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The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century. -
The Exiled Bishops of Constantinople from the Fourth to the Late Sixth Century
Studia Ceranea 5, 2015, p. 231–247 ISSN: 2084-140X DOI: 10.18778/2084-140X.05.07 e-ISSN: 2449-8378 Rafał Kosiński (Białystok) The Exiled Bishops of Constantinople from the Fourth to the Late Sixth Century he existence of quick and efficient communication with the provincial territo- Tries was a matter of vital importance to Late-Antique Constantinople, the cap- ital city and the administrative centre of the Eastern Roman Empire. As a result, it became necessary to ensure the creation and maintenance of the land and sea routes linking the City with the provinces. The present article aims to examine which of those links, specifically by land or sea, facilitated a more rapid and conve- nient communication between the capital city and the more or less distant regions of the Empire, as exemplified by the various places of exile connected with the deposed bishops of Constantinople. Assuming that one of the key goals of sending someone into banishment would be to prevent them, as much as possible, from having any form of communication with the City, the location of the places to which they had been confined by the order of the authorities could indicate which method of contact would have potentially made it easier, or more difficult, for an exiled bishop to communicate with his followers at the capital1. In the early Byzantine period, the office of the Bishop of Constantinople was not a very secure position. Considering the time frame from the consecration of the City until the end of the sixth century, as many as 11 metropolitan bish- ops, in effect every third one, had been deposed from their office. -
Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? 147
Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? 147 Chapter 8 Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? Dis/unity, Gender and Orientalism in the Fourth Century Shaun Tougher Introduction In the narrative of relations between East and West in the Roman Empire in the fourth century AD, the tensions between the eastern and western imperial courts at the end of the century loom large. The decision of Theodosius I to “split” the empire between his young sons Arcadius and Honorius (the teenage Arcadius in the east and the ten-year-old Honorius in the west) ushered in a period of intense hostility and competition between the courts, famously fo- cused on the figure of Stilicho.1 Stilicho, half-Vandal general and son-in-law of Theodosius I (Stilicho was married to Serena, Theodosius’ niece and adopted daughter), had been left as guardian of Honorius, but claimed guardianship of Arcadius too and concomitant authority over the east. In the political manoeu- vrings which followed the death of Theodosius I in 395, Stilicho was branded a public enemy by the eastern court. In the war of words between east and west a key figure was the (probably Alexandrian) poet Claudian, who acted as a ‘pro- pagandist’ (through panegyric and invective) for the western court, or rather Stilicho. Famously, Claudian wrote invectives on leading officials at the eastern court, namely Rufinus the praetorian prefect and Eutropius, the grand cham- berlain (praepositus sacri cubiculi), who was a eunuch. It is Claudian’s two at- tacks on Eutropius that are the inspiration and central focus of this paper which will examine the significance of the figure of the eunuch for the topic of the end of unity between east and west in the Roman Empire. -
Sittas — Wódz Justyniana
ROZPRAWY TERESA WOLIŃSKA Uniwersytet Łódzki Katedra Historii Bizancjum Sittas — wódz Justyniana Jednym z najbardziej zaufanych ludzi Justyniana I w początkowym okresie je go panowania, a zarazem jedną z najważniejszych osobistości w Bizancjum, był bez wątpienia Sittas. Uzdolnienia tego wybitnego wodza porównuje się z talentem Belizariusza, od którego był niewiele starszy i z którym prawie równocześnie rozpo czynał karierę. Niskie pochodzenie nie przeszkodziło mu w osiągnięciu najwyższych zaszczytów, nie tylko na polu wojskowym1. Jako magister militum praesentalis był najwyższym rangą dowódcą wojskowym w państwie2. Dzięki małżeństwu z Komito, starszą siostrą cesarzowej Teodory, spowinowacił się z rodziną cesarską3. Mimo ogromnych zasług i bardzo wysokiej pozycji w państwie, Sittas jest dla nas postacią bardzo tajemniczą. Niewiele wiemy o jego pochodzeniu i początkach kariery. Tak naprawdę nie mamy pewności nawet co do jego imienia. Występuje ono w źródłach w bardzo zróżnicowanych formach: a) S{tta34, b) Zt{tta35, 1 A.A.Czekałow a, Narod i senatorskaja aristokracija Konstantinopola w VI wiekie, „Wi zantijskij Wriemiennik”, t. XXXII, 1971, s. 25. 2 Joannis Malalae Chronographia, Bonnae 1831, s. 465 [dalej: M a l a l a s ], A. D e m a n d t, DieSpätantike.RömischeGeschichtevonDiocletianbisJustinian, München 1989, s. 200; E. S t e i n , HistoireduBasEmpire, przeł. J.–R. P a l a n q u e, t. II: Deladisparitiondel’Empired’Occidentàla mortdeJustinien, Paris–Bruxelles, 1959, cz. 2, s. 291; E. S t e i n, Sittas, [w:] Realencyclopädieder klassischenAltertumswissenschaft [dalej: RE], t. -
Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (Ca
Conversion and Empire: Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (ca. 300-900) by Alexander Borislavov Angelov A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor John V.A. Fine, Jr., Chair Professor Emeritus H. Don Cameron Professor Paul Christopher Johnson Professor Raymond H. Van Dam Associate Professor Diane Owen Hughes © Alexander Borislavov Angelov 2011 To my mother Irina with all my love and gratitude ii Acknowledgements To put in words deepest feelings of gratitude to so many people and for so many things is to reflect on various encounters and influences. In a sense, it is to sketch out a singular narrative but of many personal “conversions.” So now, being here, I am looking back, and it all seems so clear and obvious. But, it is the historian in me that realizes best the numerous situations, emotions, and dilemmas that brought me where I am. I feel so profoundly thankful for a journey that even I, obsessed with planning, could not have fully anticipated. In a final analysis, as my dissertation grew so did I, but neither could have become better without the presence of the people or the institutions that I feel so fortunate to be able to acknowledge here. At the University of Michigan, I first thank my mentor John Fine for his tremendous academic support over the years, for his friendship always present when most needed, and for best illustrating to me how true knowledge does in fact produce better humanity. -
The Epidemic of Justinian (Ad 542): a Prelude to the Middle Ages 1. Introduction
Acta Theologica Supplementum 7 2005 THE EPIDEMIC OF JUSTINIAN (AD 542): A PRELUDE TO THE MIDDLE AGES ABSTRACT The epidemic that struck Constantinople and the surrounding countries during the reign of Justinian in the middle of the 6th century, was the first documented pan- demic in history. It marked the beginning of plague as a nosological problem that would afflict the world until the 21st century. The symptoms of the disease, as de- scribed by various contemporary writers (especially the historian and confidant of the emperor, Procopius, and the two church historians, John of Ephesus and Euagrius), are discussed. There is little doubt that the disease was the plague. The most com- mon form in which it manifested was bubonic plague, which is spread by infected fleas and is not directly contagious from patient to patient. There is also evidence of septicaemic plague and possibly even pneumonic plague. The disastrous effects of the plague were described vividly by contemporary writers. A major problem was to find ways to dispose of infected corpses. It is estimated that about one third of the popu- lation died — a figure comparable to the death rate during the Black Death in the Middle Ages. Famine and inflation, the depopulation of the countryside, and a cri- tical manpower shortage in the army were further effects which all contributed to bringing to a premature end Justinian’s attempt to restore the grandeur of the Roman empire, and precipitating the advent of the Middle Ages. 1. INTRODUCTION The epidemic which devastated Constantinople in the 6th century during the reign of Justinian formed part of the first genuine pandemic in history to be documented. -
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Chapter 12 Aristocrats, Mercenaries, Clergymen and Refugees: Deliberate and Forced Mobility of Armenians in the Early Medieval Mediterranean (6th to 11th Century a.d.) Johannes Preiser-Kapeller 1 Introduction Armenian mobility in the early Middle Ages has found some attention in the scholarly community. This is especially true for the migration of individuals and groups towards the Byzantine Empire. A considerable amount of this re- search has focused on the carriers and histories of individual aristocrats or noble families of Armenian origin. The obviously significant share of these in the Byzantine elite has even led to formulations such as Byzantium being a “Greco-Armenian Empire”.1 While, as expected, evidence for the elite stratum is relatively dense, larger scale migration of members of the lower aristocracy (“azat”, within the ranking system of Armenian nobility, see below) or non- aristocrats (“anazat”) can also be traced with regard to the overall movement of groups within the entire Byzantine sphere. In contrast to the nobility, however, the life stories and strategies of individuals of these backgrounds very rarely can be reconstructed based on our evidence. In all cases, the actual signifi- cance of an “Armenian” identity for individuals and groups identified as “Ar- menian” by contemporary sources or modern day scholarship (on the basis of 1 Charanis, “Armenians in the Byzantine Empire”, passim; Charanis, “Transfer of population”; Toumanoff, “Caucasia and Byzantium”, pp. 131–133; Ditten, Ethnische Verschiebungen, pp. 124–127, 134–135; Haldon, “Late Roman Senatorial Elite”, pp. 213–215; Whitby, “Recruitment”, pp. 87–90, 99–101, 106–110; Isaac, “Army in the Late Roman East”, pp. -
Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation
Empire of Hope and Tragedy: Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Brian Swain Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Timothy Gregory, Co-advisor Anthony Kaldellis Kristina Sessa, Co-advisor Copyright by Brian Swain 2014 Abstract This dissertation explores the intersection of political and ethnic conflict during the emperor Justinian’s wars of reconquest through the figure and texts of Jordanes, the earliest barbarian voice to survive antiquity. Jordanes was ethnically Gothic - and yet he also claimed a Roman identity. Writing from Constantinople in 551, he penned two Latin histories on the Gothic and Roman pasts respectively. Crucially, Jordanes wrote while Goths and Romans clashed in the imperial war to reclaim the Italian homeland that had been under Gothic rule since 493. That a Roman Goth wrote about Goths while Rome was at war with Goths is significant and has no analogue in the ancient record. I argue that it was precisely this conflict which prompted Jordanes’ historical inquiry. Jordanes, though, has long been considered a mere copyist, and seldom treated as an historian with ideas of his own. And the few scholars who have treated Jordanes as an original author have dampened the significance of his Gothicness by arguing that barbarian ethnicities were evanescent and subsumed by the gravity of a Roman political identity. They hold that Jordanes was simply a Roman who can tell us only about Roman things, and supported the Roman emperor in his war against the Goths. -
Teresa Wolińska Sittas - Wódz Justyniana
Teresa Wolińska Sittas - wódz Justyniana Przegląd Historyczny 101/2, 155-170 2010 ROZPRAWY TERESA WOLIŃSKA Uniwersytet Łódzki Katedra Historii Bizancjum Sittas — wódz Justyniana Jednym z najbardziej zaufanych ludzi Justyniana I w początkowym okresie je go panowania, a zarazem jedną z najważniejszych osobistości w Bizancjum, był bez wątpienia Sittas. Uzdolnienia tego wybitnego wodza porównuje się z talentem Belizariusza, od którego był niewiele starszy i z którym prawie równocześnie rozpo czynał karierę. Niskie pochodzenie nie przeszkodziło mu w osiągnięciu najwyższych zaszczytów, nie tylko na polu wojskowym1. Jako magister militum praesentalis był najwyższym rangą dowódcą wojskowym w państwie2. Dzięki małżeństwu z Komito, starszą siostrą cesarzowej Teodory, spowinowacił się z rodziną cesarską3. Mimo ogromnych zasług i bardzo wysokiej pozycji w państwie, Sittas jest dla nas postacią bardzo tajemniczą. Niewiele wiemy o jego pochodzeniu i początkach kariery. Tak naprawdę nie mamy pewności nawet co do jego imienia. Występuje ono w źródłach w bardzo zróżnicowanych formach: a) Σίττα^4, b) Ζτίττα^5, 1 A.A.Czekałowa, Narod i senatorskaja aristokracija Konstantinopola w VI wiekie, „Wi- zantijskij Wriemiennik”, t. XXXII, 1971, s. 25. 2 Joannis Malalae Chronographia, Bonnae 1831, s. 465 [dalej: Malalas], A. Demandt, Die Spätantike. Römische Geschichte von Diocletian bis Justinian, München 1989, s. 200; E. Stein, Histoire du Bas Empire, przeł. J.-R. Palanque, t. II: De la disparition de l ’Empire d ’Occident à la mort de Justinien, Paris-Bruxelles, 1959, cz. 2, s. 291; E. Stein, Sittas, [w:] Realencyclopädie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft [dalej: RE], t. III/A/1, Stuttgart 1927, kol. 403-409; J.L .T eall, The Barbarians in Justinian Armies, „Speculum”, t. -
The Geopolitics on the Silk Road
109 The Geopolitics on the Silk Road: Resurveying the Relationship of the Western Türks with Byzantium through Their Diplomatic Communications Li Qiang, Stefanos Kordosis* The geopolitics pertaining to the Silk Road network in the period from the 6th to the 7th cen- tury (the final, albeit important, period of Late Antiquity) was intertwined with highly strate- gic dimensions.1 The frequent arrival of hoards of nomadic peoples from inner Eurasia at the borders of the existing sedentary empires and their encounters and interactions formed the complicated political ecology of the period. These empires attempted to take advantage of the newly shaped situation arising after such great movements strategically, each in their own interest. How did they achieve their goals and what problems were they confronted with? In this paper, I will focus on the relations the Western Türks had with Byzantium and use it as an example in order to resurvey these complicated geopolitics. In the first part, attention will be given to the collection of Byzantine literature concerning the Western Türks. Then, on the basis of the sources, the four main exchanges of delegations between the Western Türks and Byzantium will be discussed, in which the important status of the 563 embassy – as it was the first Türk delegation sent to Byzantium – will be emphasized. The possible motives behind the dispatch of the delegations and the repercussions they had will be presented. Finally, through reviewing the diplomatic communication between the Western Türks and Byzantium, attention will be turned to the general picture of geopolitics along the Silk Road, claiming that the great empire of the West – similar to today’s superpowers – by means of their resources (mainly diplomacy) manipulated the geopolitics on the Silk Road, especially the nomadic people pursuing their own survival and interests, who were only treated as piec- es on a chessboard for keeping the balance with the rest of the superpowers. -
Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? Dis/Unity, Gender and Orientalism in the Fourth Century
Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? 147 Chapter 8 Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? Dis/unity, Gender and Orientalism in the Fourth Century Shaun Tougher Introduction In the narrative of relations between East and West in the Roman Empire in the fourth century AD, the tensions between the eastern and western imperial courts at the end of the century loom large. The decision of Theodosius I to “split” the empire between his young sons Arcadius and Honorius (the teenage Arcadius in the east and the ten-year-old Honorius in the west) ushered in a period of intense hostility and competition between the courts, famously fo- cused on the figure of Stilicho.1 Stilicho, half-Vandal general and son-in-law of Theodosius I (Stilicho was married to Serena, Theodosius’ niece and adopted daughter), had been left as guardian of Honorius, but claimed guardianship of Arcadius too and concomitant authority over the east. In the political manoeu- vrings which followed the death of Theodosius I in 395, Stilicho was branded a public enemy by the eastern court. In the war of words between east and west a key figure was the (probably Alexandrian) poet Claudian, who acted as a ‘pro- pagandist’ (through panegyric and invective) for the western court, or rather Stilicho. Famously, Claudian wrote invectives on leading officials at the eastern court, namely Rufinus the praetorian prefect and Eutropius, the grand cham- berlain (praepositus sacri cubiculi), who was a eunuch. It is Claudian’s two at- tacks on Eutropius that are the inspiration and central focus of this paper which will examine the significance of the figure of the eunuch for the topic of the end of unity between east and west in the Roman Empire. -
The True Story of Christianity in Egypt
THE STORY OF THE COPTS THE TRUE STORY OF CHRISTIANITY IN EGYPT by Iris Habib el Masri BOOK 1 FROM THE FOUNDATION OF THE CHURCH BY SAINT MARK TO THE ARAB CONQUEST 2 Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ King of Kings and Lord of lords 3 H.H. Pope Shenouda III, 117th Pope of Alexandria and the See of St. Mark 4 St. Anthony, Coptic Orthodox Monastery of Southern California, U.S.A., introduces "The Story of the Copts" by IRIS HABIB EL MASRI to all Christians and non-Christians; to old and young; men and women; ... to everyone, with or without an interest in studying religion; and to the public in general. Also, the Copts in Egypt and all over the world. May God grant that the reader gain a true knowledge of the Copts and of the history of Christianity of Egypt. ST. ANMNY MONASTERY P.O. BOX 369 MMERRY SPRINGS, CA 923$5 5 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT It is with deep gratitude that I offer my thanks to our Heavenly Father whose aid and guidance have been my lodestar throughout the years. My thankful homage to the Spirit of my Father Pishoi Kamil whose encouragement by prayer, words and continued endeavour added to my zeal and fervour, and strengthened me to persevere on the path towards fulfilment. My thanks are extended also to all my family circle and friends, with special appreciation to the budding artist Habib Amin el Masri, my nephew, for giving me some of his paintings to adorn this volume. As for my sister Eva el Masri Sidhom, I consider he my co-writer; she and her husband Youssef did their best in editing and typing this work.