DOCSLIB.ORG

“As Long As I Am Quiet, I Am Safe” WATCH Threats to Independent Media and Civil Society in Tanzania

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
“As Long As I Am Quiet, I Am Safe” WATCH Threats to Independent Media and Civil Society in Tanzania HUMAN RIGHTS “As Long as I am Quiet, I am Safe” WATCH Threats to Independent Media and Civil Society in Tanzania “As Long as I am Quiet, I am Safe” Threats to Independent Media and Civil Society in Tanzania Copyright © 2019 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-37755 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org OCTOBER 2019 ISBN: 978-1-6231-37755 “As long as I am quiet, I am safe” Threats to Independent Media and Civil Society in Tanzania Summary .................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations .......................................................................................................5 Methodology.............................................................................................................. 9 I. Background ......................................................................................................... 10 Political and Legislative Systems in Tanzania and Zanzibar .............................................. 10 2015 Elections and Aftermath ......................................................................................... 12 Hostile Rhetoric on Human Rights ................................................................................... 13 Media and Civil Society Landscape ................................................................................. 16 II. Restrictions on Expression ............................................................................. 18 Media laws .................................................................................................................... 18 Statistics Act ................................................................................................................. 20 Cybercrimes Act ............................................................................................................. 21 Bans, Shutdowns, Raids and Fines ................................................................................. 21 Arbitrary Arrests, Prosecutions, and Beatings .................................................................. 24 Abductions .................................................................................................................... 29 III. Restrictions on Civil Society Organizations ..................................................... 31 Bureaucracy and Restrictions on Movement .................................................................... 31 Research Permits and Immigration Status ....................................................................... 33 Deregistration and Threats to Deregister and Suspend ..................................................... 35 Raids and Arbitrary Arrests ............................................................................................. 37 Disputing Nationality ..................................................................................................... 39 Office Bombings and Intimidation................................................................................... 41 IV. Attacks and Restrictions on the Political Opposition .......................................43 V. Impact of Repression .................................................................................... 46 Fear and Civil Society Self-Censorship............................................................................. 46 Chilling Effect on the Media ............................................................................................ 48 VI. Government Responses to Criticism ............................................................... 51 VII. Tanzania’s Legal Obligations .........................................................................53 International and Regional Legal Obligations .................................................................. 53 National Laws Affecting Freedom of Expression and Association ...................................... 57 Acknowledgments .....................................................................................................59 Annex ...................................................................................................................... 60 Letter to Tanzanian Authorities Dated September 16, 2019............................................... 60 Summary Since President John Magufuli came to power in 2015, Tanzania has seen a sharp backslide in respect for basic freedoms of association and expression, undermining both media freedoms and civil society. While some restrictive trends may have predated his term, they have intensified since he became president. Authorities have passed new legislation and enforced existing laws that repress independent reporting and restrict the work of media, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and political opposition groups. The president and other high-level officials have made hostile statements about rights issues, at times followed by enforcement actions cracking down on individuals and organizations seen as being critical of government policy. Authorities have censored and suspended newspapers and radio stations, arbitrarily deregistered NGOs, and have not conducted credible investigations into abductions, attempts on the lives of journalists and opposition figures. The government has arbitrarily arrested and, in some cases, brought harassing prosecutions against journalists, activists, and opposition politicians, perceived to be government critics. Based on interviews with 80 people in July to September 2018, and in January 2019, this report documents these restrictions and abuses in both mainland Tanzania and the semi-autonomous island archipelago of Zanzibar, where Human Rights Watch researchers found a similarly repressive environment. Interviewees included reporters, newspaper editors and staff of NGOs in Dar es Salaam, Zanzibar, Arusha, Ilindi and Mwanza. Over the past five years, the Tanzanian government has either enacted or begun to actively enforce repressive laws that undermine independent media, political opposition and civil society. These include the 2015 Cybercrimes Act, which restricts free expression online; the 2015 Statistics Act, which, until its amendment in June 2019, criminalized publishing statistics without government approval and blocked the publication and dissemination of independent research; 2018 regulations to the Electronic and Postal Communications Act that subject bloggers to excessive licensing fees; and the 2016 Media Services Act, which gives government agencies broad power to censor and limit the independence of the media by creating stringent rules for 1 HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH | OCTOBER 2019 journalists accreditation and creating offenses and oversight powers that are open to abuse by the government. The government adopted new regulations in 2018 requiring NGOs to publicly declare their sources of funds, expenditures and intended activities or face deregistration. In addition, the 2002 Political Parties Act was amended in 2019 to restrict the space in which political parties can independently operate in Tanzania. Authorities have stepped up censorship of the media. The Ministry of Information, Culture, Arts and Sports has shut down radio stations and newspapers and suspended live transmissions of parliamentary debates. In one case, the Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority fined television stations for covering an NGO press conference critical of the government, and in another case a government official accompanied by armed security officers raided a television station. The government has used the Cybercrimes Act to harass opposition politicians, journalists and activists, while police have arbitrarily arrested, and in some cases, beaten journalists as they covered events. Police have also arrested two journalists engaged in investigative reporting on government policy. Authorities have not adequately investigated the abduction of two other journalists, one of whom remains missing at the time of writing. The government, through the NGO registrar, has exerted more control over NGOs by increasing bureaucratic requirements for NGOs and threatening to deregister them for non-compliance. All NGOs are now required to publicly disclose financial information and submit extensive registration documentation. Government officials have also threatened NGOs with deregistration over specific activities, for example, for challenging the president’s statements or for promoting LGBT rights. The NGO Coordination Board, under the Ministry of Health, Community Development, Gender, Elderly and Children, has deregistered three NGOs, for what it deemed to be violations of Tanzanian ethics and culture. Police have raided events organized by groups working on protecting the rights of lesbian,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Election Violence in Zanzibar – Ongoing Risk of Violence in Zanzibar 15 March 2011
    Country Advice Tanzania Tanzania – TZA38321 – Revolutionary State Party (CCM) – Civic United Front (CUF) – Election violence in Zanzibar – Ongoing risk of violence in Zanzibar 15 March 2011 1. Please provide a background of the major political parties in Tanzania focusing on the party in power and the CUF. The United Republic of Tanzania was formed in 1964 as a union between mainland Tanganyika and the islands of Unguja and Pemba, which together comprise Zanzibar. Since 1977, it has been ruled by the Revolutionary State Party (Chama Cha Mapinduzi or CCM). In 1992 the government legislated for multiparty democracy, and the country is now a presidential democratic republic with a multiparty system. The first multiparty national elections were held in 1995, and concurrent presidential and parliamentary elections have since been held every 5 years. The CCM has won all elections to date. The CUF, founded in 1991, constituted the main opposition party following the 1995 multiparty elections.1 At the most recent elections in October 2010, the CCM‟s Jakaua Kikwete was re-elected President with 61.7% of the vote (as compared to 80% of the vote in 2005) and the CCM secured almost 80% of the seats. Most of the opposition votes went to the Chadema party, which displaced the Civic United Front (CUF) for the first time as the official opposition. The opposition leader is Chadema‟s Chairman, Freeman Mbowe. Chadema‟s presidential candidate, Willibrod Slaa, took 27% of the vote, while CUF‟s Ibrahim Lipumba received 8%.2 Notwithstanding the CCM‟s election success, the BBC reports that Kikwete‟s “political legitimacy has been seen by some to have been somewhat dented in the 2010 elections”, given the decline in his percent of the vote, and a total election turnout of only 42%, down from 72% in 2005.
    [Show full text]
  • Tanzanian State
    THE PRICE WE PAY TARGETED FOR DISSENT BY THE TANZANIAN STATE Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2019 Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Cover photo: © Amnesty International (Illustration: Victor Ndula) (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2019 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: AFR 56/0301/2019 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 6 METHODOLOGY 8 1. BACKGROUND 9 2. REPRESSION OF FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND INFORMATION 11 2.1 REPRESSIVE MEDIA LAW 11 2.2 FAILURE TO IMPLEMENT EAST AFRICAN COURT OF JUSTICE RULINGS 17 2.3 CURBING ONLINE EXPRESSION, CRIMINALIZATION AND ARBITRARY REGULATION 18 2.3.1 ENFORCEMENT OF THE CYBERCRIMES ACT 20 2.3.2 REGULATING BLOGGING 21 2.3.3 CYBERCAFÉ SURVEILLANCE 22 3. EXCESSIVE INTERFERENCE WITH FACT-CHECKING OFFICIAL STATISTICS 25 4.
    [Show full text]
  • The Authoritarian Turn in Tanzania
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UCL Discovery The Authoritarian Turn in Tanzania Dan Paget is a PhD candidate at the University of Oxford, where he is writing his thesis on election campaigning in sub-Saharan Africa, and in particular the uses of the rally. While living in Tanzania in 2015, he witnessed the general election campaign and the beginning of Magufuli’s presidency first-hand. Abstract Since 2015, Tanzania has taken a severe authoritarian turn, accompanied by rising civil disobedience. In the process, it has become a focal point in debates about development and dictatorship. This article unpicks what is happening in contemporary Tanzania. It contends that Tanzania is beset by a struggle over its democratic institutions, which is rooted in rising party system competition. However, this struggle is altered by past experience in Zanzibar. The lessons that both government and opposition have drawn from Zanzibar make the struggle in mainland Tanzania more authoritarian still. These dynamics amount to a new party system trajectory in Tanzania Dan Paget 2 The Tanzanian general election of 2015 seemed like a moment of great democratic promise. Opposition parties formed a pre-electoral coalition, which held. They were joined by a string of high-profile defectors from the ruling CCM (Chama cha Mapinduzi, or the Party of the Revolution). The defector-in-chief, Edward Lowassa, became the opposition coalition’s presidential candidate and he won 40 per cent of the vote, the strongest showing that an opposition candidate has ever achieved in Tanzania.
    [Show full text]
  • Assessing Transport Trade Facilitation
    AID‐FOR‐TRADE: CASE STORY CENTRE FOR SOCIO‐ECO‐NOMIC DEVELOPMENT (CSEND) ASSESSING TRANSPORT & TRADE FACILITATION IN UGANDA, RWANDA AND TANZANIA Date of submission: January 31, 2011 Region: East Africa Countries: Uganda, Rwanda, Tanzania Type: Field study of aid delivery mechanisms directed to reduce transport costs and non‐tariff barriers for exporters. Author: Vasudave Daggupaty Contact Details: 62 McCabe Crescent, Vaughan, ON, Canada L4J 2Y7; +1 905 738 1521; [email protected] Supporting Authors: Christian Ksoll, Achintya Singh 1 AID‐FOR‐TRADE CASE STORY: CSEND Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................................. 4 Objective ............................................................................................................................................. 4 Issues Addressed ................................................................................................................................. 4 Design and Implementation ................................................................................................................ 4 Problems Encountered ....................................................................................................................... 4 Factors for Success/Failure ................................................................................................................. 5 Recommendations .............................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Tanzania's Media Capture Challenge
    Unfinished business: Tanzania’s media capture challenge RYAN POWELL Researcher and media development consultant While Tanzania has gradually moved toward political pluralism and market economics, the development of independent media has remained stunted. This chapter argues that Tanzania’s media sector suffers from a multi-faceted form of capture that is a product of government regulation, clientelism, economic pressure, and intimidation. The capture of Tanzanian media by the state and political elites takes place against the backdrop of an underfunded and discredited press ecosystem and amid power struggles in an increasingly vocal and politically diverse society. This essay is a chapter from Anya Schiffrin, ed., In the Service of Power: Media Capture and the Threat to Democracy (Washington, DC: Center for International Media Assistance, 2017) 83 In the Service of Power: Media Capture and the Threat to Democracy Introduction Media capture in transitioning societies and economies takes a variety of forms: it is driven by corporate and government influence, buyouts, and ownership monop- olies. But as the case of Tanzania demonstrates, it is also manifest in regulatory frameworks and exacerbated by ad hoc intimidation, economic circumstances, skill deficiencies, and a host of other structural conditions. Media operating in Tanzania face a range of constraints, which include diverse and overlapping forms of media capture. Due to its history, Tanzania inherited a legacy of media control by the state and elites. As a former British colony, it adopted colonial-era regulations that were then supplemented with a post-colonial socialist belief in media as subservient to a state development agenda. Since 1992, Tanzania has gradually moved toward a pluralist political system and limited capitalism, introducing privatization and market mechanisms to boost industrialization, and allowing private media owner- ship.
    [Show full text]
  • AFRICA RISK CONSULTING Tanzania Monthly Briefing
    AFRICA RISK CONSULTING Tanzania Monthly Briefing December 2020 Tanzania Summary 4 December 2020 President John Magufuli (2015-present) outlines his priorities for his second and final term in office during the inauguration of parliament on 13 November following the resounding win of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) in the October general election. While Magufuli has signalled further assistance for the private sector, his delay in appointing a full cabinet has further slowed government engagement. The protracted downturn in tourism globally is putting Tanzania’s economy, and its levels of foreign exchange reserves, under strain. Tanzania fares moderately compared to its regional neighbours in the Mo Ibrahim Foundation’s annual Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG). Magufuli’s second term off to a slow start President John Magufuli (2015-present) outlined his priorities for his second, and final, term in office at the inauguration of parliament on 13 November.1 Magufuli won the 28 October election with 84.4% of the popular vote, while the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party won an overwhelming majority in the National Assembly.2 Although there were significant concerns both within Tanzania and among international observers about the level of government interference in the polls,3 the National Electoral Commission (NEC) has upheld the results and the focus has now shifted to what Magufuli’s second term in office is likely to look like. During the inauguration speech, Magufuli vowed to continue to prosecute his broadly successful anti- corruption campaign, which has seen Tanzania rise from 119th place in 2014 to 96th place in 2019 in Germany-based non-governmental organisation Transparency International’s annual Corruption Perceptions Index during his time in office.4 Magufuli also committed to work further to see the country industrialise, with a focus on job creation and infrastructure, as well as commitment to ensure that the country’s key economic indicators remain stable.
    [Show full text]
  • Responses to Information Requests - Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Page 1 of 22
    Responses to Information Requests - Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Page 1 of 22 Home Country of Origin Information Responses to Information Requests Responses to Information Requests Responses to Information Requests (RIR) are research reports on country conditions. They are requested by IRB decision makers. The database contains a seven-year archive of English and French RIR. Earlier RIR may be found on the UNHCR's Refworld website. Please note that some RIR have attachments which are not electronically accessible here. To obtain a copy of an attachment, please e-mail us. Related Links • Advanced search help 17 September 2018 TZA106150.FE Tanzania: Treatment of sexual minorities by society and the authorities, including legislation, state protection available and support services; the laws criminalizing same-sex unions in Zanzibar, including whether there is any confusion among the authorities regarding the applicable legislative provisions (2016-August 2018) Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Ottawa 1. Legislation Sources indicate that consensual sexual relations between adult men are illegal in Tanzania and that, in addition, lesbianism is prohibited in the semi- autonomous archipelago of Zanzibar (US 20 Apr. 2018, 26; Human Rights Watch 23 June 2017). https://www.irb-cisr.gc.ca/en/country-information/rir/Pages/index.aspx?doc=457598&pls... 11/27/2018 Responses to Information Requests - Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Page 2 of 22 1.1 Tanzania The Tanzanian Penal Code provides the following:
    [Show full text]
  • The Weak Link the Role of Local Institutions in Accountable Natural Resource Management
    OXFAM RESEARCH REPORT THE WEAK LINK THE ROLE OF LOCAL INSTITUTIONS IN ACCOUNTABLE NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT TANZANIA COVER: Open-pit gold mines like this one bring high environmental and social costs to countries like Tanzania, and need to bring in revenues that can be used to offset negative effects. Brett Eloff / Oxfam America 2 Oxfam America | The Weak Link: The Role of Local Institutions in Accountable Resource Management, Tanzania CONTENTS Executive Summary ............................................................................................. 2 1. Introduction ...................................................................................................... 8 Sociopolitical and economic overview ............................................................ 10 Format of the report…………………………………………………………………11 2. Methods and conceptual framings ................................................................. 13 3. Revenue sharing in Tanzania ........................................................................ 15 Mining ............................................................................................................ 15 Oil and gas..................................................................................................... 17 Understanding revenue-sharing policy: Mining ............................................... 19 Understanding revenue-sharing policy: Petroleum, oil and gas ...................... 26 Accountability in revenue sharing ..................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Tanzania: Recent Governance Trends and 2020 Elections in Brief
    Tanzania: Recent Governance Trends and 2020 Elections In Brief Updated October 26, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46579 Tanzania: Recent Governance Trends and 2020 Elections In Brief Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 President Magufuli .......................................................................................................................... 1 Governance Trends Under Magufuli ......................................................................................... 2 Limits on Organized Political Rights and Political Party Activity...................................... 2 Restrictions on Expression, the Press, and Independent Research ..................................... 4 Curtailing the Independence of Civil Society ..................................................................... 5 The Government’s Human Rights Record and Rhetoric........................................................... 5 Elections: Recent Trends and 2020 General Elections .................................................................... 6 October 2020 Elections ............................................................................................................. 8 U.S. Relations and Congressional Responses ................................................................................. 9 U.S. Governance Programs .....................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Governance and Development of the East African Community: the Ethical Sustainability Framework
    Governance and Development of the East African Community: The Ethical Sustainability Framework Dickson Kanakulya Faculty of Arts and Sciences Studies in Applied Ethics 16 Linköping University, Department of Culture and Communication Linköping 2015 Studies in Applied Ethics 16 Distributed by: Department of Culture and Communication Linköping University 581 83 Linköping Sweden Dickson Kanakulya Governance and Development of the East African Community: The Ethical Sustainability Framework Licentiate thesis Edition 1:1 ISSN 1402‐4152:16 ISBN 978‐91‐7685‐894‐3 © The author Department of Culture and Communication 2015 Declaration: I declare that this study is my original work and a product of my personal critical research and thought. …………………………………………….. Kanakulya Dickson, Kampala, Uganda November, 2015 ii Approval: This research report has been submitted with the approval of my supervisor: Prof. Goran Collste --2015--11--09----- Co-Supervisor’s name: Signature: Date iii © 2015 Kanakulya Dickson All rights reserved iv Dedication: This work is dedicated to the Lord of all Spirits and Letters; accept it as a feeble effort to serve your eternal purposes.To Caroline Kanakulya, a beautiful and kindred spirit. To the healing of the spirit of East Africans.To the watchers who stood steadfast in the days of the multiplication. Great mysteries await across! v Acknowledgements: I acknowledge the Swedish Agency for International Development (Sida) and Makerere University for funding this research; and the staff of Makerere Directorate of Graduate Research and Training for support during the study. My deepest gratitude goes to my wife Caroline Kanakulya, my travel companion in life’s journey; thanks for standing my flaws and supporting me.
    [Show full text]
  • Tanzania: Recent Governance Trends and 2020 Elections in Brief
    Tanzania: Recent Governance Trends and 2020 Elections In Brief Updated October 26, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46579 Tanzania: Recent Governance Trends and 2020 Elections In Brief Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 President Magufuli .......................................................................................................................... 1 Governance Trends Under Magufuli ......................................................................................... 2 Limits on Organized Political Rights and Political Party Activity...................................... 2 Restrictions on Expression, the Press, and Independent Research ..................................... 4 Curtailing the Independence of Civil Society ..................................................................... 5 The Government’s Human Rights Record and Rhetoric........................................................... 5 Elections: Recent Trends and 2020 General Elections .................................................................... 6 October 2020 Elections ............................................................................................................. 8 U.S. Relations and Congressional Responses ................................................................................. 9 U.S. Governance Programs .....................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Tarehe 12 Aprili, 2019
    NAKALA MTANDAO(ONLINE DOCUMENT) BUNGE LA TANZANIA ________ MAJADILIANO YA BUNGE _________ MKUTANO WA KUMI NA TANO Kikao cha Tisa – Tarehe 12 Aprili, 2019 (Bunge Lilianza Saa Tatu Asubuhi) D U A Mwenyekiti (Mhe. Andrew J. Chenge) Alisoma Dua MWENYEKITI: Waheshimiwa Wabunge, tukae. Katibu. NDG. NEEMA MSANGI - KATIBU MEZANI: MASWALI NA MAJIBU MWENYEKITI: Swali letu la kwanza asubuhi ya leo linaelekezwa kwa Ofisi ya Rais – TAMISEMI na linaulizwa na Mheshimiwa Shaabani Omari Shekilindi, Mbunge wa Lushoto. Na. 68 Kukarabati Shule za Msingi na Sekondari - Lushoto MHE. SHAABANI O. SHEKILINDI aliuliza:- Serikali imekuwa na utaratibu wa kukarabati shule zake za msingi na sekondari nchini:- Je, ni lini Serikali itazifanyia ukarabati Shule za Msingi Kwemashai, Bandi, Milungui, Kilole na Shule za Sekondari za Ntambwe, Ngulwi - Mazashai na Mdando? 1 NAKALA MTANDAO(ONLINE DOCUMENT) MWENYEKITI: Ahsante. Naibu Waziri, Ofisi ya Rais, TAMISEMI, Mheshimiwa Waitara. NAIBU WAZIRI, OFISI YA RAIS, TAWALA ZA MIKOA NA SERIKALI ZA MITAA (MHE. MWITA M. WAITARA) alijibu:- Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, kwa niaba ya Waziri wa Nchi, Ofisi ya Rais – TAMISEMI, naomba kujibu swali la Mheshimiwa Shaabani Omari Shekilindi, Mbunge wa Lushoto, kama ifuatavyo:- Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, katika kipindi cha mwaka 2018/2019, Serikali kupitia Program ya Lipa Kulingana na Matokeo (EPforR) imepeleka jumla ya shilingi milioni 467 kwa ajili ya ujenzi wa mabweni mawili, matundu sita ya vyoo na madarasa mawili katika Shule ya Msingi Shukilai (Shule ya Elimu Maalum) na ujenzi wa mabweni mawili Shule ya Sekondari Magamba, ujenzi wa bweni moja na madarasa mawili Shule ya Sekondari Umba. Mheshimiwa Mwenyekiti, vilevile katika mwaka wa Fedha 2018/2019, Serikali imetoa shilingi bilioni 29.9 kwa ajili ya ukamilishaji wa maboma 2,392 ya madarasa nchi nzima ambapo kati ya fedha hizo Halmashauri ya Wilaya ya Lushoto imepewa kiasi cha Sh.512,500,000 kwa ajili ya kukamilisha maboma 46 ya madarasa shule za sekondari.
    [Show full text]