al CaixaFòrum CINEMA / ARTS VISUALS/ MUSEUS FIRES I MERCATS Cultura popular: Muixerangues i castells a Algemesí ESPANYA NO DECIDIRÀ QUI ÉS EL PRESIDENT D’ÒMNIUM ENTREVISTA MARTA VILALTA PORTAVEU ERC ‘Voluntat de fer autonomisme, ni una. Voluntat de fer república, tota’ ANÀLISI DE L’ARAVOT L’independentisme es reorganitza per a les eleccions municipals 2 EDITORIAL vilaweb.cat 16 i 17 juny 2018 SIGNATURES VEUS ACTUALITAT 7DIES DESCONNECTA 24H VICENT ESPANYA PARTAL [email protected] NO DECIDIRÀ QUI ÉS EL PRESIDENT D’ÒMNIUM Avui, els socis d’Òmnium votaran en una assemblea que comença a les deu del matí si Jordi Cuixart revalida com a president de l’entitat. No crec que hi haja cap mena de dubte que serà reelegit president. I ho serà per la seua més que demostrada història de l’entitat. Perquè mai en les seues vàlua personal però també pel símbol que dècades d’història Òmnium no havia estat representa: no serà en cap cas Espanya qui agredida com ho ha estat ara. Ni en plena dic- decidirà qui presideix Òmnium Cultural. Ni tadura franquista, quan la seu d’Òmnium era l’organització ni el conjunt del país no ho clandestina i, més tard, clausurada, no es van poden tolerar. atrevir a detenir el president d’una associació — tan important com aquesta –que avui figura Jordi Cuixart representa avui la llibertat, ras i entre les primeres entitats privades culturals curt.
    [Show full text]
  • El 'Vacío Discursivo' Sobre La Independencia. Un Análisis Del
    El ‘vacío discursivo’ sobre la independencia. Un análisis del mensaje periodístico durante las elecciones catalanas de 2006 y 2010 Arantxa Capdevila ([email protected]). Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Tarragona Enric Castelló ([email protected]). Unversitat Rovira i Virgili, Tarragona Resumen Esta ponencia presenta los primeros resultados de una investigación que tiene como objetivo prioritario detectar los diferentes discursos sobre la independencia presentes en la prensa de referencia en Cataluña durante las campañas de las elecciones al Parlamento catalán de 2006 y de 2010. La principal hipótesis del trabajo es que el tema de la independencia ha tenido una presencia y un tratamiento mediático muy diferenciado en 2006 y en 2010 en relación a la existencia que este tema tenía en la agenda política y ciudadana. La metodología usada en este trabajo es doble, por un lado se cuantifica la aparición del término independencia y, por otro, se realiza un análisis argumentativo y retórico aplicado a todas las piezas periodísticas publicadas en cuatro diarios: El Mundo, El País, Avui y La Vanguardia. Del estudio se desprende que el tema de la independencia no centró la campaña de 2006, mientras que tuvo una mayor repercusión en términos cuantitativos en la de 2010. Aún así, el análisis cualitativo indica que la presencia de la temática continua siendo muy superficial y banalizada, lo que denominamos “vacío discursivo”. Palabras clave Independencia, agenda setting, argumentación, discurso, prensa. Nota biográfica de los/as autores/es Arantxa Capdevila es doctora en Comunicación Audiovisual por la Universidad Pompeu Fabra (Barcelona). En la actualidad es profesora agregada en la Universitat Rovira i Virgili de Tarragona.
    [Show full text]