Imperial Women and Clerical Exile in Late Antiquity
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The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century. -
Aestimatio: Critical Reviews in the History of Science
Explaining the Cosmos: Creation and Cultural Interaction in Late-Antique Gaza by Michael W. Champion Oxford/New York: Oxford University Press, 2014. Pp. xii + 241. ISBN 978– 0–19–933748–4. Cloth £48.00, $74.00 Reviewed by Lorenzo Perrone University of Bologna [email protected] The last two decades have seen a remarkable renewal of interest in Late Antique Gaza, which contrasts positively with the recurring tragedy and isolation of the Palestinian city nowadays. Several studies have addressed different aspects of Gazan religious and intellectual history from the fourth to the sixth century. In early Byzantine Palestine, a region that became more and more Christian despite its continuing multiethnic and multi-religious environment, Gaza remained a stronghold of paganism until at least the be- ginnings of the fifth century. Generally, research has not dealt at oncewith both the pagan and the Christian Gaza of Late Antiquity, thus suggesting the picture of two separate worlds: on the one hand, the ancient Hellenistic heritage of the rhetorical school of Gaza, which in conformity with the Sec- ond Sophistic was not devoid of philosophical concerns; on the other hand, the new tradition of Christian theology and especially of monasticism that flourished in the vicinity of the city during the fifth and sixth centuries. Even in recent research, we find few exceptions to the separate treatment of these topics. The essays collected by Brouria Bitton-Ashkelony and Aryeh Kofsky in their pathbreaking volume Christian Gaza in Late Antiquity [2004], as suggested by its title, mainly focus on the ecclesiastical and monastic life, al- though they include some contributions on pagan festivals, urban games, and spectacles, as well as on the literary activity of the sophists and their social sta- tus. -
The Exiled Bishops of Constantinople from the Fourth to the Late Sixth Century
Studia Ceranea 5, 2015, p. 231–247 ISSN: 2084-140X DOI: 10.18778/2084-140X.05.07 e-ISSN: 2449-8378 Rafał Kosiński (Białystok) The Exiled Bishops of Constantinople from the Fourth to the Late Sixth Century he existence of quick and efficient communication with the provincial territo- Tries was a matter of vital importance to Late-Antique Constantinople, the cap- ital city and the administrative centre of the Eastern Roman Empire. As a result, it became necessary to ensure the creation and maintenance of the land and sea routes linking the City with the provinces. The present article aims to examine which of those links, specifically by land or sea, facilitated a more rapid and conve- nient communication between the capital city and the more or less distant regions of the Empire, as exemplified by the various places of exile connected with the deposed bishops of Constantinople. Assuming that one of the key goals of sending someone into banishment would be to prevent them, as much as possible, from having any form of communication with the City, the location of the places to which they had been confined by the order of the authorities could indicate which method of contact would have potentially made it easier, or more difficult, for an exiled bishop to communicate with his followers at the capital1. In the early Byzantine period, the office of the Bishop of Constantinople was not a very secure position. Considering the time frame from the consecration of the City until the end of the sixth century, as many as 11 metropolitan bish- ops, in effect every third one, had been deposed from their office. -
John Chrysostom and the Transformation of the City. by Aideen M
98 JOURNAL OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY membership, as defined by Athanasius, shifted over time and according to his polemical purposes, enabling him to present all his opponents from the 330s to the late 350s as representatives of a single heretical party. Gwynn then analyses whether the actions of those whom Athanasius calls ‘the Eusebians’ provide any evidence for a unified political agenda of a single ecclesiastical party against Athanasius and his ‘orthodox’ supporters. Given the fragmentary non-Athanasian evidence for many of these activities, the results here are largely inconclusive. In the last, and longest, chapter, Gwynn determines whether ‘the Eusebians’ subscribed to ‘Arian’ theology. He first defines what he calls ‘Athanasian Arianism,’ that is, how Athanasius himself presented the theological views of Arius and his supporters. Gwynn then compares this theological construct to the known views of specific ‘Eusebians’, Arius, Asterius, Eusebius of Nicomedia, as well as to the Second Creed of the Dedication Council of Antioch in 341, maintaining that neither these ‘Eusebians’ nor the creed reflects an ‘Athanasian Arian’ theology. Gwynn then concludes that the ‘Eusebians’ did not exist as a distinct ecclesiastical party except in the polemic of Athanasius and that the monolithic ‘Arianism’ imputed to them by Athanasius does not do justice to their distinctive theologies. This is not to deny that the so-called ‘Eusebians’ shared political and theological concerns; it is to realise that Athanasius’ polemic distorts the reality. Gwynn’s monograph notes but does not address why Athanasius’s polemical construct found widespread acceptance. EMORY UNIVERSITY MARK DELCOGLIANO John Chrysostom and the transformation of the city. -
The Rule of St Basil in Latin and English
The Rule of St Basil in Latin and English The Rule of St Basil in Latin and English A Revised Critical Edition Translated by Anna M. Silvas A Michael Glazier Book LITURGICAL PRESS Collegeville, Minnesota www.litpress.org A Michael Glazier Book published by Liturgical Press Cover design by Jodi Hendrickson. Cover image: Wikipedia. The Latin text of the Regula Basilii is keyed from Basili Regula—A Rufino Latine Versa, ed. Klaus Zelzer, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, vol. 86 (Vienna: Hoelder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1986). Used by permission of the Austrian Academy of Sciences. Scripture has been translated by the author directly from Rufinus’s text. © 2013 by Order of Saint Benedict, Collegeville, Minnesota. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, microfilm, micro- fiche, mechanical recording, photocopying, translation, or by any other means, known or yet unknown, for any purpose except brief quotations in reviews, without the previous written permission of Liturgical Press, Saint John’s Abbey, PO Box 7500, Collegeville, Minnesota 56321-7500. Printed in the United States of America. 123456789 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Basil, Saint, Bishop of Caesarea, approximately 329–379. The Rule of St Basil in Latin and English : a revised critical edition / Anna M. Silvas. pages cm “A Michael Glazier book.” Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-8146-8212-8 — ISBN 978-0-8146-8237-1 (e-book) 1. Basil, Saint, Bishop of Caesarea, approximately 329–379. Regula. 2. Orthodox Eastern monasticism and religious orders—Rules. I. Silvas, Anna, translator. II. Title. III. Title: Rule of Basil. -
Journeys to Byzantium? Roman Senators Between Rome and Constantinople
Journeys to Byzantium? Roman Senators Between Rome and Constantinople Master’s Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Michael Anthony Carrozzo, B.A Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Kristina Sessa, Advisor Timothy Gregory Anthony Kaldellis Copyright by Michael Anthony Carrozzo 2010 Abstract For over a thousand years, the members of the Roman senatorial aristocracy played a pivotal role in the political and social life of the Roman state. Despite being eclipsed by the power of the emperors in the first century BC, the men who made up this order continued to act as the keepers of Roman civilization for the next four hundred years, maintaining their traditions even beyond the disappearance of an emperor in the West. Despite their longevity, the members of the senatorial aristocracy faced an existential crisis following the Ostrogothic conquest of the Italian peninsula, when the forces of the Byzantine emperor Justinian I invaded their homeland to contest its ownership. Considering the role they played in the later Roman Empire, the disappearance of the Roman senatorial aristocracy following this conflict is a seminal event in the history of Italy and Western Europe, as well as Late Antiquity. Two explanations have been offered to explain the subsequent disappearance of the Roman senatorial aristocracy. The first involves a series of migrations, beginning before the Gothic War, from Italy to Constantinople, in which members of this body abandoned their homes and settled in the eastern capital. -
ABSTRACT the Apostolic Tradition in the Ecclesiastical Histories Of
ABSTRACT The Apostolic Tradition in the Ecclesiastical Histories of Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret Scott A. Rushing, Ph.D. Mentor: Daniel H. Williams, Ph.D. This dissertation analyzes the transposition of the apostolic tradition in the fifth-century ecclesiastical histories of Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret. In the early patristic era, the apostolic tradition was defined as the transmission of the apostles’ teachings through the forms of Scripture, the rule of faith, and episcopal succession. Early Christians, e.g., Irenaeus, Tertullian, and Origen, believed that these channels preserved the original apostolic doctrines, and that the Church had faithfully handed them to successive generations. The Greek historians located the quintessence of the apostolic tradition through these traditional channels. However, the content of the tradition became transposed as a result of three historical movements during the fourth century: (1) Constantine inaugurated an era of Christian emperors, (2) the Council of Nicaea promulgated a creed in 325 A.D., and (3) monasticism emerged as a counter-cultural movement. Due to the confluence of these sweeping historical developments, the historians assumed the Nicene creed, the monastics, and Christian emperors into their taxonomy of the apostolic tradition. For reasons that crystallize long after Nicaea, the historians concluded that pro-Nicene theology epitomized the apostolic message. They accepted the introduction of new vocabulary, e.g. homoousios, as the standard of orthodoxy. In addition, the historians commended the pro- Nicene monastics and emperors as orthodox exemplars responsible for defending the apostolic tradition against the attacks of heretical enemies. The second chapter of this dissertation surveys the development of the apostolic tradition. -
Gerhard Müller. Die Römische Kurie Und Die Reformation 1523–1534
Modern Europe AVERIL CAMERON. Agathias. New York: Oxford MODERN EUROPE University Press. 1970. Pp. ix, 168. $5.50. GERHARD MULLER. Die romische Kurie und die Agathias, a poet, anthologist, and practicing Reformation I523-I534: Kirche und Politik lawyer, wrote a continuation of Procopius, wiihrend des Pontifikates Clemens' VII. (Quel len und Forschungen zur Reformationsge relating the wars of Justinian from 552 to schichte, Number 38.) [Gutersloh:] Gutersloher 559. He is one of the few secular historians Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn. 1969. Pp. 307. DM 45. of the early Byzantine period whose work survives in full; and although we might well In attempting to comprehend the actions of prefer the accidents of preservation to have Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/ahr/article/76/3/767/94214 by guest on 30 September 2021 Pope Clement VII, even Charles v's memoirs spared Eunapius, Priscus, or Menander in express the exasperation: "God knows why stead, Agathias is of uncontestable value not the Pope acted thus." Divine understanding only as a source of data but also as a repre aside, Gerhard Muller's historical under sentative of the literary tradition in which he standing of Clement's politics does omit very wrote. revealing evidence as to the pope's rationale. It is particularly from the latter standpoint Contarini, "the Venetian More," put an ar that Mrs. Cameron has studied him, for, as gument before Clement as regards the latter's she insists, Agathias prized the literary qual choice of seeking the particular good of the ity of his work at least as highly as its veracity. -
6 X 10 Long.P65
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-84633-2 - Rome’s Gothic Wars: From the Third Century to Alaric Michael Kulikowski Index More information Index iii Ablabius, 54 Ariaric, 84–85 Abrittus, 18, 28 Ariminum. See Rimini Adrianople: battle of, 139–143; curia of, Arinthaeus, 117 135–136; siege of, 146 Arius, 107–108 Ad Salices, battle of, 137 Armenia, 129, 137, 167, 168 Aequitius, 143 Arminius, 47 Africa, grain supply of, 6, 168, 175–176 army, Roman: as basis of imperial power, 26; Alamanni,59, 81, 105;origins of,39–40, 67, 71 barbarians in, 35–37, 82, 156; Goths in, 79, Alanoviamuth, 49 82, 103, 106, 156–157; losses of, at Alans, 124–128, 171, 183 Adrianople, 150 Alaric: 1–11, 157–177, 183–184; and Attalus, 9, Arpulas, 121 174–176; and Eutropius, 166–168; and Arrian, 125 Rufinus, 165; death of, 180; early career of, Ascholius, 118 161–162; first revolt of, 164–166; demands Asia Minor: Goths killed in, 146–147, 154; of, 1–2, 165, 172–174; followers, 1–2, 4–5, 6, Gothic revolt in, 168–169 157, 165 Athanaric, 101; ancestry of, 85; death of, 155; Alatheus, 126–127, 131–132, 152;at defeated by Huns, 126–128, 131–132; Adrianople, 141–142 persecutes Christians, 117–118, 120–122; Alavivus, 128–130, 132–133 Roman wars of, 116–118 Aleksandrovka, 92 Atharidus, 120 Alexander Severus, 28 Athaulf, 10, 158, 175, 177, 180–182 alphabet, Gothic, 110 Athens, 19 Amal dynasty, 50, 53, 161 Attalus, Priscus, 9, 174–176, 182–183 Ambrose of Milan, 160 Attica, 19 Ammianus Marcellinus, 103–105; Res Gestae Attila, 157 of, 104–105; on Adrianople, 140–141, 144, Augustae, 31 146–147; on Huns, 124–125 Augustine, 178–179 Antioch, 117, 129 Augustus, 22, 40 Antonine Constitution, 25, 34 Aurelian (emperor), 8, 20–21, 29–30 Antoninus Pius, 23 Aurelian (praetorian prefect), 169 Apamea, 19 Aureolus, 20, 29 Aquitaine, 158, 183 Aurelius Victor, 30 Arabs, 146 Auxentius, 107 Arbogast, 151, 162–163 Auxonius, 115 Arcadius, 163, 165, 172 archaeology. -
St. Kyriake of Nicomedia
St. Kyriake of Nicomedia Commemorated on July 7 St. Kyriake was the only child of Dorotheus and Eusebia. Since she was born on a Sunday (Kyriake, in Greek), she was given the name Kyriake. Not only was Kyriake young and beautiful, but her parents were wealthy. Thus, there came a time when a magistrate wished to betroth Kyriake to his son in order to control her wealth. The magistrate went to her parents to request her hand, but Kyriake told him that she wished to remain a virgin, as she had dedicated herself to Christ. The magistrate became angry and denounced Kyriake and her parents as Christians to Emperor Diocletian Upon Diocletian’s orders, soldiers arrested the family and brought them before him. He asked why they would not honor the pagan gods, and they replied that his gods were false ones, with Christ being the one true God. Dorotheus was beaten until the soldiers grew tired and were unable to continue. Since neither flattery nor torment had any effect, Diocletian sent Dorotheus and Eusebia to Melitene (located between Cappadocia and Armenia). He then sent Kyriake to Nicomedia to be interrogated by his son-in-law and co-ruler, Maximian. Maximian urged Kyriake not to throw her life away, promising her wealth and marriage to one of Diocletian’s relatives if she agreed to worship the pagan gods. Kyriake replied that she would never renounce Christ, nor did she desire worldly riches. Enraged by her answer, Maximian ordered that she be flogged. The soldiers who administered the torture eventually became tired, and had to be replaced three times. -
Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation
Empire of Hope and Tragedy: Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Brian Swain Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Timothy Gregory, Co-advisor Anthony Kaldellis Kristina Sessa, Co-advisor Copyright by Brian Swain 2014 Abstract This dissertation explores the intersection of political and ethnic conflict during the emperor Justinian’s wars of reconquest through the figure and texts of Jordanes, the earliest barbarian voice to survive antiquity. Jordanes was ethnically Gothic - and yet he also claimed a Roman identity. Writing from Constantinople in 551, he penned two Latin histories on the Gothic and Roman pasts respectively. Crucially, Jordanes wrote while Goths and Romans clashed in the imperial war to reclaim the Italian homeland that had been under Gothic rule since 493. That a Roman Goth wrote about Goths while Rome was at war with Goths is significant and has no analogue in the ancient record. I argue that it was precisely this conflict which prompted Jordanes’ historical inquiry. Jordanes, though, has long been considered a mere copyist, and seldom treated as an historian with ideas of his own. And the few scholars who have treated Jordanes as an original author have dampened the significance of his Gothicness by arguing that barbarian ethnicities were evanescent and subsumed by the gravity of a Roman political identity. They hold that Jordanes was simply a Roman who can tell us only about Roman things, and supported the Roman emperor in his war against the Goths. -
SOFIME 21.Indb
DIVINE LOGOS IN THE HEART OF BOETHIUS’S PatH TOWARD SUMMUM BONUM El Logos divino en el anhelo de Boecio hacia el Summum Bonum. Agnieszka Kijewska Universidad Católica Juan Pablo II de Lublin (Polonia) RESUMEN Este artículo presenta un esbozo del modo en que Boecio concebía el camino humano hacia el Bien Supremo (Summum Bonum). Con el fin de lograr este objetivo, primero hay que especificar la forma en que construye este verdadero Bien Supremo y esta discusión está naturalmente relacionada con el problema más discutido que ataña a la identidad cristiana de Boecio: ¿era realmente Cristiano? Su Consolatio, desde la cual cualquier alusión patente a la fe Cristiana está ausente, ¿nos abastece con algún indicio sobre el hecho de si el Bien Supremo de Boecio puede ser identificado con el Dios del Evangelio? En el curso del análisis nos proponemos una hipótesis, según la cual el mensaje que Boecio propone a través de los significados de su Consolatio y las expresiones que él pone en boca de su Dama Filosofía no están tan lejos del consejo ofrecido por Fulgentius de Proba. Ella, también, fue animada a reconocer su misma debilidad y falta de sufi- ciencia, su arrepentimiento, su humilde fe en la sabiduría y en la guía de Dios, quien es de todos el mejor de los doctores. ¿Es este mensaje parecido al de la filosofía de Dame? Alcuino, quien se consideraba como un fiel «discípulo» de Boecio, ¿compartía un concepto de filosofía como el «maestro de virtudes» y sabiduría, como aquel que conduce al hombre a lo largo del camino de la sabiduría hacia la luz Divina? Palabras clave: Bien Supremo, ascensión espiritual, Fulgencio de Ruspe, filosofía como medicina, Boecio.