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The Orontids of Armenia by Cyril Toumanoff
The Orontids of Armenia by Cyril Toumanoff This study appears as part III of Toumanoff's Studies in Christian Caucasian History (Georgetown, 1963), pp. 277-354. An earlier version appeared in the journal Le Muséon 72(1959), pp. 1-36 and 73(1960), pp. 73-106. The Orontids of Armenia Bibliography, pp. 501-523 Maps appear as an attachment to the present document. This material is presented solely for non-commercial educational/research purposes. I 1. The genesis of the Armenian nation has been examined in an earlier Study.1 Its nucleus, succeeding to the role of the Yannic nucleus ot Urartu, was the 'proto-Armenian,T Hayasa-Phrygian, people-state,2 which at first oc- cupied only a small section of the former Urartian, or subsequent Armenian, territory. And it was, precisely, of the expansion of this people-state over that territory, and of its blending with the remaining Urartians and other proto- Caucasians that the Armenian nation was born. That expansion proceeded from the earliest proto-Armenian settlement in the basin of the Arsanias (East- ern Euphrates) up the Euphrates, to the valley of the upper Tigris, and espe- cially to that of the Araxes, which is the central Armenian plain.3 This expand- ing proto-Armenian nucleus formed a separate satrapy in the Iranian empire, while the rest of the inhabitants of the Armenian Plateau, both the remaining Urartians and other proto-Caucasians, were included in several other satrapies.* Between Herodotus's day and the year 401, when the Ten Thousand passed through it, the land of the proto-Armenians had become so enlarged as to form, in addition to the Satrapy of Armenia, also the trans-Euphratensian vice-Sa- trapy of West Armenia.5 This division subsisted in the Hellenistic phase, as that between Greater Armenia and Lesser Armenia. -
The Evolution of Hospitals from Antiquity to the Renaissance
Acta Theologica Supplementum 7 2005 THE EVOLUTION OF HOSPITALS FROM ANTIQUITY TO THE RENAISSANCE ABSTRACT There is some evidence that a kind of hospital already existed towards the end of the 2nd millennium BC in ancient Mesopotamia. In India the monastic system created by the Buddhist religion led to institutionalised health care facilities as early as the 5th century BC, and with the spread of Buddhism to the east, nursing facilities, the nature and function of which are not known to us, also appeared in Sri Lanka, China and South East Asia. One would expect to find the origin of the hospital in the modern sense of the word in Greece, the birthplace of rational medicine in the 4th century BC, but the Hippocratic doctors paid house-calls, and the temples of Asclepius were vi- sited for incubation sleep and magico-religious treatment. In Roman times the military and slave hospitals were built for a specialised group and not for the public, and were therefore not precursors of the modern hospital. It is to the Christians that one must turn for the origin of the modern hospital. Hospices, originally called xenodochia, ini- tially built to shelter pilgrims and messengers between various bishops, were under Christian control developed into hospitals in the modern sense of the word. In Rome itself, the first hospital was built in the 4th century AD by a wealthy penitent widow, Fabiola. In the early Middle Ages (6th to 10th century), under the influence of the Be- nedictine Order, an infirmary became an established part of every monastery. -
Social Change in Eleventh-Century Armenia: the Evidence from Tarōn Tim Greenwood (University of St Andrews)
Social Change in Eleventh-Century Armenia: the evidence from Tarōn Tim Greenwood (University of St Andrews) The social history of tenth and eleventh-century Armenia has attracted little in the way of sustained research or scholarly analysis. Quite why this should be so is impossible to answer with any degree of confidence, for as shall be demonstrated below, it is not for want of contemporary sources. It may perhaps be linked to the formative phase of modern Armenian historical scholarship, in the second half of the nineteenth century, and its dominant mode of romantic nationalism. The accounts of political capitulation by Armenian kings and princes and consequent annexation of their territories by a resurgent Byzantium sat very uncomfortably with the prevailing political aspirations of the time which were validated through an imagined Armenian past centred on an independent Armenian polity and a united Armenian Church under the leadership of the Catholicos. Finding members of the Armenian elite voluntarily giving up their ancestral domains in exchange for status and territories in Byzantium did not advance the campaign for Armenian self-determination. It is also possible that the descriptions of widespread devastation suffered across many districts and regions of central and western Armenia at the hands of Seljuk forces in the eleventh century became simply too raw, too close to the lived experience and collective trauma of Armenians in these same districts at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries, to warrant -
The Satrap of Western Anatolia and the Greeks
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Eyal Meyer University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Meyer, Eyal, "The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2473. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Abstract This dissertation explores the extent to which Persian policies in the western satrapies originated from the provincial capitals in the Anatolian periphery rather than from the royal centers in the Persian heartland in the fifth ec ntury BC. I begin by establishing that the Persian administrative apparatus was a product of a grand reform initiated by Darius I, which was aimed at producing a more uniform and centralized administrative infrastructure. In the following chapter I show that the provincial administration was embedded with chancellors, scribes, secretaries and military personnel of royal status and that the satrapies were periodically inspected by the Persian King or his loyal agents, which allowed to central authorities to monitory the provinces. In chapter three I delineate the extent of satrapal authority, responsibility and resources, and conclude that the satraps were supplied with considerable resources which enabled to fulfill the duties of their office. After the power dynamic between the Great Persian King and his provincial governors and the nature of the office of satrap has been analyzed, I begin a diachronic scrutiny of Greco-Persian interactions in the fifth century BC. -
In Search of Armenian Nobility: Five Armenian Families of the Ottoman Empire
J. Soc. for Armenian Stud. 3 (1987) Printed in the United States of America 93 Robert H. Hewsen IN SEARCH OF ARMENIAN NOBILITY: FIVE ARMENIAN FAMILIES OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE The importance of the nobility in Armenia before the loss of its independence cannot be overestimated, but the history of this nobility was characterized by a steady decline in the number of families of which it was composed. From about fifty in the fourth century A.D., the number of Armenian princely houses steadily dwindled to some forty-two in the fifth century, to thirty-five in the sixth, and to twenty in the eighth.1 Ultimately, only seven Armenian noble families are known for certain to have survived the fall of the last Armenian monarchy in 1375.2 Of these, five continued to exist in Georgia3 while three others, the House of Artsruni, the House of Siwni, and the House of Orbelian, survived on Armenian soil, the first until the Turkish occupation of Van; the remaining two under Persian and, later Russian rule.4 For all this, however, there are not lacking some Armenian fam- ilies of the Ottoman Empire who claim descent from the princely houses of the Armenia of old, and some of these families have played a conspicuous role in modern Armenian history. The basic problem in dealing with their claims lies in proving their legitimacy on grounds other than those of the family's own traditions, which valid though they may possibly be, by their very nature cannot always be verified. In the egalitarian world of Islam, and especially in the Ottoman Em- pire (which, unlike Russia, recognized no hereditary nobility beyond the imperial house itself), the lack of official recognition of nobiliary descent leaves us with very little support for nobiliary claims. -
Archaeology and Urban Settlement in Late Roman and Byzantine Anatolia Edited by John Haldon , Hugh Elton , James Newhard Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-47115-2 — Archaeology and Urban Settlement in Late Roman and Byzantine Anatolia Edited by John Haldon , Hugh Elton , James Newhard Index More Information 369 Index Avkat, Beyözü, and Euchaïta have not been indexed f = i gure, t = table A b a n t , 3 7 , 3 8 , 4 0 Amorium, 269 Abbasids, 156 anagnōstēs (reader), 286 , 290 , 291 , 296 , 311 Acıçay River, 30 Anastasiopolis, 149 Adata, 235 Anastasius (emperor), 17 , 22 , 23 , 63 , 185 , 188 , A d a t e p e , 3 8 189 , 192 , 196 , 202 , 207 , 208 , 209 , 214 , 221 , Aegean Sea, 27 , 28 222 , 222n55 , 222n55 , 224 , 271 , 291 , 293 Aght’amar, 213 , 214n15 Anatolides- Taurides (tectonic unit), 25 , 26 Agricola from Gazacene, 20 Anatolikon (theme), 101 agricultural produce/ output, 30 , 32 , 34 , 36 , 38 , Anazarba, 235 40 , 49 , 96 , 97 , 98 , 100 , 104 , 105 , 106 , 107 , Anazarbos. See Anazarba 107t5.1 , 109 , 110 , 113 , 114 , 123 , 125 , 127 , Anderson, J.G.C., 73 , 81 , 89 , 90 , 102 , 105 , 106 , 128 , 128n79 , 129 , 131 , 132 , 147 , 148 , 149 , 185 , 186 , 187 , 193 , 195 , 203 , 204 , 205 , 206 , 150 , 151n93 , 152 , 152n96 , 153 , 155n119 , 208 159 , 161n143 , 162 , 175 , 211 , 226 , 227 , Andrapa. See N e a p o l i s 249 , 276 Androna, 156 A h l a t . See Chliat animal husbandry/ herding, 9 , 36 , 38 , 39 , 40 , Ahmetsaray, 193 41 , 88 , 98 , 100 , 104 , 110 , 113 , 114 , 115 , 118 , Aizanoi, 301 123 , 132 , 148 , 149 , 150 , 155 , 159 , 165 Akören, 83n73 , 193 Ankara/Ankyra, 9 , 10 , 12 , 14 , 23 , 26 , 44 , 82 , Akroinon, 245 89 , 149 , 186 , -
Armenia, Republic of | Grove
Grove Art Online Armenia, Republic of [Hayasdan; Hayq; anc. Pers. Armina] Lucy Der Manuelian, Armen Zarian, Vrej Nersessian, Nonna S. Stepanyan, Murray L. Eiland and Dickran Kouymjian https://doi.org/10.1093/gao/9781884446054.article.T004089 Published online: 2003 updated bibliography, 26 May 2010 Country in the southern part of the Transcaucasian region; its capital is Erevan. Present-day Armenia is bounded by Georgia to the north, Iran to the south-east, Azerbaijan to the east and Turkey to the west. From 1920 to 1991 Armenia was a Soviet Socialist Republic within the USSR, but historically its land encompassed a much greater area including parts of all present-day bordering countries (see fig.). At its greatest extent it occupied the plateau covering most of what is now central and eastern Turkey (c. 300,000 sq. km) bounded on the north by the Pontic Range and on the south by the Taurus and Kurdistan mountains. During the 11th century another Armenian state was formed to the west of Historic Armenia on the Cilician plain in south-east Asia Minor, bounded by the Taurus Mountains on the west and the Amanus (Nur) Mountains on the east. Its strategic location between East and West made Historic or Greater Armenia an important country to control, and for centuries it was a battlefield in the struggle for power between surrounding empires. Periods of domination and division have alternated with centuries of independence, during which the country was divided into one or more kingdoms. Page 1 of 47 PRINTED FROM Oxford Art Online. © Oxford University Press, 2019. -
Reflections on Fieldwork in the Region of Ani Christina Maranci I Study the Medieval Armenian Monuments—Churche
In the Traces: Reflections on Fieldwork in the Region of Ani Christina Maranci I study the medieval Armenian monuments—churches, monasteries, fortresses, palaces, and more—in what is now eastern Turkey (what many call western Arme- nia). For me, this region is at once the most beautiful, and most painful, place on earth. I am the grandchild of survivors of the Armenian Genocide of 1915–22, in which Armenians living in the Ottoman Empire suffered mass deportation and extermination: a crime that still goes unrecognized by the Turkish state.1 Scholars have characterized the Armenian monuments in Turkey as physical traces of their lost homeland.2 While my scholarship addresses these sites as historical and archi- tectural/artistic phenomena, that work does not often capture the moods and emotions I feel when I am there.3 I hope to offer here a sense of the more personal dimensions of firsthand work with the buildings and their landscapes. Many important medieval Armenian monuments stand on and around the closed international border between the Republics of Turkey and Armenia. Some of them are accessible to tourists, while others, like the church of Mren, remain forbidden, as they lie within or too close to the military zone. Dated to circa 638, and once part of the princely territory of the Kamsarakan family, Mren became the summer residence of the royal Armenian Bagratids in the tenth century.4 Once surrounded by a network of buildings, vineyards, and roads, now the church stands alone. Figure 1 illustrates the Armenian high plateau: deforested from antiquity, it is a rocky tableland lacerated by gorges and ringed with mountain chains. -
Why Did the Import of Dirhams Cease? Viacheslav Kuleshov Institutionen För Arkeologi Och Antikens Kultur Doktorandseminarium 2018-01-31 Kl
Why did the import of dirhams cease? Viacheslav Kuleshov Institutionen för arkeologi och antikens kultur Doktorandseminarium 2018-01-31 Kl. 15-17 1. Introduction The minting of post-reform Islamic silver coins (Kufic dirhams) started under the Umayyad period in 78 AH (697/698). Kufic dirhams were minted using a more or less stable design pattern for more than three centuries until around the middle of the 11th century. The most common are Abbasid and Samanid dirhams of mid-8th to mid- 10th centuries. The later coinages are those of the Buyid, Ziyarid, ‘Uqaylid, Marwanid and Qarakhanid dynasties. 2. Inflows of dirhams under the Abbasid period (750–945), and their silver content The inflow of Kufic dirhams from the Caliphate northwards started as early as around 750. By the beginning of the 9th century the first waves of early Islamic coined silver reached Gotland and Uppland in Sweden, where the oldest grave finds with coins have been discovered. The largest volumes of collected and deposited silver are particularly well recorded in Eastern Europe for the 850s to 860s, 900s to 910s, and 940s to 950s. Of importance is the fact that, as visual examination and many analyses of coins show, from the early 8th to the early 10th centuries an initially established silver content in coins was normally maintained at 92 to 96 per cent. In the first half of the 10th century the same or even higher fineness was typical of the early Samanid dirhams from Central Asia. Such fineness is also evident from colour and metal surface. 3. -
The Relief on the Door of the Msho Arakelots Monastery (1134) As a Source for Studying Arms and Armour of Medieval Armenian Warriors1
Studia Ceranea 9, 2019, p. 207–250 ISSN: 2084-140X DOI: 10.18778/2084-140X.09.12 e-ISSN: 2449-8378 Dmytro Dymydyuk (Lviv) https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5067-5530 The Relief on the Door of the Msho Arakelots Monastery (1134) as a Source for Studying Arms and Armour of Medieval Armenian Warriors1 The history of swords [weapons] is the history of humanity (R.F. Burton)2 Introduction he Bagratid Kingdom of Armenia (884/8863–1045/10644) was the first inde- T pendent Armenian state in the Middle Ages. Having been under the control of the Persians and Umayyad Arabs for centuries, the Royal House of Bagratid was finally able to secure their independence from Arabs at the end of the 9th century. Located at the frontier, between Eastern Roman Empire and the Muslim world, Armenia faced encroachment from both sides, but, on the other hand, adopted the best military solutions from both sides, creating its own military culture. After the fall of the Bagratid Armenia in the middle of the 11th c., the Armenian territory was under the rule of the Seljuk Turks. One of the Turks’ principalities was founded in Western Armenia after the Battle of Manzikert (1071) and called Shah- Armenia (1100–1207)5, whose capital city was Ahlat, located on the north-western 1 I would like to express my gratitude to Professor Valery Yotov from Varna Museum (Bulgaria) for his ideas and materials, which enabled me to prepare the present paper. Furthermore, I would like to thank Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation for a travel grant (2018), which allowed me to find necessary books in the libraries of Armenia and helped me to finish this article. -
Introduction the Role of the Nobility in Armenian and in Christian Caucasian His- Tory Is Certainly Remarkable
NOBILITY AND MONARCHY IN EIGHTEENTH CENTURY ARMENIA: PRELIMINARY REMARKS TO A NEW STUDY ALDO FERRARI Universita “L’Orientale”, Naples Introduction The role of the nobility in Armenian and in Christian Caucasian his- tory is certainly remarkable. According to Cirill Toumanoff, “...the dinastic aristocracy of Caucasia—and not the Crown, not even the Church, nor the gentry, nor the burgesses, nor the peasants—were the natural and unquestioned leaders of the community, the creative mi- nority that set for it the pattern of behaviour, the style of life”.1 In spite of the studies of Toumanoff and other scholars, mainly of Armenian or Georgian origin, the importance of this Caucasian perspective is still neglected in comparative research on nobility, even by those fo- cussing upon Eastern Europe.2 While the origin and the structure of the Armenian nobility in An- cient and Medieval times have been largely studied,3 much work has still to be done on the evolution of this social class in modern times. Such a lack of attention can be partially understood if we consider that the fall of the national kingdoms in the motherland (11th century) and in Cilicia (1375) led to the almost complete extinction of the nobility, 1C. Toumanoff, Studies in Christian Caucasian History, Georgetown, 1963: 144. 2See for instance I. Banac, P. Buskovitch (eds.), The Nobility in Russia and Eastern Europe, New Haven, 1983, and H. M. Scott (ed.), The European Nobilities in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. II. Northern, Central and Eastern Europe, London-New York, 1995. 3See N. Adonc, Armeniya v ¥poxu Yustiniana. -
Sacred Image, Civic Spectacle, and Ritual Space: Tivoli’S Inchinata Procession and Icons in Urban Liturgical Theater in Late Medieval Italy
SACRED IMAGE, CIVIC SPECTACLE, AND RITUAL SPACE: TIVOLI’S INCHINATA PROCESSION AND ICONS IN URBAN LITURGICAL THEATER IN LATE MEDIEVAL ITALY by Rebekah Perry BA, Brigham Young University, 1996 MA, University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2006 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Kenneth P. Dietrich School of Arts & Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2011 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH Kenneth P. Dietrich School of Arts & Sciences This dissertation was presented by Rebekah Perry It was defended on October 28, 2011 and approved by Franklin Toker, Professor, History of Art and Architecture Anne Weis, Professor, History of Art and Architecture Bruce Venarde, Professor, History Alison Stones, Professor, History of Art and Architecture ii Copyright © by Rebekah Perry 2011 iii SACRED IMAGE, CIVIC SPECTACLE, AND RITUAL SPACE: TIVOLI’S INCHINATA PROCESSION AND ICONS IN URBAN LITURGICAL THEATER IN LATE MEDIEVAL ITALY Rebekah Perry, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2011 This dissertation examines the socio-politics of urban performance and ceremonial imagery in the nascent independent communes of late medieval Lazio. It explores the complex manner in which these central Italian cities both emulated and rejected the political and cultural hegemony of Rome through the ideological and performative reinvention of its cult icons. In the twelfth century the powerful urban center of Tivoli adopted Rome’s grandest annual public event, the nocturnal Assumption procession of August 14-15, and transformed it into a potent civic expression that incorporated all sectors of the social fabric. Tivoli’s cult of the Trittico del Salvatore and the Inchinata procession in which the icon of the enthroned Christ was carried at the feast of the Assumption and made to perform in symbolic liturgical ceremonies were both modeled on Roman, papal exemplars.