The Armies of Belisarius and Narses

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Armies of Belisarius and Narses 1 O’ROURKE: ARMIES OF BELISARIUS AND NARSES ARROW-STORMS AND CAVALRY PIKES WARFARE IN THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN I, AD 527-565 THE ARMIES OF BELISARIUS AND NARSES by Michael O’Rourke mjor (at) velocitynet (dot) com (dot) au Canberra Australia September 2009 1. Introduction: “Rhomanya” 2. Troop Numbers 3. Troop Types 4. Tactics 5. Selected Battles 6. Appendix: Arrows, Armour and Flesh “Rhomanya”: The Christian Roman Empire of the Greeks Having been conquered by the Romans, the Aramaic- and Greek-speaking Eastern Mediterranean lived for centuries under imperial rule. Its people had received full citizenship already in 212 AD. So the East Romans naturally called themselves Rhomaioi, the Greek for ‘Romans’. The term Rhomanya [Greek hê Rhômanía:‘Ρ ω µ α ν ’ι α ] was in use already in the 300s (Brown 1971: 41). Middle period examples denoting the ‘Eastern’ Empire are found in the 600s - as in the Doctrina Jacobi - and in the 800s in various entries in the chronicle of Theophanes (fl. 810: e.g. his entry for AD 678). Although we do not find the name Rhômanía in Procopius, fl. AD 550, or in Anna Comnena, fl. 1133, it does occur in the writings of emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, fl. 955. The later medieval West, after AD 800, preferred the style ‘Greek Empire’. After 1204 the Latins used the term Romania to refer generally to the Empire and more specifically to the lower Balkans (thus English ‘Rumney wine’, Italian vino di Romania). Our own name Rumania/Romania, for the state on the northern side of the Danube, was chosen in 1859. It proclaimed the Romance and thereby Romantic origins of Limba Româna, hitherto known to outsiders as the Wallachian or ‘Vlach’ language. Like Italian, Limba Romana descends from late Latin. Its speakers call themselves Români. 1 2 O’ROURKE: ARMIES OF BELISARIUS AND NARSES ‘Byzantine’ of course is an invented modern term for the later Roman empire in the East. Byzantium, used for the later Roman state, was introduced into scholarship only in the 16th century, by Hieronymus Wolf, d. 1580. Bowersock, Brown and Grabar state too starkly that the term "Byzantine Empire" is "a modern misnomer redolent of ill-informed contempt" (1999: vii). Perhaps so, but its use is deeply entrenched. Judith Herrin says that “until the seventh century, Byzantium was indeed the Roman Empire” (2007: xviii). For her, ‘Byzantine’ should be used only after about 610. For Treadgold 1997, however, there was in the East a Byzantine society already by the fifth century. Kinnamos, the 12th century Byzantine historian, refers poetically or archaically to the capital as ‘Byzantion’ and uses the phrase ‘empire of Byzantion’. But of course the ordinary Byzantine called her world the Roman Empire: Basileía ton Rhõmaíõn or hê [tôn] Rhômaiôn Basileía. In this paper, I have occasionally used "Romanic" and “Romaic”. The Roman Empire ended of course in 1453 when the Turks finally took Constantinople. But the term Rhomaioi continued to be used for ‘Greeks’ down to the 19th century. The Greek scholar Rigas Feraios, d. 1798, called on "Bulgars and Arvanites [Albano-Greeks], Armenians and Romans" to rise in arms against the Ottomans. Likewise the Greek patriot Athanasios Diakos, before his death in 1821, said: "I was born a Greek, I shall die a Greek": Ego Romios yennithika, Romios the na pethano. And General Makrygiannis, fl. 1847, recalled a friend asking him: "What say you, is the Roman (Romios) far away from coming? Are we to sleep with the Turks and awaken with the Romans?” (see under ‘Romiosini’ in Merry 2004: 376). But the 19th century was the Romantic Age. So a newly independent Greece chose as its name not Constantinian- Christian ‘Romania’ but Platonic-pagan ‘Hellas’. Territory and Population Before Justinian’s Western reconquests and before the great plague of AD 542, the Eastern Empire contained some 30 million people. They were distributed possibly as follows: Egypt 8 M; Palestine-Syria-upper Mesopotamia 9 M; Asia Minor 10 M; and 3-4 M in the Balkans (Mango 1980: 23). In 565, after the conquests of Justinian’s reign, the Empire again ruled the whole Mediterranean basin, from present-day Morocco and southern Spain to Lazica which is modern west Georgia, and from N Italy to Egypt. The only regions of the littoral not under imperial control were Visigothic Catalonia and Frankish Provence. Geographically, the nearest enemy to Constantinople was the recently established Avar Khanate, north of, and on, the lower Danube River. They were Turkic-speaking steppes-nomads who by 580 would extend their domination into the upper Danube basin and threaten the imperial lands south of the lower Danube. Justinian The emperor Iustinianos I ‘the Great’, born Flavius Petrus Sabbatius, was the nephew of of his predecessor, Justin I. Aged 34 at accession in AD 527, he ruled for 38 years. The Church of San Vitale in Ravenna, Italy, has two famous mosaic panels, 2 3 O’ROURKE: ARMIES OF BELISARIUS AND NARSES executed in 548 to celebrate the reconquest of Italy. On the left is a mosaic depicting Justinian, clad in purple with a golden halo, standing next to court officials, Bishop Maximian, praetorian guards and deacons. On the right side is a mosaic featuring a solemn and formal Empress Theodora - aged about 48 in 548 [she died later the same year] - with golden halo, crown and jewels, and a train of court ladies. Belisarius A precocious general, Flavius Belisarios was still only 27 or 28 years old when his troops suppressed (532) the ‘Nika’ riot in the capital caused by internal political strife. He then defeated (533-34) the Vandals, a Germanic people ruling ex-imperial N Africa. Then, in command (535) of the war against the Ostrogoths in Italy, he took Naples and Rome (536), as well as Milan and Ravenna (540). Justinian replaced him (548) with Narses, a protégé of Empress Theodora, but Belisarius returned (559) to drive the Bulgars from the walls of Constantinople. After a brief political imprisonment (562), he returned to favour in the years before his death (565). Belisarius may be the bearded figure depicted on Emperor Justinian I's right in the mosaic in the Church of San Vitale. Narses Nothing is known of the first half of Narses' life. Already aged 54, he was a koubikoularios or chamberlain and spatharios or senior palace official at the time of the Nika Rebellion in 532. Having risen thereafter to grand chamberlain (Lat. praepositus sacri cubiculi), Narses was given the command of Italy in 551. Although already old (73), and a eunuch, he nevertheless proved to be a general of brilliance. 2. TROOP NUMBERS Data from Treadgold 1995 and 1997. There were broadly two categories of soldiers: the professionals serving in the mobile or field armies, and the troops of the static frontier who were a kind of farmer-militia. Year Cavalry Infantry Navy Remarks / Reign [Oarsmen] 540: 29,000 elite 116,000 line 30,000. 145,000 field soldiers; and Early field infantry; 195,500 frontier soldiers. JUSTINIAN I: cavalry; and 79,500 Grand total land troops = and 97,500 frontier 340,500. Total state frontier cav. infantry. revenue in 540: Note that there were more 11.3 million Total cavalry than infantry nomismata 124,500. among the frontier troops. (gold coins). - Highest ever in the Eastern 3 4 O’ROURKE: ARMIES OF BELISARIUS AND NARSES Empire. 565: 30,000 field 120,000 field N/a. Totals: Later cavalry; and infantry; and 150,000 field; and 197,500 JUSTINIAN I: 97,500 100,000 frontier. frontier frontier Grand total 347,500 (Note Revenues: total cavalry. troops. 1). about 8.4 million Cavalry: infantry ratio in nomismata field armies = 1:4. But an (post-Plague). expeditionary force might comprise up to 40% cavalry. Note 1: Cameron p.52 regards the figure of “435,000” in John the Lydian as exaggerated. Field or Mobile Armies in 565 Treadgold 1997: 373 has offered the following guesstimates for the size of the Empire’s nine field armies at the end of Justinian’s reign (AD 565): Enemies on the nearest major border: (1) Spania [S Andalusia] Spanish Visigoths, who controlled most of Iberia. 5,000 men (2) ‘Africa’ [Tunisia and Berbers. Libya] 15,000 (3) Italy 20,000 Franks in the NW; Burgundians in what is now Switzerland. Also Bavarians and Lombards in our Austria. (4) Illyricum [NW Lombards in present-day Austria and Gepids in present-day Balkans] 15,000 Hungary. (5) Thrace 20,000 Avars on the lower Danube. (6 and 7) ‘Praesental’ n/a troops, i.e. those “in the emperor’s presence” at or near Constantinople: two armies, each 20,000 (8) Armenia 15,000 Persians. (9) The East [Syria] Persians. Also detachments could be sent to Egypt, where 20,000 there was no important external enemy. Total: 150,000. 4 5 O’ROURKE: ARMIES OF BELISARIUS AND NARSES 3. TROOP TYPES Like that of Alexander the Great, but unlike that of the Roman Republic, the army of the Eastern Empire was a “combined-arms” army, a judicious blend of many types who could be used in various combinations. The highly professional army of Constantinople was based around cavalry: lancers or pike-cavalry and horse-archers, typically wearing mail, who were well supported by infantry, both pikemen and foot-archers. Byzantine generals understood the intelligent use of pike-infantry and foot-archers as well as cavalry charges. 1. Cavalry Stirrups were still unknown in Justinian’s time; they appear only by about AD 590. One assumes that stability for lancers and other horsemen was still supplied by the ‘four-horned’ Celto-Romanic saddle of High Antiquity, which securely clamped the rider in around the thighs and buttocks (Connolly 1987; Molyneaux 1997: 27).
Recommended publications
  • The Story of the Byzantine Empire
    THE STO RY O F T HE NATIO NS L LU T T E E R VO L . I z M o I S A . P , R D , T H E E AR L I E R VO L UM E S A R E f I N E F R E E B P o AS A . SO T H STO R Y O G E C . y r . I . HARR R F R E B TH U ILM A N T HE STO Y O O M . y A R R G EW B P f A K O S E R F T HE S . o S . M T HE ST O Y O J y r . J . H R B Z N R O F DE . A R A coz I T HE ST O Y C HA L A . y . — R F E R N . B S B ING O U L THE ST O Y O G MA Y y . AR G D F N W B P f H B YE S E N o . H . O T HE ST O R Y O O R A Y . y r N E n E B . E . a d S SA H T HE ST O R Y O F SP A I . y U N AL N B P R of. A . VAM B Y T HE STO R Y O F H U GA R Y . y r E ST R O F E B P of L E TH E O Y C A RT H A G .
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
    The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century.
    [Show full text]
  • Medieval French Alexander: Arthurian Orientalism, Cross-Cultural Contact, and Transcultural Assimilation in Chrétien De Troyes’S Cligés
    Otterbein University Digital Commons @ Otterbein Modern Languages & Cultures Faculty Scholarship Modern Languages & Cultures 2013 The »Other« Medieval French Alexander: Arthurian Orientalism, Cross-Cultural Contact, And Transcultural Assimilation in Chrétien de Troyes’s Cligés Levilson C. Reis Otterbein University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.otterbein.edu/mlanguages_fac Part of the French and Francophone Literature Commons, Medieval Studies Commons, and the Modern Languages Commons Repository Citation Reis, Levilson C., "The »Other« Medieval French Alexander: Arthurian Orientalism, Cross-Cultural Contact, And Transcultural Assimilation in Chrétien de Troyes’s Cligés" (2013). Modern Languages & Cultures Faculty Scholarship. 14. https://digitalcommons.otterbein.edu/mlanguages_fac/14 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Modern Languages & Cultures at Digital Commons @ Otterbein. It has been accepted for inclusion in Modern Languages & Cultures Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Otterbein. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Romanische Forschungen , 125 (3), 2013 The “Other” Medieval Alexander The »Other« Medieval French Alexander: Arthurian Orientalism, Cross- Cultural Contact, And Transcultural Assimilation in Chrétien de Troyes’s Cligés Résumé/Abstract En tenant compte du climat xénophobe des croisades cet article recense la réception de Cligés , roman de Chrétien de Troyes dont la plus grande partie de l’action se passe en Grèce, et explore les stratégies dont l’auteur se serait servi pour en déjouer un mauvais accueil. On examine d’abord les idées que les Francs se faisaient des Grecs par le biais de la réception contemporaine de l’ Énéide et du Roman d’Alexandre . On examine par la suite comment Cligés cadre avec ces perspectives.
    [Show full text]
  • Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? 147
    Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? 147 Chapter 8 Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? Dis/unity, Gender and Orientalism in the Fourth Century Shaun Tougher Introduction In the narrative of relations between East and West in the Roman Empire in the fourth century AD, the tensions between the eastern and western imperial courts at the end of the century loom large. The decision of Theodosius I to “split” the empire between his young sons Arcadius and Honorius (the teenage Arcadius in the east and the ten-year-old Honorius in the west) ushered in a period of intense hostility and competition between the courts, famously fo- cused on the figure of Stilicho.1 Stilicho, half-Vandal general and son-in-law of Theodosius I (Stilicho was married to Serena, Theodosius’ niece and adopted daughter), had been left as guardian of Honorius, but claimed guardianship of Arcadius too and concomitant authority over the east. In the political manoeu- vrings which followed the death of Theodosius I in 395, Stilicho was branded a public enemy by the eastern court. In the war of words between east and west a key figure was the (probably Alexandrian) poet Claudian, who acted as a ‘pro- pagandist’ (through panegyric and invective) for the western court, or rather Stilicho. Famously, Claudian wrote invectives on leading officials at the eastern court, namely Rufinus the praetorian prefect and Eutropius, the grand cham- berlain (praepositus sacri cubiculi), who was a eunuch. It is Claudian’s two at- tacks on Eutropius that are the inspiration and central focus of this paper which will examine the significance of the figure of the eunuch for the topic of the end of unity between east and west in the Roman Empire.
    [Show full text]
  • Journeys to Byzantium? Roman Senators Between Rome and Constantinople
    Journeys to Byzantium? Roman Senators Between Rome and Constantinople Master’s Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Michael Anthony Carrozzo, B.A Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Kristina Sessa, Advisor Timothy Gregory Anthony Kaldellis Copyright by Michael Anthony Carrozzo 2010 Abstract For over a thousand years, the members of the Roman senatorial aristocracy played a pivotal role in the political and social life of the Roman state. Despite being eclipsed by the power of the emperors in the first century BC, the men who made up this order continued to act as the keepers of Roman civilization for the next four hundred years, maintaining their traditions even beyond the disappearance of an emperor in the West. Despite their longevity, the members of the senatorial aristocracy faced an existential crisis following the Ostrogothic conquest of the Italian peninsula, when the forces of the Byzantine emperor Justinian I invaded their homeland to contest its ownership. Considering the role they played in the later Roman Empire, the disappearance of the Roman senatorial aristocracy following this conflict is a seminal event in the history of Italy and Western Europe, as well as Late Antiquity. Two explanations have been offered to explain the subsequent disappearance of the Roman senatorial aristocracy. The first involves a series of migrations, beginning before the Gothic War, from Italy to Constantinople, in which members of this body abandoned their homes and settled in the eastern capital.
    [Show full text]
  • The Satrap of Western Anatolia and the Greeks
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Eyal Meyer University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Meyer, Eyal, "The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2473. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Abstract This dissertation explores the extent to which Persian policies in the western satrapies originated from the provincial capitals in the Anatolian periphery rather than from the royal centers in the Persian heartland in the fifth ec ntury BC. I begin by establishing that the Persian administrative apparatus was a product of a grand reform initiated by Darius I, which was aimed at producing a more uniform and centralized administrative infrastructure. In the following chapter I show that the provincial administration was embedded with chancellors, scribes, secretaries and military personnel of royal status and that the satrapies were periodically inspected by the Persian King or his loyal agents, which allowed to central authorities to monitory the provinces. In chapter three I delineate the extent of satrapal authority, responsibility and resources, and conclude that the satraps were supplied with considerable resources which enabled to fulfill the duties of their office. After the power dynamic between the Great Persian King and his provincial governors and the nature of the office of satrap has been analyzed, I begin a diachronic scrutiny of Greco-Persian interactions in the fifth century BC.
    [Show full text]
  • BIOGRAPHY WORKBOOK for GRADES 7-12 Belisarius
    BELISARIUS BIOGRAPHY WORKBOOK FOR GRADES 7-12 Belisarius BELISARIUS (505-565 C.E.) Few men have performed Emperor Justinian, was an equally greater achievements than this remarkable personage, capable of general, to whom it was given to be conceiving and accomplishing conqueror again and again over magnificent designs, yet withal of a nations hitherto invincible, and to mean, ungenerous, ungrateful arrest, during his own lifetime, the character. Justinian was responsible disintegration of the Roman Empire. for the codification (under He lived in the early part of the sixth Christianized conditions) of the old century of the Christian era, though Roman law (known as the Justinian the date of his birth is not certainly Code), so as to serve as the foundation known, and he was in the prime of life of jurisprudence to all the European about 530. Belisarius is believed to nations except the English; the have been the son of a peasant of building of the church of St. Sophia Thrace, probably of Slavonian descent, (Hagia Sophia); and the rolling back as his name, stripped of its classical for a time the flood that on all sides form, would belong to that language was overwhelming the ancient Empire and would be Beli-than, or the White of Rome, were all due to this prince. Prince. 2. Who ruled as emperor of the 1. Describe Belisarius’ father. Eastern Roman (Byzantine) ____________________________________ Empire during the life of ____________________________________ Belisarius? ____________________________________ ____________________________________ ____________________________________ ____________________________________ ____________________________________ ____________________________________ ____________________________________ For the last two centuries, the Apparently he began life as a Eastern and the Western Roman common soldier, and gradually rose by empires had been separated, though courage and ability.
    [Show full text]
  • Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (Ca
    Conversion and Empire: Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (ca. 300-900) by Alexander Borislavov Angelov A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor John V.A. Fine, Jr., Chair Professor Emeritus H. Don Cameron Professor Paul Christopher Johnson Professor Raymond H. Van Dam Associate Professor Diane Owen Hughes © Alexander Borislavov Angelov 2011 To my mother Irina with all my love and gratitude ii Acknowledgements To put in words deepest feelings of gratitude to so many people and for so many things is to reflect on various encounters and influences. In a sense, it is to sketch out a singular narrative but of many personal “conversions.” So now, being here, I am looking back, and it all seems so clear and obvious. But, it is the historian in me that realizes best the numerous situations, emotions, and dilemmas that brought me where I am. I feel so profoundly thankful for a journey that even I, obsessed with planning, could not have fully anticipated. In a final analysis, as my dissertation grew so did I, but neither could have become better without the presence of the people or the institutions that I feel so fortunate to be able to acknowledge here. At the University of Michigan, I first thank my mentor John Fine for his tremendous academic support over the years, for his friendship always present when most needed, and for best illustrating to me how true knowledge does in fact produce better humanity.
    [Show full text]
  • Johnny Okane (Order #7165245) Introduction to the Hurlbat Publishing Edition
    johnny okane (order #7165245) Introduction to the Hurlbat Publishing Edition Weloe to the Hurlat Pulishig editio of Miro Warfare “eries: Miro Ancients This series of games was original published by Tabletop Games in the 1970s with this title being published in 1976. Each game in the series aims to recreate the feel of tabletop wargaming with large numbers of miniatures but using printed counters and terrain so that games can be played in a small space and are very cost-effective. In these new editions we have kept the rules and most of the illustrations unchanged but have modernised the layout and counter designs to refresh the game. These basic rules can be further enhanced through the use of the expansion sets below, which each add new sets of army counters and rules to the core game: Product Subject Additional Armies Expansion I Chariot Era & Far East Assyrian; Chinese; Egyptian Expansion II Classical Era Indian; Macedonian; Persian; Selucid Expansion III Enemies of Rome Britons; Gallic; Goth Expansion IV Fall of Rome Byzantine; Hun; Late Roman; Sassanid Expansion V The Dark Ages Norman; Saxon; Viking Happy gaming! Kris & Dave Hurlbat July 2012 © Copyright 2012 Hurlbat Publishing Edited by Kris Whitmore Contents Introduction to the Hurlbat Publishing Edition ................................................................................................................................... 2 Move Procedures ...............................................................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Achila, Visigothic King, 34 Acisclus, Córdoban Martyr, 158 Adams
    Index ; Achila, Visigothic king, 34 Almodóvar del Río, Spain, 123–24 Acisclus, Córdoban martyr, 158 Almonacid de la Cuba, Spain, 150. See Adams, Robert, 21 also Dams Aemilian, St., 160 Alonso de la Sierra, Juan, 97 Aerial photography, 40, 82 Amalaric, Visigothic king, 29–30, 132, Aetius, Roman general, 173–75 157 Africa, 4, 21–23; and amphorae, 116, Amber, 114 137, 187, 196; and ARS, 46, 56, 90, Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman histo- 99, 187; and Byzantine reconquest, rian, 166, 168 30; and ‹shing, 103; and olive oil, Amphorae, 43, 80, 199–200; exported 88, 188; and Roman army, 114, 127, from Spain, 44, 97–98, 113, 115–16, 166; and trade, 105, 141; and Van- 172; kilns, 61–62, 87–90, 184; from dals, 27–28, 97, 127, 174 North Africa, 129, 187. See also African Red Slip (ARS) pottery, 101, Kilns 147, 186–87, 191, 197; de‹nition, 41, Anderson, Perry, 5 43, 44, 46; and site survival, 90, Andujar, Spain, 38, 47, 63 92–95, 98–99; and trade, 105–6, 110, Annales, 8, 12, 39 114, 116, 129, 183 Annona: disruption by Vandals, 97, Agde, council of, 29, 36, 41 174; to Roman army, 44, 81, 114–17; Agglomeration, 40–42, 59, 92 to Rome, 23, 27, 44, 81, 113; under Agila, Visigothic king, 158–59. See Ostrogoths, 29, 133. See also Army also Athanagild Antioch, Syria, 126 Agrippa, Roman general, 118 Anti-Semitism, 12, 33. See also Jews Alans, 24, 26, 27, 34, 126, 175 Antonine Itinerary, 152 Alaric, Visigothic king, 2, 5, 26–27 Apuleius, Roman writer, 75–76, 122 Alaric II, Visigothic king, 29–30 Aqueducts, 119, 130, 134, 174–75 Alcalá del Río, Spain, 40, 44, 93, 123, Aquitaine, France, 2, 27, 45, 102 148 Arabs, 33–34, 132–33, 137.
    [Show full text]
  • Ravenna Its Role in Earlier Medieval Change and Exchange
    Ravenna its role in earlier medieval change and exchange Ravenna its role in earlier medieval change and exchange Edited by Judith Herrin and Jinty Nelson LONDON INSTITUTE OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH Published by UNIVERSITY OF LONDON SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY INSTITUTE OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH Senate House, Malet Street, London WC1E 7HU First published in print in 2016 (ISBN 978‑1‑909646‑14‑8) This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution‑ NonCommercial‑NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY‑ NCND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities‑digital‑library.org ISBN 978‑1‑909646‑72‑8 (PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/917.9781909646728 iv Contents Acknowledgements vii List of contributors ix List of illustrations xiii Abbreviations xvii Introduction 1 Judith Herrin and Jinty Nelson 1. A tale of two cities: Rome and Ravenna under Gothic rule 15 Peter Heather 2. Episcopal commemoration in late fifth‑century Ravenna 39 Deborah M. Deliyannis 3. Production, promotion and reception: the visual culture of Ravenna between late antiquity and the middle ages 53 Maria Cristina Carile 4. Ravenna in the sixth century: the archaeology of change 87 Carola Jäggi 5. The circulation of marble in the Adriatic Sea at the time of Justinian 111 Yuri A. Marano 6. Social instability and economic decline of the Ostrogothic community in the aftermath of the imperial victory: the papyri evidence 133 Salvatore Cosentino 7. A striking evolution: the mint of Ravenna during the early middle ages 151 Vivien Prigent 8. Roman law in Ravenna 163 Simon Corcoran 9.
    [Show full text]
  • The Developmentof Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrachs to The
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. The Development of Early Imperial Dress from the Tetrarchs to the Herakleian Dynasty General Introduction The emperor, as head of state, was the most important and powerful individual in the land; his official portraits and to a lesser extent those of the empress were depicted throughout the realm. His image occurred most frequently on small items issued by government officials such as coins, market weights, seals, imperial standards, medallions displayed beside new consuls, and even on the inkwells of public officials. As a sign of their loyalty, his portrait sometimes appeared on the patches sown on his supporters’ garments, embossed on their shields and armour or even embellishing their jewelry. Among more expensive forms of art, the emperor’s portrait appeared in illuminated manuscripts, mosaics, and wall paintings such as murals and donor portraits. Several types of statues bore his likeness, including those worshiped as part of the imperial cult, examples erected by public 1 officials, and individual or family groupings placed in buildings, gardens and even harbours at the emperor’s personal expense.
    [Show full text]