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Amantius

proclamation

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1996:

did

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Anastasius

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determined) 7

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1996),

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prefect.

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the

house

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will) 4

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Zonaras

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officiorum

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vestments

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to

to

must

(1999),

soldiers

Syrian,

1995: the

the

comes

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justify

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Aspar’s

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Aspar’s

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Jovian

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the

242

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the

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people

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240

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Amantius’

1993/1994:

step

courtiers

wielded

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1.96

backer. 22

concocted.

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88—89),

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circulated

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cubicularil

descendants. 26

Anastasius’

might

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Anastasius.

sources

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church,

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made

accusations. 23

104

capital.

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248.

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3)

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subsequent

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GEOFFREY

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of of Theearly years ofJustin l’s reign in the sources 105

the accusation of conspiracy was naturally the most convenient; one might compare the charge of treason levelled at two prominent officials, Addaeus and Aetherius, who were exçcuted by Justin 11in 567, two years after his 29accession. The conspiracy charge was easy to make and difficult to refute; the addition of the element concerning the sums handed over to the soldiers provided convincing detail, as well as explaining how it might be that the emperor had indeed spent money to secure his election. The fact that one of the exiled cubicularii, Misael, was subsequently allowed to return to the capital and maintain his Monophysite allegiance tends to add weight to this interpretation. Once the danger had been neutralised and the story accepted, then innocent parties who had survived the initial blow no longer posed a threat; likewise, Anastasius’ nephew Probus, exiled in 532 and deprived of his property, was allowed to return in 533 and regained his °3property. (2) The assassination of

Two years after the elimination of Amantius and his supporters came the turn of the former rebel Vitalian. During races in the hippodrome and, it appears, some disturbances, the consul and magister militumpraesentalis was assassinated in the palace in one of the rooms of the Great Palace, the Delphax. Paulus and Celerianus were also killed at the same 31time. There is no reason to challenge the consensus of the majority of ancient and modern sources, who attribute the responsibility for the deed to Justinian; certainly, he was the principal rival of the erstwhile rebel and stood to gain the most from his 32elimination. It is worthwhile, however, to focus once more on the Excerpta de Insidils. For here again its section concerning first the return of Vitalian to imperial favour in 518 and then his assassination is remarkably different from that of the Oxford manuscript (Baroccianus); we may notek moreover, that it follows on directly from the lines quoted above about Amantius’ 33downfall. At ch. 17.5 the Baroccianus text reports the swift return to favour of Vitalian, ‘who had rebelled’ (ttpaviiactv’ccx) during the reign of Anastasius, and who now became . The Excerpta, on the other hand, notes other honours, including the status of ex-consul and the consulship, accorded to Vitalian and how Justin gave him assurances. At 17.8, a comparable contrast is detectable. The Baroccianus tells drily how Vitalian was killed in the palace during his consular games on the grounds that (ds) he had

29 See PLRE Ill, Addaeusand Aetherius with Evagrius, HE, V.3 and the comments of Whitby 2000: 257 n. 8. Justin II had also eliminated his cousin, Justin, a potential rival for the throne in 566, and these two men were associated with him. Cf. also the case of the four consulars executed by Hadrian at the start of his reign, accused of treason: see (e.g.) Syme 1958:244—245andBirley 1997:88, PLRE11,Probus 8. References in PLREII, Vitalianus2 and Vasiliev 1950: 110—I13. Victor Tonnenensis, (* 107,P. 35) provides the detail on the Deiphax. It is worth pointing out the error in Whitby 2000: 201 n. 5, who incorrectly dates ep. 230 in the CollectioAvellana,which refers to Vitalian as magiser inilitum,to 18July 518. He therefore argues that Vitalian must have been promoted to this rank immediately upon Justin’s accession. In fact, the letter is dated 18 July 520 and provides an approximate terminus ante quem for Vitalian’s death, although one must bear in mind that the letter was only received in 32 Rome on this date. He was not, however, raised to the rank of magister militumpraesentalis as a result of Vitalian’s death, having already obtained this rank earlier, contra PLRE11,Justinianus 7; Stein 1949:230; Tate 2004: 85. See (e.g.) Vict. Ton. § 103, p. 33 (a. 520); Ps.-Zach. lIE VI1I.2. 1 am grateful to Brian Croke for pointing thisout to me. Excerpiade lnsidiis, 170.23—171.5.This is the only section devoted to Justin’s rule. The next extract, no. 44, concerns the Samaritan uprising of 528 during Justinian’s reign. Patzig 1891: 15,expressed doubts as to the attribution of this section also to Malalas.

a

version,

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interests

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references

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Anecdota. 39

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such

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Whitby

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argued that Malalas’ omission of the events recorded in the Excerpta confirms his position as a mouthpiece of the regime’s propaganda. There is clearly a great danger of circularity herp. We prefer, however, to side with Jeffreys and Scott in regarding the Excerpta, even in this section, as offering genuine extracts from a version of Malalas’ 4work. Such an analysis gains support from the following considerations: ° (i) As we have already discussed, it was customary for various versions of a chronicle to circulate as soon as the work was published. Given the obvious popularity of Malalas’ work, and the curious fact that sources writing even much later in the sixth century, such as Evagrius and even, in the seventh century, the and the Chronicle of John of Nikiu, appear to have used only the first edition of Malalas, it is reasonable to suppose that this initial version attracted a particularly wide audience. By the time these later authors came to draw upon Malalas, in all three cases using the first edition of the work, the various versions of this text at their disposal will no doubt have incorporated a certain amount of updating — for events later in Justinian’s reign — not to mention some changes and additions in the treatment of events covered by the first edition. In the case of the transmission of Malalas in Syriac, for instance, Muriel Debid has ably illustrated how the Chronicle soon became infused with a notably Monophysite flavour because of the translation (and additions) made by already in the sixth century. (ii) It must, of course, be conceded that the extracts with which we have4 been primarily concerned here are remarkably different from the Baroccianus text of Malalas. They also differ significantly from the Chronicon Paschale, an important early witness, as Patzig noted, to the original version of Malalas. This fact, however, calls into question neither the authenticity of the accounts preserved in the Excerpla nor their link to Malalas. The Excerpta de Insidiis offers, in ch.35, a fuller account of Ariadne’s plotting against Illus than that in the Baroccianus manuscript of Malalas. The Constantinian excerpt adds the detail that Illus was summoned by Zeno to go down from the kathisma to the Delphax of the palace to receive some ambassadors; it was at this point that he was attacked. As the Australian translators of Malalas noted, these details may also be found in the Slavonic version of Malalas, conclusive proof that they are not drawn from a different source 42altogether. (iii) Disparities exist not only in the case of Malalas’ chronicle, but even in that of the much terser work of . One manuscript of his chronicle, dating from the

° Cf. E. JeffreysfM.Jeffreys/Scott1986:xxxiii. The quotation is from Flusin 2004: 136; cf. Patzig 1891: 14,Puech2006:225, for the inferencebased on Flusin (2004>. Debid2004a:162—163,See also Witakowski 1990:304—310,On these sources making use of the first edition see Jeffreys 1990: 249—254;none seems to have been aware of the second edition. Malalas’ own doctrinal views are discussedrecently by Puech 2006: 220—221and Alpi 2006: 227—242.Jerome offers a parallel case, since he admits openly, in his translation of into , that he added considerable amounts of material, filling in perceived gaps, before proceeding to extend Eusebius’ work. See Burgess 1999:23—24(text and translation), 115—116. 42 E. Jeffreys/M. Jeffreys/Scott 1986:215, on Mal. 15.13.Jeffreys and Scott, ibid., 233, are puzzled by the reference in the Excerpia(ch.43) to the first mappa in connection with Vitalian’s death, noting that all the other sources are united in placing the commander’s death in the palace. The difficulty disappears. however, when it is borne in mind that Vitaliancould easily have been summoned to the palace, just as was Illus, on some pretext, in order for him to be assassinated there. The version of Malalas employed by the excerptors would thus be one with a greater interest in the topography of the city, as evidenced likewise by the greater detail on Iflus. Pseudo-Zachariah, HE VIII 2, on the other hand, refers to Vitalian being assassinatedon his way froma bath to the palace.

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