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Nación Y Nacionalismos En La España De Las Autonomías
Nación y nacionalismos en la España de las autonomías ISIDRO SEPÚLVEDA MUÑOZ (EDITOR) Derecho Público CENTRO DE ESTUDIOS POLÍTICOS Y CONSTITUCIONALES NACIÓN Y NACIONALISMOS EN LA ESPAÑA DE LAS AUTONOMÍAS CONSEJO ASESOR DE LA COLECCIÓN DE DERECHO PÚBLICO Directora Yolanda Gómez Sánchez Catedrática de Derecho Constitucional de la Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia, Catedrática Jean Monnet, ad personam, de la Unión Europea Manuel Aragón Reyes, Catedrático de Derecho Constitucional de la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. Enrique Arnaldo Alcubilla, Catedrático de Derecho Constitucional de la Universidad Rey Juan Carlos. Francisco Balaguer Callejón, Catedrático de Derecho Constitucional de la Universidad de Grana- da y Catedrático Jean Monnet, ad personam, de la UE. Andrés Betancor Rodríguez, Catedrático de Derecho Administrativo de la Universidad Pompeu Fabra de Barcelona. María José Ciáurriz Labiano, Catedrática de Derecho Eclesiástico del Estado de la UNED. Miguel Ángel Collado Yurrita, Catedrático de Derecho Financiero y Tributario y Rector de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha. Juan Damián Moreno, Catedrático de Derecho Procesal de la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. Carlos Fernández de Casadevante Romani, Catedrático de Derecho Internacional Público de la Universidad Rey Juan Carlos de Madrid. Teresa Freixes Sanjuán, Catedrática de Derecho Constitucional de la Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona y Catedrática Jean Monnet, ad personam, de la UE. Eugeni Gay Montalvo, Abogado. José María Gil-Robles Gil-Delgado, Catedrático Jean Monnet, ad personam, de la UE y Presiden- te de la Fundación Jean Monnet pour l’Europe. Vicente Gimeno Sendra, Catedrático de Derecho Procesal de la UNED. Doctora Tania Groppi, Catedrática de Derecho Público de la Universidad de Siena. -
Online Mobilization and Perspective Taking in Contentious Politics
Online mobilization and perspective taking in contentious politics Camilo Cristancho-Mantilla* PhD candidate in Political science Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona [email protected] Working paper – Comments welcome Abstract This article presents an approach to the intergroup contact theory focusing on the value of perspective taking as a central premise in a broad conception of democracy as it implies acknowledging conflict and having respect for political adversaries. I look into protest mobilization and the role that movements and civil society organizations play as mediators in contentious politics in the internet and argue that online protest mobilization processes provide bridging between political divides as protest conveyors need to counter-argue adversarial arguments and frames. Three protest events in Spain are studied through surveys of protesters and through network analysis of issue actors online in order to link individual attitudes with intergroup interaction. This approach provides preliminary evidence to support the theory that online mobilization serves as a contact space which affects the disposition of protest participants for considering opposing stances in political conflicts. Keywords: perspective taking, intergroup contact theory, political disagreement, attitudes, mobilization, online politics, social movements To be presented at the X Congress of the Asociación Española de Ciencia Política, Universidad de Murcia, September 7-9, 2011 ______________________ * I gratefully acknowledge financial support from a PhD research grant provided by the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona and the POLAT research group. Data for the protest surveys is part of the EUROCORES project EUI2008- 03812 - Caught in the Act of protest: Contextualizing Contestation. 1 Introduction Internet use for political mobilization is increasingly capturing the attention of multiple disciplines as many expectations for the effects of online media on civic engagement need to be tested. -
We Don't Have the Exam in Catalan: So You Either Do It in Spanish Or Leave
Twenty-two new cases of serious linguistic discrimination suffered by Catalan-speaking citizens at the hands of the public administrations of the Spanish state February 2017 Title: “We don’t have the exam in Catalan; so you either do it in Spanish or leave”. Twenty-two (22) new cases of serious linguistic discrimination suffered by Catalan-speaking citizens in 2016 at the hands of the public administrations of the Spanish State. February 2017 Barcelona Plataforma per la Llengua (Pro-Language Platform) C/ Sant Honorat 7, principal 1a 08002 Barcelona 93 321 18 03 www.plataforma-llengua.cat 2 Introduction The Spanish State is neither neutral nor impartial when it comes to the culture and identity of its citizens. In the national and linguistic domain, the elites and all the oligarchies that control the administrative apparatus and the distribution of resources are totally committed to a Spanish- or Castilian-based national identity, and more particularly so with regard to language: Spain can only be understood in the context of Castilian identity and language, which are called, and not casually, “Spanish”. Although since the death of Francisco Franco and the transition towards the current system of apparent democracy inroads have been made in guaranteeing certain areas of linguistic freedom to the citizens of the State who are part of the historically consolidated national minorities, the nature of the State and its legal configuration continue to be highly adverse to these minorities. Moreover, even the linguistic freedom spaces that have been gradually chiselled out of the heart of this militantly “Pro-Castilian” system are often infringed by a corps of civil servants strongly linked to nationalist and supremacist ideology that underpins the core of the legislation. -
Ich Country Would You Place This Point?
THE RISE OF EUROPE'S LITTLE NATIONS BY DAVID T. GIES t their outset at least, the 1992 lieved an advertisement, designed and paid Summer Olympics in Barcelona for by the Generalitat, the governing body of appeared to be organized by Catalonia, that appeared in several interna- people who had nationalism, not tional magazines. This provocative piece of sports, foremost in mind. Consider the curious self-promotion located Barcelona in Catalonia, fact that the three official languages of the "a country in Spain," the copy read, "wit11 its games were English, French, and Catalan. own culture, language, and identity." In case Why Catalan and not Spanish? Because Olym- readers missed the point, the advertisement pic Committee rules allow for the use of Eng- depicted the "country" of Catalonia in sharply lish, French, and the language of the country colored relief on an otherwise borderless map hosting the games. More to the point, the or- of Europe. ganizers had no doubt that Catalan was the The advertisement was only part of a language of their country. campaign by the Catalan organizers of the But Catalonia a count;y? Yes, if one be- Olympic Games to inform the world of their ICH COUNTRY WOULD YOU PLACE THIS POINT? 70 WQ WINTER 1994 independence from the Spanish state-the cartoonists. In the first block of the cartoon, the very state that had contributed nearly 70 per- question, "In which country would you place cent of the funding for the games. To be sure, this point," was reproduced as in the original. the Spanish language was heard throughout In the second block, the point, Barcelona, is the games, but the Catalan national anthem revealed to be a livid boil on the backside of played before the Spanish anthem as the Spain's president, Felipe Gonzhlez. -
Terrorismo Y Autonomía. El Caso Balear (1989-1991)
Terrorismo y autonomía. El caso balear (1989-1991) Miquel Amengual Joan Pau Jordà Presentación Desde la muerte del general Franco y la instauración de la democracia, en las Islas Baleares se han dado diversos episodios de violencia protagonizados tanto por grupos de ultraderecha como por organizaciones independentistas. Sin embargo, el único grupo armado que realizó sus actividades recibiendo cierto apoyo estable fue la organización armada catalana Terra Lliure (TL). Esta organización, que desarrolló sus acciones en las Islas a lo largo de 1989, contó con un entramado de organizaciones más o menos extenso que, en Mallorca y Eivissa, apoyaba la lucha armada. La comunicación que aquí presentamos, busca analizar las causas del surgimiento de la violencia armada en Baleares centrándose en la evolución del independentismo radical en las Islas. Para la realización de esta investigación hemos recorrido a una metodología mixta. Por un lado hemos realizado un vaciado bibliográfico sobre las organizaciones y la violencia terrorista desde la transición hasta los años noventa (Muñoz, 1982; Aulestia 2005) y sobre Terra Lliure y su contexto histórico (Fernández, 1985; Vilaregut 2004; Buch 2007). Por otro lado, hemos trabajado con fuentes primarias, como archivos de prensa (Diario de Mallorca, Diario 16 y Diario Baleares/Diari de Balears), documentación de la época, como atestados y documentación judicial vinculadas a la organización Terra Lliure, así como su boletín interno, Alerta, y diversos panfletos de propaganda pertenecientes a diferentes grupos de extrema izquierda (como la Liga Comunista Revolucionaària (LCR), la organización juvenil Maulets o el Moviment en Defensa de la Terra (MDT)). Finalmente, hemos realizado una entrevista a Macià Manera, activista independentista mallorquín vinculado a TL. -
AA-Postscript 2.Qxp:Layout 1
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 2015 Airliner tragedy As floods hit, Pakistan’s Kalasha people fear for their way of life crushes Egypt hopes on tourism Page 13 Page 8 BARCELONA: Catalan deputies of the PPC (Popular Party of Catalonia) hold up Spanish and Catalan flags following the vote on a proposed resolution to secede from the rest of the country during a session at the Catalan Parliament in Barcelona yesterday. —AFP Catalan parliament kicks off secession from Spain 72 pro-independence lawmakers vote for a resolution to secede BARCELONA: Lawmakers in Catalonia officially Yes told regional lawmakers. “Many people are Wednesday after an emergency cabinet meeting. kicked off a process to secede from Spain by 2017 going to live this day with a lot of emotion.” But those who crafted the declaration had antici- despite impassioned pleas against independence, But Rajoy has the support of the main opposi- pated this, and the resolution states that the in an unprecedented showdown with Madrid’s tion Socialists and new, popular centre-right secession process will not be subject to any deci- central government. All 72 pro-independence group Ciudadanos. “I was born in Catalonia and I sion made by Spanish institutions, including the lawmakers-the majority in the regional parlia- want to keep living here,” Xavier Garcia Albiol of court. The government has also raised the possi- ment-voted for a resolution to secede from the Rajoy’s ruling Popular Party (PP) said during the bility of invoking article 155 of the Spanish consti- rest of the country, drawing huge applause that debate. -
Albert Botran, Diputado De La CUP En El Parlament De Cataluña
POLÍTICA Albert Botran, diputado de la CUP en el Parlament —¿Está usted seguro de que Colau y los comuns que asistieron a la reunión del de Cataluña PNR se pondrían al lado del referéndum unilateral si no hay otra vía? —Sus bases son personas de izquierdas. “COLAU TIENE LOS VOTOS Son gente de profunda factura democrá- tica. Sus líderes han denunciado en nu- merosas ocasiones la judicialización de la QUE NOS FALTAN política. El problema es que la dirección no tiene ninguna urgencia en posicionar- se, contrariamente a lo que habían dicho PARA LA INDEPENDENCIA” en las campañas electorales, y a veces hay declaraciones discrepantes. —Xavier Domènech pidió hace unos 2017 arranca con el problema de Cataluña encima de la mesa del Gobierno de días la convocatoria de elecciones ¿Cree Mariano Rajoy. Mientras el presidente de la Generalitat, que depende de los que se finiquita así el proceso de unidad diputados de la CUP para aprobar sus Presupuestos, promete que convocará un abierto con la reunión del PNR? referéndum en septiembre, Rajoy asegura que éste no se hará de ninguna —La CUP estaba representada en esta manera. El diputado de la CUP Albert Botran (Molins de Rei, 1984) está reunión en la que se expresó un amplio apoyo al referéndum. En ningún momen- convencido de que la independencia de Catalunya se conseguirá este año que to se oyó ninguna voz discrepante que pi- empieza por la fuerza de las urnas y con el respaldo de la gente. “Si nos diera elecciones ya. Se acordó trabajar impiden votar físicamente estaremos legitimados para proclamar la desde dentro e internacionalmente para independencia y lo haremos”, afirma contundente a EL SIGLO desde su explicar la causa del referéndum. -
Those Who Came and Those Who Left the Territorial Politics of Migration
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Cadmus, EUI Research Repository Department of Political and Social Sciences Those who came and those who left The Territorial Politics of Migration in Scotland and Catalonia Jean-Thomas Arrighi de Casanova Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Florence, February 2012 EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE Department of Political and Social Sciences Those who came and those who left The Territorial Politics of Migration in Scotland and Catalonia Jean-Thomas Arrighi de Casanova Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Examining Board: Prof. Rainer Bauböck, EUI (Supervisor) Prof. Michael Keating, EUI (Co-supervisor) Dr Nicola McEwen, University of Edinburgh Prof. Andreas Wimmer, UCLA © 2012, Jean-Thomas Arrighi de Casanova No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author ABSTRACT Whilst minority nationalism and migration have been intensely studied in relative isolation from one another, research examining their mutual relationship is still scarce. This dissertation aims to fill this gap in the literature by exploring how migration politics are being fought over not only across society but also across territory in two well-researched cases of protracted nationalist mobilisation, Catalonia and Scotland. It meets three objectives: First, it introduces a theoretical framework accounting for sub-state elites’ and administrations’ boundary-making strategies in relation to immigrants and emigrants. -
The Spanish Government and Subsequently Suspended by the Constitutional Court Until It Ruled on the Issue
CatalExit a Matrix Game about the 2017 Spanish constitutional crisis by Tim Price. Introduction This is a Matrix Game intended to explore the issues and options surrounding the 2017 Spanish constitutional crisis, in the run up to Regional Elections on 21 December 17 to appoint a new Catalan Parliament following the suspension of the previous Parliament. It is the product of only a few hours exploratory game design taken from the Connections Netherlands 2017 conference on 14 Nov 2017. Background The 2017 Spanish constitutional crisis, also known as the Catalan crisis, is an ongoing political conflict between the Government of Spain and the Government of Catalonia under President Carles Puigdemont—the legal government of Catalonia until 28 October 2017—over the issue of Catalan independence, starting after a law intending to allow a Catalan independence referendum was denounced by the Spanish government and subsequently suspended by the Constitutional Court until it ruled on the issue. The events have been described as "one of the worst political crises in modern Spanish history". Puigdemont's government announced that neither central Spanish authorities nor the courts would halt their plans and that it intended to hold the vote anyway, sparking a legal backlash that quickly spread from the Spanish and Catalan governments to Catalan municipalities—as local mayors were urged by the Generalitat to provide logistical support and help for the electoral process to be carried out—as well as to the Constitutional Court, the High Court of Justice of Catalonia and state prosecutors. By 15 September, as pro-Catalan independence parties began their referendum campaigns, the Spanish government had launched an all-out legal offensive to thwart the upcoming vote, including threats of a financial takeover of much of the Catalan budget, police seizing pro-referendum posters, pamphlets and leaflets which had been regarded as illegal and criminal investigations ordered on the over 700 local mayors who had publicly agreed to help stage the referendum. -
Master-Thesis-Gjelsten.Pdf
Contestation or accommodation? Catalan and Basque sub-nationalist movements compared Cristina Gjelsten Master’s thesis in Peace and Conflict Studies Department of Political Science UNIVERSITY OF OSLO Spring 2020 Supervisor: Marcus Buck Word count: 31.078 Contestation or accommodation? Catalan and Basque sub-nationalist movements compared I © Cristina Gjelsten 2020 Contestation or accommodation? Cristina Gjelsten http://www.duo.uio.no Word count: 31.078 II Abstract Nationalist conflicts are a recurrent source of concern for disparate countries, Spain is one of them. Despite sharing the same statewide context, the Catalan and Basque sub-nationalist movements have evolved quite differently in the last years. Whereas Catalonia has reached an unprecedented increase of secessionism in roughly the last decade, the Basque Country has in the same timeframe experienced the easing of its sub-nationalist demands. Connecting with the broader field of nationalist movements, this thesis aims to fill a gap by analyzing this relatively unexplored dimension of contrasting the political momentums of Catalan and Basque sub-nationalism. To this end, this thesis provides more nuanced understanding of the processes and conditions (causal mechanisms) behind these differing political outcomes. Thus, the research question asks which conditions fueled the escalation of Catalan secessionist aspirations, and conversely, eased such demands in the Basque Country in the timeframe 2009-2019. The basis for this study is an eclectic theoretical framework which connects broader theory on nationalism with top-down and bottom-up approaches, social movements and non-violence theories. For that, I have combined comparative analysis with process tracing. In doing so, I take Richard Gillespie’s concepts of accommodation and contestation towards the central state and apply them by dividing the Basque and Catalan trajectories into phases. -
El 'Vacío Discursivo' Sobre La Independencia. Un Análisis Del
El ‘vacío discursivo’ sobre la independencia. Un análisis del mensaje periodístico durante las elecciones catalanas de 2006 y 2010 Arantxa Capdevila ([email protected]). Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Tarragona Enric Castelló ([email protected]). Unversitat Rovira i Virgili, Tarragona Resumen Esta ponencia presenta los primeros resultados de una investigación que tiene como objetivo prioritario detectar los diferentes discursos sobre la independencia presentes en la prensa de referencia en Cataluña durante las campañas de las elecciones al Parlamento catalán de 2006 y de 2010. La principal hipótesis del trabajo es que el tema de la independencia ha tenido una presencia y un tratamiento mediático muy diferenciado en 2006 y en 2010 en relación a la existencia que este tema tenía en la agenda política y ciudadana. La metodología usada en este trabajo es doble, por un lado se cuantifica la aparición del término independencia y, por otro, se realiza un análisis argumentativo y retórico aplicado a todas las piezas periodísticas publicadas en cuatro diarios: El Mundo, El País, Avui y La Vanguardia. Del estudio se desprende que el tema de la independencia no centró la campaña de 2006, mientras que tuvo una mayor repercusión en términos cuantitativos en la de 2010. Aún así, el análisis cualitativo indica que la presencia de la temática continua siendo muy superficial y banalizada, lo que denominamos “vacío discursivo”. Palabras clave Independencia, agenda setting, argumentación, discurso, prensa. Nota biográfica de los/as autores/es Arantxa Capdevila es doctora en Comunicación Audiovisual por la Universidad Pompeu Fabra (Barcelona). En la actualidad es profesora agregada en la Universitat Rovira i Virgili de Tarragona. -
“Si Me Hablas En Catalán Se Suspende El Juicio”, Els Drets Lingüístics En Via Morta
Title: The Catalan Case II. Thirty-seven new serious cases of linguistic discrimination in the public administrations in Spain."If you address me in Catalan I'll suspend the proceedings". Castrated language rights in Europe. Study experts: Òscar-Adrià Ibáñez Ferreté and Eloi Torrents Vivó Collaborators: Mireia Casals Isart, Marc Cristià Castellví; Bernat Gasull i Roig and Aida Goixart Andrés March 2016 Barcelona Plataforma per la Llengua (Pro-Language Platform) Via Laietana, 48 A, principal 2a 08003 Barcelona 93 321 18 03 www.plataforma-llengua.cat 1 Barcelona, 11 September, 1924 Note: this story includes a conversations that takes place in two languages: the police officers speak Spanish at all times, while Mr. Valls and Gaudí answer in Catalan. At 8.05 on the morning of 11 September, 1924, Mr. Valls, as he entered the church of Sant Just, was stopped by a police officer, who asked him1: "Where are you going?" "I'm going to mass". "You can't go in here. If you want to go to mass, you'll have to go to another church". "But I want to hear mass in this church, Sant Just". "Well, you can't go through this door. Try the other door". Mr. Valls went to the other door in carrer de la Ciutat, where another policeman refused him entry, and a short discussion ensued. Just at that moment, Mr. Gaudí arrived, and resolutely tried to enter the church. The policeman stopped him, asking: "Where are you going?" "I'm going to mass". "You can't go in here". "Yes I can".