Indonesian Government Policy on the Iranian Nuclear Program for Energy

INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT POLICY ON THE IRANIAN NUCLEAR PROGRAM FOR ENERGY

By YAYAN FIRMANSYAH ID No. 016201000071

A thesis presented to the Faculty of International Relations, Communication and Law President University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for Bachelor’s Degree in International Relations Specialization in Diplomacy

2014

THESIS ADVISER RECOMMENDATION LETTER

This thesis entitled “Indonesian Government Policy on the Iranian Nuclear Program for Energy” prepared and submitted by Yayan Firmansyah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in International Relations in the School of International Relations, Communications and Law, President University, has been reviewed and found to have satisfied the requirements for a thesis fit to be examined. I therefore recommend this thesis for Oral Defense.

Jakarta, Indonesia, January 25th, 2014

Thesis Adviser

______Dr. Muhammad A.S. Hikam, M.A

DECLARATION OF ORIGINALITY

I declare that this thesis entitled “Indonesian Government Policy on the Iranian Nuclear Program for Energy” is, to the best of my knowledge and belief, an original piece of work that has not been submitted, either in whole or in part, to another university to obtain a degree.

Jakarta, Indonesia, January 23th 2014.

______

Yayan Firmansyah

PANEL OF EXAMINER APPROVAL SHEET

The panel of examiners declare that the thesis entitled “Indonesian Policy on Iranian Nuclear Program for Energy” that was submitted by Yayan Firmansyah majoring in International Relations from the Faculty of Business and International Relations was assessed and approved to have passed the Oral Examinations on (February 17th 2014)

Hendra Manurung, MA. Chair – Panel of Examiners

Prof. Anak Agung Banyu Perwita Ph.D. Examiner

DR. Muhammad A.S. Hikam, M.A Advisor ABSTRACT

Title: Indonesian Government Policy on the Iranian Nuclear Program for Energy.

This thesis attempts to analyze Indonesian position on Iranian nuclear program for energy and to explore in detail the Iranian nuclear program itself. This thesis is significant in providing detailed information on the Indonesian government policy on several issues: 1) Iranian nuclear program, 2) the statement of Indonesian government about nuclear program of Iran, 3) Historical background of Iranian nuclear program and its development and 4) the other perspectives about Iranian nuclear program. It takes the timeframe from the very beginning of Iranian nuclear program until it’s development in 2010 because of Iranian nuclear most active programs and remain unclear are implemented in the said time. This descriptive and analytical study uses the method of Library Research which is analyzing historical records and documents of Iranian nuclear program and the Indonesian government policy about Iranian nuclear program, to gain more answer about the Indonesian position on Iranian nuclear program, the purpose behind the support and to find out the opinion about what actually Iranian nuclear program is, because this issue is remain unclear. Indonesia as one of Islamic countries give it support for Iranian government on developing it nuclear energy. In- donesia’s policy about the support is as long as the nuclear energy is for peaceful purposes, however other countries such as U.S. doesn’t believe that Iran would not build their nuclear system for weapon if Iran developed their nuclear program. This means Indonesia would be having another perspective about this situation. This study also explain the perspectives of Indonesia in case of what is the real program running by Iran government.

ABSTRAK

Judul: Peraturan Peremrintah Indonesia Terhadap Program Nuklir Iran untuk Energy.

Skripsi ini ditujukan untuk menganalisa posisi Indonesia terhadap program nuklir Iran untuk energi dan untuk menyelidiki lebih mendalam tentang program nuklir Iran tersebut. Penelitian ini sangat penting dalam memberikan informasi rinci tentang kebijakan pemerintah Indonesia mengenai beberapa isu, seperti 1) program nuklir Iran, 2) pernyataan pemerintah Indonesia tentang program nuklir Iran, 3) latar belakang sejarah program nuklir Iran dan perkem- bangannya dan 4) perspektif lain tentang program nuklir Iran. Dengan latar belakang tersebut, penulis akan membahas dari awal mula pengembangan program nuklir Iran sampai di tahun 2010, karena sebagian besar program nuklir Iran yang masih aktif dan masih belum jelas ada pada masa tersebut. Deskripsi dan analisa penelitian menggunakan metode Penelitian Pustaka untuk menganalisa sejarah, dan dokumen program nuklir Iran dan kebijakan pemerintahan Indonesia tentang program nuklir Iran untuk mendapatkan lebih banyak jawaban tentang posisi Indonesia terhadap program nuklir Iran, latar belakang tujuan tersebut, dan untuk menemukan pendapat tentang apa sebenarnya program nuklir Iran, karena permasalahan tersebut masih tidak jelas. Indonesia sebagai salah satu negara Islam memberikan dukungan terhadap pemerintah Iran dalam pem- bangunan dan pengembangan energi nuklir, Indonesia akan mendukung program tersebut selama energi nuklir yang dikembangkan oleh Iran adalah untuk tujuan damai, tetapi negara lain seperti US tidak percaya bahwa Iran tidak akan membangun sistem nuklir mereka untuk persenjataan apabila Iran mengembangkan program nuklirnya. Ini mengartikan bahwa Indo- nesia akan mempunyai sisi lain tentang situasi tersebut. Pembelajaran ini juga menjelaskan sisi penilaian dari Indonesia, apa program yang sebenarnya sedang dilakukan oleh pemerintah Iran terhadap program nuklirnya.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

Working on a long piece of work like a thesis has been a meaningful, it is a very mem- orable and challenging, it gives a lot of experience both personally and professionally. In doing it, it gives us a lot of sense about what we've gained during the study, and what is not, so that we can pursue and seek answers. It is very challenging, how to make a complicated matter, be answered and find a solution. How we think, and how we resolve a problem itself. Nevertheless, considering a thesis as a result of merely one’s hard-work is one of the most untrue statement of academic life. Even the motivation to dye the blank white page with its very first words is more often than not, came externally. The people and entities I would like to toss heartfelt and uplifting gratitude include:

1. Dearest God up there. Thank you for your blessings and share of troubles. Thank you for always give me the spirits and health so I could finished my thesis. Thank you for always give me one way or another to find the answers of how it used to be. Thank you for caring me anytime, and for all of the loves you gives, for the people surrounding me who loves me, I am sure that without all of your work, I would be nothing. Also convey my regards to Your Prophet, Prophet Muhammad, the one who has been guiding and showing the right path so that we could get in the future is bright and beautiful.

2. Mr. Muhammad A.S. Hikam as my thesis mentor. Thank you for taking your time, to guide and direct where we are heading so that what is planned to be running seamlessly. That what has been started can be ended immediately and get the best. Not much we can do, other than thank you and wish the best for you.

iii

3. Other President University lecturers, especially for Mr. Anak Agung Banyu Perwita, Mr. Eric and Mr. Hendra Manurung, thank you for responding to the low quality questions of a confused student. I was able to ditch out crazy and ineffective ideas because of your comments.

4. Directorate of International Security and Disarmament, Mr. Andi and Mr. Rama for answering my questions related to my study. It gives me another way to solve the problem of my case study and gives a light for it. Thank you very much for that.

5. My Parents. Especially my Mum, the first best women I’ve ever have. Thank you for always taking care of what I need for the study and for finishing this final project. For always give me a wise comment and advices, for always give me her pure love to makes me strong and stand still.

6. My second best woman I’ve ever had, Putri Iqlhima, for always give me spirit for finishing my thesis and always think I can do it well, while I got lost the spirit and thought that I would not be able to finish it. Thank you very much for that.

7. My friends. All International Relations students. Especially for Denisa, thank you for always answering all my question regarding to my thesis problem and keep my spirit up. Isma R. Ramadhani, Rezly Eskarlita S, Afdhalul Khair, for always cheering me up when I get lost. Suastia Widyati, the one who is give me a spirit to finishing my thesis in hurry because she already finished it. Rifky Refinaldi, for always giving me a lift at the time of consoling, also for remind me about the deadline. Senny Oktarina, for gave me some information about the Directorate of International Security and Disarmament. Rizqi Fauziyah, the

one who is always with me when looking for some books or literatures in libraries. Edwinardo Hutomo, for helping me out in one way or another. Carinna Linanta, for always helping and answering my question regarding on how the thing is. Also last but not least, Grupara Inc. Crew, especially for Lolabox team, for always support me.

8. Bang TJ, I thank to you for always give me a reminder about the thesis consultation time and other stuffs regarding to this consultation things.

9. Douglas Kaleta. My new friend who is helping me out editing my grammar mistake and give me some advices about paper work. Thank you so much for that.

10. Last but not least, my President University’s friends. Especially for Interna- tional Relations 2010. Thank you so much for everything, for every laugh we made, for every moment we had, for every story we created and for everything. This campus live would suck without all of you guys. Thank you!

Jakarta, March 4, 2014

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ...... i

ABSTRAK ...... ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ...... iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... vi

LIST OF TABLES ...... ix

LIST OF PICTURES ...... ix

CHAPTER I ...... 1

INTRODUCTION ...... 1

I.1. Background of the Study ...... 1

I.2. Problem Identification ...... 3

I. 3. Statement of the Problem ...... 4

I.4. Research Objectives ...... 4

I.5. Significance of the Study ...... 4

I.6. Theoretical Framework ...... 4

I.7. Scope and Limitation of the Study ...... 8

I.8. Definition of Terms ...... 8

CHAPTER II ...... 11

LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 11

II.1. Nuclear ...... 11

II.1.1. Definition of Nuclear ...... 11

II.1.2. Nuclear Program ...... 12

II.1.3. Nuclear Energy ...... 13

II.2. Indonesia and Iran Partnership ...... 16

II.2.1. Indonesian Foreign Political Relations ...... 16

II.2.2. The UN Security Council and Nuclear Iran ...... 16 II.2.3. Indonesia Policy Responses on UNSC Resolution Related to Nuclear Iran ...... 18

II.3. The Indonesian Nuclear Program ...... 19

II.4. The Iranian Nuclear Program ...... 20

II.5. Indonesia’s Perspectives on the Iranian Nuclear Program ... 24

II.6. Previous Research ...... 25

II.7. Theoretical Perspective ...... 27

CHAPTER III ...... 29

METHODOLOGY ...... 29

III.1. Research Method ...... 29

III.1.1. Qualitative Approach ...... 29

III.1.2. Case Study ...... 30

III.2. Research Framework ...... 32

III.3. Research Time and Date ...... 34

III.4. Research Instruments ...... 34

III.5. Data Analysis ...... 35

CHAPTER IV ...... 37

DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION ...... 37

IV.1. Historical Background of Iran ...... 37

IV.1.1 History ...... 37 IV.1.2. Background of the Development of Iran's Nuclear Program ...... 44

IV.1.3. The Complexity of Iranian Nuclear Issue ...... 50

vii

IV.1.4. Nuclear Weapon States ...... 56

IV.1.5. Current Condition about Iranian Nuclear Program ...... 58

IV.1.5.1. What Inspections Revealed ...... 59

IV.1.5.2. Enrichment Activities ...... 60

IV.1.5.3. Recent Update About Iranian Nuclear Program ...... 61

IV.2. Analysis and Identification ...... 65 IV.2.1. The Indonesian Position on Iranian Nuclear Program for Energy ...... 66 IV.2.2. What is the Indonesian Policies towards the Iranian Nuclear Program? ...... 68

CHAPTER V ...... 74

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION ...... 74

V.1. Conclusion...... 74

V.2. Recommendation...... 79

REFERENCES ...... 81

viii

LIST OF TABLES Table 4.1. Nuclear Weapon State Testing Weapon 55

LIST OF PICTURES

Picture II.1. Proven Natural Gas Reserves 21

Picture IV.1. Uranium Enrichment Facility in Natanz 45

Picture IV.2. Heavy Water Facility in Arak 45

Picture IV.3. Nuclear Weapon States 56

Picture IV.4. Nuclear Weapons Ownership States 57

LIST OF ACRONYMS

IAEA : International Atomic Energy Agency

NPT : Non-Proliferation Treaty

NWS : Nuclear Weapon State

Tfc : Trillion Cubic Feet

UNSC : United Nations Security Council

BAPETEN : Badan Pengawas Tenaga Nuklir

MW : Megawatt

BATAN : Badan Tenaga Nuklir Nasional

LEU : Low Enriched Uranium

HEU : Highly Enriched Uranium

CIA : Central Intelligence Agency

TNRC : Tehran Nuclear Research Center

WMD : Weapon Mass Destruction

OIC : Organization of the Islamic Conference

AEOI : Atomic Energy Agency of Iran

CSIS : Center for Strategic & International Studies

MIT : Massachusetts Institute of Technology

NATO : North Atlantic Treaty Organization

NCR : National Council of Resistance of Iran

AFP : Agence France-Presse (French press agency)

INSS : Institute for National Security Studies

CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION

I.1. Background of the Study

International Relations (IR) is a changing and dynamic field of study. Today, the discipline is different in many ways from that of IR immediately after the Second World War. The impact of globalization on IR was almost negligible during that period. Moreover, the post-Cold War world order has thrown many challenges to the students of IR. Is the post-Cold War international order a multipolar one? Is globalization eroding the nation of state sovereignty? What would be the impact of energy crisis be on world politics?1 As one subject in the social sciences, International Relations has so many issues to be discussed. One of the issues is nuclear. This is an issue of International Relations that still has big pros and cons among countries. Lots of countries are trying their best to protect their nation. Nuclear energy is a big resource that every country is trying its best to have in order to protect their own country and also as the hard power of another country. We cannot deny that nuclear energy has so many pros and cons in its existence, but we also cannot deny that nuclear as energy has a lot of potential to replace the energy source that is already scarce. A lot of countries is having and keep- ing their energy and power of nuclear, such as the United States, China, Russia, United Kingdom, and last but not least, Iran. Nuclear can be bad, but it also has its good side. Positives and negatives of nuclear are always discussed. Nuclear can be the most dangerous weapon if the use of nuclear is for weapon systems; however, nuclear can be helpful if the use of nuclear is for developing energy.

1 Aneek Chatterjee. (2012). International Relations Today Concept and Applications. P. Preface

Iran is one of the countries that has been trying to develop a nuclear program for energy. Iran's nuclear program has caused much controversy in recent years. Some international critics say that Iran does not need nuclear because its oil and gas reserves are quite remarkable. Many people suspect that the real aim of the Iranian nuclear development is to develop a nuclear weapon system. Iran does not need nuclear energy, neither present time nor future, because Iran can easily meet its energy needs without depending on nuclear power sources. The above situation is different in the case of Indonesia. Energy resources are available in Indonesia but are small per capita. The increase of oil prices and its reserve depletion rate dictate the decrease of oil consumption. Therefore, it is imperative to increase the shares of other fossils as well as the new and renewable sources of energy in various energy sectors substituting the oil. The introduction of nuclear power plants become indispensable although the share is small but significantly important for electric generations. This nuclear technology can also have an important role which ena- bles the increase of the shares of renewable, as well as fossil, energies to meet more sustainable energy mix sufficing the energy demand to attain intended economic and population growths while maintaining the environment. The first introduced nuclear power plant is to be the proven ones, but the innovative nuclear energy systems being developed by various countries will eventually also be partially employed to further improve the sustainability. This small number of energy resources might be one of the reasons why Indo- nesia supports the Iranian nuclear program, but the position of Indonesia on the Iranian nuclear program is still unclear. In this study, the author will focus on Indonesia’s position on the unclear Ira- nian nuclear program. This is also true that the reasons why Indonesia giving support regarding the Iranian nuclear program remains unclear. The Iranian nuclear program is having so many issues due to the suspicious that it would use nuclear as a weapon system in the eye of another country, such as U.S. and its alliances. However, in this case, Indonesian support to the Iranian program is only a nuclear program for peaceful

2 purposes. The full view or perspective about Indonesia regarding the Iranian nuclear program will be deeply discussed more in Chapter 4.

I.2. Problem Identification

In this study, the author would like to examine the Indonesian government policies on the Iranian nuclear program in connection to advancing Iran's nuclear program for energy. Indonesia's position on the Iranian nuclear program remains unclear. This uncertainty raises a lot of perception about the Indonesia. Indonesia gives its support for Iranian nuclear program possibly because Iran and Indonesia both are two Islamic countries, or maybe Indonesia has its own interests for a future nuclear program. On the other hand, a connection to Iran developing nuclear energy was a big issue for many countries where the energy of Iran is abundant, while the nuclear material used in the energy supply is not believed to be necessary if it is only used to supply energy in the country. It is believed that the program that Iran developed is a program for nuclear weapon system. The Indonesian government did mention about Indonesia’s position regarding Iranian nuclear program. Indonesian President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said that his country support Iranian nuclear program as long as the program for peaceful purposes, but in addition to it, as Indonesia selected for non-temporary member on UNSC, Indonesia did unclear action which confusing about what is Indonesia’s perspective on the program. This case will be more discussed on Chapter II and IV. The author also wants to identify where the main goal of Iran with their nuclear energy development are and the reactions of Indonesia if, in the end, Indonesia would find out that the energy developed by Iran is for their nuclear weapon system. On the other hand, we can say that Indonesia itself is not ready to develop nuclear energy yet, so Indonesia will need other countries to help build nuclear plants.

I. 3. Statement of the Problem

 Indonesian support on the Iranian nuclear program for developing nuclear for energy remains unclear. Why is that so?  What is the Indonesian perspective towards the Iranian Nuclear program?

I.4. Research Objectives

 To know the relations of Iran – Indonesia on nuclear program.  To analyze the position of Indonesia on the Iranian Nuclear Program.  To know how Indonesian policy have an impact on the Iranian nuclear program.

I.5. Significance of the Study

 To identify the Iranian nuclear program and Indonesia’s.  To explain the Iranian nuclear program in the future.  Provide detailed information about Indonesia’s position on the Iranian nuclear program.

I.6. Theoretical Framework

There are three theories that may be the fit to picture the Iranian nuclear program on developing its nuclear for energy:

1. Deterrence theory

2. Non-Proliferation and Proliferation Theory

3. Persuasion Diplomacy

As we know about nuclear, by the word of it, for most people nuclear is about weapons, wars, bombs, and a lot of fallen victims of nuclear bomb attacks. Still re- membering in our minds how powerful the nuclear bomb that was dropped on Hiro- shima and Nagasaki in World War II in 1945. As a result, we often think, if nuclear is a weapon of mass destruction, and it is very powerful and very dangerous weapon. Reflecting on this, then comes the theory of nuclear deterrence. This theory exists to prevent the misuse of nuclear energy by certain parties. The deterrence theory comes to be important because with it, there are rules on using or making nuclear for some interest. Because, as we know, that nuclear energy is very useful but, on the other hand, is very dangerous.

Kenneth Waltz (1981 and 1990) uses the rational deterrence theory to explain the slow spread of nuclear weapons and their impact on the international system. Ac- cording to this theory, once more than one state has acquired a second-strike nuclear capability, war between the nuclear armed states is unlikely to occur, due to the fact that mutual destruction is virtually assured.2

One advantage of the nuclear program taken by Iran is nuclear for energy. In this case, Iran utilizes nuclear energy power plants as well as for other civilian purposes. However, many other countries suspect that Iran harnesses nuclear energy to develop nuclear weapons. Deterrence in this case ultimately appeals to the fear of suf- fering the unlimited sanction of a general nuclear attack. The second approach to the credibility problem does not rest on an unlimited sanction but on limited sanction.3 This theory is related to the fact that the Iranian nuclear program is for developing its energy and not for developing its nuclear weapon system. So that is why there is a thing to be viewed by Indonesia as one of countries that supports the Iranian nuclear

2 Kenneth N. Waltz, (Fall 1990) “Nuclear Myths and Political Realities,” American Political Science Re- view. P. 84 3 Robert Powell. Nuclear Deterrence Theory: The Search for Credibility. Introduction, P. 3.

5 program related to the issue that Iran also develops its nuclear weapon system, and nuclear program for energy is a mask for its program.

Nuclear power development program as an alternative to the interests of mil- lions Iranian people is one of the government's policies to overcome the scarcity and limitations of fossil energy. The prime target of Iran with respect to nuclear energy is the production of nuclear electricity.

According to Oil and Gas Journal on January 2006, Iran has proven to have natural gas reserves of 970 trillion Tcf. This potentiality makes Iran occupy the second position after Russia. However, 62 percent of Iranian natural gas deposits have not been developed. With the second largest oil reserves in the world after Saudi Arabia and the second largest gas reserves in the world after Russia, Iran is a rich country in the energy sector. Iran's geo-strategic position and the pipe network that already exists in the Caspian Sea makes it a key actor in the world energy.

Another theory for this study is proliferation and non-proliferation. As we know, the spread of nuclear weapons is limited by this proliferation treaty, so that other countries take serious actions if they are going to be the “Nuclear Weapon State” or NWS. On the other side, there is non-proliferation as a treaty for some countries that are signed and agreed not to spread nuclear weapons. One of them is Iran.

NPT Treaty is a legally binding international agreement on countries who signed or ratified the multilateral agreements and aims to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, to encourage the use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes and for general and complete disarmament.4

Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty refers to efforts to prevent the causes of nuclear weapons to countries that do not have nuclear weapons systems. Therefore, the NPT is an agreement controlling the most extensive arsenal and followed by most

4 Zaenudin, Djafar, (1996) "Perkembangan Studi Hubungan Internasional dan Tantangan Masa De- pan", P. 81

6 countries in the world. This agreement is expected to bring new hope to the creation of world peace. Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) was signed on July 1, 1968 in New York, United States by 43 countries and became effective two years later. On May 11, 1995 in New York, more than 170 countries agreed to continue the treaty indefinitely and without conditions. This agreement has three main principles, namely: non-proliferation, disarmament, and the right to develop nuclear technology for peaceful purposes.

During this time, the application process or the implementation of the NPT was hampered by the debate between Western countries and developing countries. For the West and other major states, Iran's nuclear program and North Korea that led the NPT are not effective. However, for some developing countries, such as Iran, the failure of big states to disarm its nuclear weapons are to blame.

Iran, as one of the NPT Treaty Member States, assesses the agreement that Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) has failed. Iran, which utilizes nuclear technology for peaceful purposes, even has accused of developing nuclear weapons, has been violated. Iran rejects accusations given because Iran has the right to enrich uranium to peaceful purposes and under the supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Iran also stated that the enrichment program is part of a civilian nuclear energy program, which is allowed under the NPT treaty.

The last theory used in this study is persuasion diplomacy. Negotiations in the application, can be done by persuasion. Persuasion is the essence for the commission to establish and deepen relationships with state assignment or the main actors in the process of negotiation. Persuasion can also be defined as the ability to persuade others based on the values and beliefs and to influence the thinking and actions (Hogan, 1996: 20). When diplomacy does not communicate, then diplomacy will not work and even violent conflicts can occur because of that (Tran, 1987: 8). The most important part of communication itself is conveyed as what we mean to the parties invited to communicate.

In this case, as Iran is trying to develop its nuclear energy, this persuasion diplomacy is much needed. Indonesia gives its support on the Iranian nuclear program because there are some communications through the program and the benefits that In- donesia and Iran would gain by the program. The negotiations seen by the statement of Indonesians that Indonesia will give it support to the Iranian nuclear program as long as the purpose of it is for peaceful purposes.

I.7. Scope and Limitation of the Study

In order not to have a general discussion, the scope must be limited. It has a goal so that the study will be focused and easy to understand. In this thesis, this restricts the writing by using some system period. As we know that the Iranian nuclear program has begun since long ago which is where the history of the Iranian nuclear program started. The author will only write about the history of the Iranian nuclear program from the beginning until its development and also discuss about the Indonesian position on it from the period of 2004 – 2007 where the development of the Iranian nuclear program reached the point of progress and invited many pros and cons.

The scope of the study is also going to discuss about the pros and cons of nuclear, and why Iran is still developing its nuclear for its energy while its stock of energy is enough. From this case, there will be the same cases and also pros and cons from another country and arising some questions of why.

I.8. Definition of Terms

The definition of key terms is the definition refers to the title presented in this study. The definition can rise either from source or from the author’s mind. In this

8 case, the author will define the part of the title such as nuclear, proliferation/non-proliferation and nuclear deterrence.

1. Nuclear Energy Nuclear energy is one of the many natural resources that we know can turn into heat and electricity. It is, by far, the most energy-dense of all these natural resources, meaning we can extract more heat and electricity from a given amount of it than from an equivalent amount of anything else. This kind of energy density eliminates huge amounts of the environmental footprint required to use less dense fuels, such as huge coal mines, massive gas and oil fields, trainloads of fuel shipments, and expansive wind or solar farms and nuclear reactors do this all without releasing any pollutants into the environment.

2. Proliferation / Non-Proliferation Nuclear proliferation is a term used to describe the spread of nuclear weapons and weapons-applicable nuclear technology and information, to nations which are not recognized as "Nuclear Weapon States" by the treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, also known as the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty or NPT. One critique of the NPT is that it is discriminatory in recogniz- ing nuclear weapon states as only those countries that tested nuclear weapons before 1968 and requiring all other states joining the treaty to forswear nuclear weapons. Proliferation has been opposed by many nations with and without nuclear weapons, the governments of which fear that more countries with nuclear weapons may increase the possibility of nuclear warfare.

3. Nuclear Deterrence The military doctrine that an enemy will be deterred from using nuclear weapon as long as he can be destroyed as a consequence; "when two nations both resort to nuclear deterrence the consequence could be mutual destruction."5 Extended nuclear deterrence can be defined as the express or implied promise given by a nuclear weapons state to one or more non-nuclear weapons states to bring its deterrent forces to bear to guarantee their security against blackmail, threat or aggression from third parties. Extended deterrence therefore has both political and military dimensions.

5 Deterance Theory, Wroldnet Search. Url: http://wordnetweb.princeton.edu/perl/webwn?s=nuclear deterrence

CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW

So far, there have been some researchers who have shown interest in the topic of nuclear. Nuclear has been a discussion and issue that is evolving pros and cons. Although, the benefits of nuclear are so many, but we cannot deny that the abuse will most likely be huge as its benefit. Many countries make nuclear the chosen power for their country, for protection of their national security in case of war, and also for some peaceful purposes. We can say that nuclear power as a weapon of mass destruction is no doubt for its capability. This could be one of the reasons.

II.1. Nuclear

II.1.1. Definition of Nuclear

Energy problems are one of the important issues being discussed. The decreasing availability of energy sources, the discovery of new energy sources, the development of alternative energies, and the impact of energy use on the environment by petroleum, has become the interesting themes and widely discussed. Global warming that has been going on and adding to the impact of using too much petroleum, which is a major source of energy used today. Environmental impacts and the reduction of petroleum energy resources force us to seek and develop new energy. One alternate source of potential new energy comes from nuclear energy. Although the effects and dangers posed immense, it is undeniable that nuclear energy be an alternate source of energy to be considered.

Nuclear energy is one of the many natural resources that we have the knowledge of to turn into heat and electricity. It is, by far, the most energy-

11 dense of all these natural resources, meaning we can extract more heat and electricity from a given amount than from an equivalent amount of other sources. This kind of energy density eliminates the size of the environmental footprint required to use less dense fuels, such as coal, gas and oil fields, trainloads of fuel shipments, and expansive wind or solar farms. Nuclear energy does this without releasing any pollutants into the environment.

Many experts argue about nuclear that can be used to substitute other limited resources. Nuclear also has other uses for life, but it’s not without criticism because of several factors caused by the danger of nuclear. Abusing the use can be one of the most dangerous effects, such as the making of nuclear weapons of mass destruction. In short, we can say that nuclear does have many pros and cons up until now.

II.1.2. Nuclear Program

As we all know about the facts of nuclear is having an abundance of useful things to exchange with other resources that has been limited. Nuclear comes up with a big chance to do it. With this reason, some of the developing countries or even developed countries are trying their best to make a program related to the nuclear resources. From this case, if nuclear were to become a program of substance for items like a nuclear program for a weapon system, nuclear for energy to replace coal fire, oil and gas power plants, and other materials which could make nuclear the substitution for limited resources.

Nuclear for a weapon system is one of the biggest issues of the nuclear program. Some people claim this is an illegal program because of the dangers of its power, and some other has agreed to the program. We know with the power of nuclear weapons; it’s mass destruction.

Nuclear for energy. This Iranian program on developing their nuclear energy program. Beside Iran, there are so many countries that have this program for their own interest. Iran has developed their energy program with nuclear while they also have more than enough resources, such as oil and gas, which is interesting. Also there are some issues coming through this program of Iran.

Nuclear power plantation is a program using nuclear as an energy source. Some countries are trying to build their nuclear program for this purpose, and nuclear plants are not easy to build. Indonesia, for example, is a country that’s trying to build a nuclear plant, which shows that Indonesia does have an interest in a nuclear program.

II.1.3. Nuclear Energy

Nuclear energy is produced naturally and in man-made operations under human control.6 For example, the sun and other stars make heat and light by nuclear reactions. Man-made means that nuclear energy can be man-made too. Machines called nuclear reactors, parts of nuclear power plants, provide electricity for many cities. Man-made nuclear reactions also occur in the deto- nation of atomic and hydrogen bombs.7

Nuclear energy is produced in two different ways. First, large nuclei are split to release energy. In the other method, small nuclei are combined to release energy.8

6 Nuclear Energy. Think Quest. Url: http://library.thinkquest.org/3471/nuclear_energy.html 7 Nuclear Energy. Think Quest. Url: http://library.thinkquest.org/3471/nuclear_energy.html 8 Nuclear Energy. Think Quest. Url: http://library.thinkquest.org/3471/nuclear_energy.html

Advantages of Nuclear Energy:

 Earth is storing its limited resources of coal, gas and oil. With the nuclear power plant, this energy could be the alternative energy as given by the earth's reserves run out.

 The nuclear power plant will require less fuel than the used at the time of producing fossil fuels. One ton of uranium can produce more energy than the produced by several million barrels of oil or several million tons of coal.

 Burning coal and oil could pollute the air, but the operation of nuclear power plants well and properly does not to release any contaminants to the environment.

Disadvantages of Nuclear Energy:

 The nations of the world now have more than enough nuclear bombs to kill every person on Earth. The two most powerful nations -- Russia and the United States -- have about 50,000 nuclear weapons between them. What if there was a nuclear war? What if terrorists got their hands on nuclear weapons? Or what if nuclear weapons were launched by accident?

 Nuclear explosions produce radiation. The nuclear radiation harms the cells of the body which can make people sick or even kill them. Illness can strike people years after their exposure to nuclear radiation.

 One possible type of reactor disaster is known as a meltdown. In such an accident, the fission reaction goes out of control, leading to a nuclear explosion and the emission of great amounts of radiation.

 In 1979, the cooling system failed at the Three Mile Island nuclear reactor near Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Radiation leaked, forcing tens of thousands of people to flee. The problem was solved minutes before a total meltdown would have occurred. Fortunately, there were no deaths.

 In 1986, a much worse disaster struck Russia's Chernobyl nuclear power plant. In this incident, a large amount of radiation escaped from the reactor. Hundreds of thousands of people were exposed to the radiation. Several dozen died within a few days. In the years to come, thousands more may die of cancers in- duced by the radiation.

 Nuclear reactors also have waste disposal problems. Reactors produce nuclear waste products which emit dangerous radiation. Because they could kill people who touch them, they cannot be thrown away like ordinary garbage. Currently, many nuclear wastes are stored in special cooling pools at the nuclear reactors.

 The United States plans to move its nuclear waste to a remote underground dump by the year 2010.

 In 1957, at a dump site in Russia's Ural Mountains, several hundred miles from Moscow, buried nuclear wastes mysteriously exploded, killing dozens of people.

 Nuclear reactors only last for about forty to fifty years.

II.2. Indonesia and Iran Partnership

II.2.1. Indonesian Foreign Political Relations

In the administration and implementation of the Foreign Relations foreign policy, Indonesia is bound by the provisions of international law and practices that are the basis for the relationship between the association and the State. Therefore, the law on foreign relations is very important, considering that Indonesia has ratified the Vienna Convection on Diplomatic Relations and the 1961 convention on special missions, New York, 1969.

Basic foreign policy of the Republic of Indonesia placed by Hatta. In the Cen- tral Indonesian National Committee hearing on September 2, 1948, Hatta argued about the basic idea of "non-aligned" foreign policy of the Republic of Indonesia. This principle was followed by part of countries in Asia and Africa. During its development, the principle of foreign policy of the Republic of Indonesia is known as "free and active" and freely interpreted as favoring the West and the East. Actively interpreted, could well play a role in the progress of the world. The terms East and West is intended as an ongoing "Cold War" between the Soviet Union and the United States. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the United States became the only superpower, the term West and East do not need to be used again.

II.2.2. The UN Security Council and Nuclear Iran

The UN Security Council is in charge of implementing the peace of the world, either by UN member states and non-member countries, for threatening the peace of the world. The UN Security Council consists of 15 states, consisting of 5 permanent members that are US, China, Britain, France and Russia, and 10 non-permanent members elected every two years in the General Assembly. Each permanent member has

16 veto power, which is the freedom to cancel a resolution that has been decided by a majority vote of the Security Council Members.

The UN Security Council on 24 March 2007 passed resolution 1747 which was essentially limited and reversible sanctions against Iran. This resolution is an additional sanction on Iran because of its nuclear program continuation. That form of punishment is a ban on all countries to provide any assistance in relation to Iran's nuclear program of Iran. A ban on Iranian arms exports and all countries buying Iranian arms forms nuclear-related assets.

The fall of the UNSC 1747 is a continuation of two previous UN Security Council, the UN Security Council 1969, dated July 31, 2006, and 1737 the UN Security Council, dated December 23, 2006.

Indonesia, as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council, initially rejected the resolution. However, in the end, there was support for the additional sanctions on Tehran. The government's decision turned out drew criticism from various parties. Resolutions issued by the United Nations show the world body has acted dis- crimination against Iran. For example, the State of Israel, as stated Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, openly admitted to having nuclear weapons but was never supervised by the UN.

UN Security Council’s decision has become a hot ball for Indonesia. In fact, some members of Parliament have been garnering support for the use of the right of interpellation questioning the government's stance on Iran. A number of 271 members of the House of cross-faction, and religious-based parties and nationalist, supporting the rights. They assess the Indonesian government have defected to Iran.

In mid-May 2006, the Iranian president visited Indonesia. Ahmadinejad to In- donesian political tour received rave reviews. This trip is part of a diplomatic Tehran for asking support world countries related to its nuclear program. Many times, Ahmad- inejad said the nuclear program conducted by Iran is not for military purposes. Support

17 eventually flows to Iran, including President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The Presi- dent said he would support Iran's nuclear program for peaceful purposes so far. Ah- madinejad, in a chance interview assured, if the program is not going to lead to nuclear war. Iran will still be concerned with diplomacy.

II.2.3. Indonesia Policy Responses on UNSC Resolution Re- lated to Nuclear Iran

The Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran is expressed disappointment with the decision taken by the Indonesian supported the decision UNSC resolution 1747, which Indonesia previously, abstained, finally approved sanctions on Iran related to its nuclear program. Islamic Republic of Iran's ambassador to Indonesia said his country had hoped that UN member countries can vote based on principles of jus- tice, especially for countries that are friends of Iran.

Although Indonesia has shown a different stance at the time of decision-making in the UNSC, Behrooz asserted, the economic relationship between Indonesia and Iran should be continued and enhanced, as both countries have the potential to benefit from each other.

At one point while hearing the government's response, the House of Represent- atives, mentioned that after the Indonesian support UNSC resolution 1747, noticed that the relationship is multi-dimensional, bilateral relations with Iran is still running well. Given Indonesia's bilateral relations with Iran follow the UNSC resolution 1747, it is already well underway. The identity of Indonesia as the third largest democracy in the world is also the largest, among the Islamic world, making the position to be reckoned with. In addition, Indonesia - Iran have in common the majority of the population em- brace and are also involved in several same organizations.

II.3. The Indonesian Nuclear Program

Indonesia is planning to make four nuclear reactors for peaceful purposes. Sim- ilarly, the support that is given to Iran, if the program is carried out by Iran regarding its nuclear power only for peaceful purpose only. The legislature is responsible for the nuclear program in Indonesia is the Nuclear Energy Regulatory Agency or Badan Pengawas Tenaga Nuklir or in short BAPETEN, founded in 1998, but research on atomic energy has begun in Indonesia since 1954. In addition to producing electricity, nuclear energy is also used for medical purposes and agriculture and food security.

According to Presidential Decree Five in 2006, Indonesia should have four nuclear-power plants built by 2025. Their total capacity will be at least 4,000 MW of electricity, about 1.96 percent of projected electricity demand in 2025 (200,000 to 350,000 MW).9

Indonesia also is a member of the IAEA, and a signatory to the NPT. The In- ternational Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) considers Indonesia ready to develop nuclear energy in a statement issued in November 2009. Its appraisal considered four readiness aspects: human resources, stakeholders, industry and regulations. The Indo- nesian Nuclear Board (BATAN) has carried out research since the 1980s.10

In 2006, Indonesia signed nuclear cooperation agreements with several countries, including the South Korea, United States, and Australia. The country that will help supply Indonesia with uranium for peaceful purposes is Australia. The agreement with Russia is well made to build a floating nuclear reactor in Gorontalo. Obviously it

9 Antara News, Indonesia Planning to Have Four Nuclear Power Plants by 2025, Editor by Suryanto. Url: http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/76867/indonesia-planning-to-have-four-nuke-power- plants-by-2025 10 Antara News, IAEA Considers Indonesia Ready to Develop Nuclear Energy Reviews. Url: http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/1280319165/iaea-considers-indonesia-ready-to-develop-nuclear-energy

19 is, the main objective of Indonesia on the nuclear workforce is aimed at generating electricity only.

According to the data, Indonesia has at least two uranium mines: the Remaja- Hitam and Rirang-Tanah Merah mines located in western Kalimantan (Borneo). If these prove to be insufficient, the country may import uranium.11

II.4. The Iranian Nuclear Program

A nuclear power development program, as an alternative to the interests of the Iranian people, is one of the policies implemented by the government to overcome the scarcity and limitations of energy derived from fossil fuels (natural gas and petroleum).

Clearly written in the data, if Iran as a country that has proven to have the second largest natural gas reserves after Russia. According to Oil and Gas Journal in Jan- uary 2006, stated that Iran has natural gas reserves of 970 trillion Tfc.

11 Political hatred: Is there a remedy? Url:http://www.thepoliticalsword.com/post/2013/06/02/Polit- ical-hatred-Is-there-a-remedy.aspx/

Picture II.1. Proven Natural Gas Reserves: Top Ten Countries. Source: World Resources Insti- tute Earthtrends database.

With the world’s second largest oil reserves after Saudi Arabia, and the second largest gas reserves in the world after Russia, Iran is a rich country. Iran's geo-strategic position and the pipe network that already exist in the Caspian Sea, making it a key actor in the energy world.

As a result of access to the Caspian Sea region, Iran automatically becomes one of the countries through which the vital oil pipelines and gas to Asia, such as India, Pakistan, and China. India, Pakistan and China happen to be east of Iran. Countries producing oil and gas from the Caspian Sea region in general will export energy needs of Asia through two countries, which is Iran and Afghanistan.

Iranian nuclear energy program has caused a lot of controversy in recent years until the present. Some international critics say that Iran does not need nuclear in essence, given its oil and gas reserves are very much abundant. Many people will hear if the real purpose Iran regarding its nuclear program is to develop nuclear weapons, because basically, with so much energy, Iran will not need or require additional energy such as nuclear, both now and in the future.

Iran says that its program is only for power generation purposes and will not be forwarded into a weapons project, by elevating its uranium enrichment, but several parties indicated that only with that "reactor grade" could be processed into a bomb. These concerns have been discussed in an international conference in Russia.

Enrichment of uranium is divided into two meanings. The first one, "Low En- riched Uranium" or LEU, where the levels of enrichment percentage is less than 20 percent. The second is "Highly Enriched Uranium" or HEU, with a percentage of enrichment can be more than 20 percent. Although the "weapons grade" or enriching uranium for weapons production required more than 90 percent, but because of the potential use of a smaller grade can also be used for warheads, then to "reactor grade" restricted to below 20 percent enrichment.12

Iran's nuclear program has a very long history; it began shortly after the Shah Reza Pahlavi, over U.S. intelligence agency CIA Sponsored, which managed to over- throw Prime Minister Dr. Mohammed Mossaddegh in 1953. The reason is because Mossaddegh overthrew the nationalized the oil industry against the interests of Amer- ica. Iran's nuclear program clearly supported by America, because the regime of Shah Reza Pahlavi considered stable, controllable, and has become a true friend of the su- perpowers, at the time.

Having convinced the Shah of Iran had become allies, America ensure that nuclear proliferation in this country will not become a threat. US then provided technical assistance in collaboration titled "The U.S. Atoms for Peace program" following the establishment of "Tehran Nuclear Research Center" (TNRC) in 1959 and the development of nuclear weapons facilities.13

12 World Nuclear Association, Supply of Uranium. Url: http://www.world-nuclear.org/info/Nuclear- Fuel-Cycle/Uranium-Resources/Supply-of-Uranium/ 13 Amich Alhumami. “Proyek Nuklir Iran.” Sesak.net forum index, April 2007. Url: http://www.republika.co.id/kolom.asp?kat_id=16

Since the era of Shah Reza Pahlavi, Iran has begun to develop a military force, including nuclear weapons. Iran exactly started doing its nuclear program since the 1960s. Iran's first nuclear installation is solely for research, with a force of only 5 megawatts were obtained from the United States, it began operation in 1967. After that, Iran builds four nuclear reactors for research with each having a power not more than 30 kilowatts that is located at nuclear research center Asfahan.

In 1975 Iran signed a nuclear power plant deal with the West German company, Siemens.14 In accordance with the transaction, the German company should set up two nuclear reactors with the power of 1,300 megawatts each in the State Busheher located in the Persian Sea.

In 1979, in the presence of Islamic Revolution of Iran, nuclear program stalled, until eleven years later, in 1990, Russia and China was willing to help to revive Iran's nuclear research activities. That year, Russia immediately sent some technical assistance facility establishment of nuclear reactor. Meanwhile, in 1991, China's turn that sends 1800 grams of uranium in some sort, to Tehran, for further use in the process of enrichment nuclear material.

In 1995, a meeting between Iran and Russia was held again in order to set a final deal on the Iranian nuclear reactor construction improvements. At that time, the reactor has been running several years and has been able to produce nuclear energy of 1000 megawatts. In accordance with the plan, the production capacity will be in- creased, up to 6000 megawatts, As well as the estimated completion in 2020, with the peak production of 23,000 megawatts, a fantastic amount which is expected to cover the needs of the Iranian power supplies each year.

In September 2002, the Russian engineers started to build Iran's first nuclear reactor at Bushehr despite the presence of objections from the United States. Until the end of 2002, Iran was still developing its nuclear program under the regular supervision

14 Musthafa Abd. Rahman, Iran Paca Revolusi (Yakarta: Penerbit Buku Kompas, 2003), p. 203

23 of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). At this stage, the Americans feel frustrated seeing Iran's nuclear development program found in some uranium mines. Until 2005, the program is not yet finalized, but Iran needs it for energy, especially for the fulfillment of electrical energy, which is increasingly urgent. Moreover, Iran sin- cerely hoped, in 2010, this program has been able to generate 6,000 megawatts of electricity.

II.5. Indonesia’s Perspectives on the Iranian Nuclear Program

Indonesia support for the Iranian nuclear program is clear. Indonesia has re- newed its support for Iran's nuclear program for peaceful purposes and expressed readiness to contribute to settlement of this controversial issue. Foreign Affairs Minister Marty Natalegawa said that any country has an equal right to develop nuclear technology for civilian use.

On the other side, both are a Muslim majority country that have a strong diplomatic relationship. This is why we can say that Indonesia is raising the voice in order to support Iran on their program for developing nuclear energy. We also can say that there is an interest for Indonesia with the Iranian nuclear program. We also know that Indonesia is trying to build their nuclear power program, in this case, Indonesia also look forward for the support of Iran on Indonesian nuclear program.

In a short explanation about the perspective of Indonesia on Iranian nuclear program, Indonesia supporting Iranian nuclear program for peaceful purpose.

II.6. Previous Research

There is a lot of research talking about nuclear programs mentioning about nuclear pros and cons. Some of them are trying to define what exactly is the Iranian program is made for.

The first literature is a book titled “Indonesia and Iran’s Nuclear Issue” written by Sudjadjan Parnohadinningrat, H.E Dr. Shaban Shahidi Moaddab and H.E Mikhail M. Bely. The book was published on 2005.

The first chapter is explain about the development of nuclear in a country. It explained that when a country begun developing nuclear power on their own area, a global institution like the UN should take a special inspection on the country. This is necessary to assure that the country must have a high commitment of notifying the safety and prerequisite of developing a nuclear power. As a very high risk of nuclear radiation can be fatal impact for the human lives, the development of nuclear power must be taken under legal institution control.

The book also explains the nuclear issue in Iran, and that our mind actually realizes that the issue remains to be high controversial problem. The judgment of Iran’s nuclear power for a civilian purpose has to be maintained under international agreement. Beyond that purposes, a country could develop a nuclear power for non-civilian purposes. For the later purposes, the international community must take a serious consideration on it. Actually, Iran has signed the international agreement on development of nuclear reactor. Meanwhile the United States has believed that Iran has been developing the weapon of mass distraction (WMD). That is a judgment for the US to take military action towards Iran.

The writers of this book, are trying to explain about the nuclear issue of Indo- nesia and Iran. The writers also mentioned about the program of Iran regarding to the

25 development of Iranian nuclear program and also mentioning Indonesia’s roles on Ira- nian nuclear program, as an Islamic country that also part of OIC.

As a country with a majority Muslim population, Indonesia has an important role in regional and international stage. Combined with it is foreign policy principle, Indonesia always stands against any form of colonialism in the world, including US invasion to Iraq. In the era of Megawati Soekarnoputri administration, Indonesia has performed it is consistency by denying the military invasion towards Iraq. The Indo- nesian government perceived that the US unilateral action to Iraq is another form of colonialism toward an independent and sovereign country. Therefore, Indonesia government has asked the United Nations to pursue US responsibility for the tragedy in Iraq.

In the case if Iran, Indonesia certainly has to answer the OIC and international call for standing together against US intentions to attack Iran. Although, there is a transition of government in Indonesia, this development should not change the Indo- nesian commitment to stand against any form of colonialism. Therefore, Susilo Bam- bang Yudhoyono administration, today, must unite with the Islamic world in particular, and rest of the world in general in order to establish a world peace by standing together against US military intention toward Iran.

Another literature review is a book titled “Nuclear Iran: The Birth of an Atomic State”, wrote by David Patrikarakos. The book published on 2012. This book tells the story of Iran’s nuclear program from its beginning in the late 1950s to the present day. It opens with a brief consideration of the birth of nuclear power in the post-war world and Iran’s historical experiences over the last two centuries, which drives the modern Iranian state and its nuclear program to this day.

Chapters 4 to 6 then detail the program’s early days – the founding of the Atomic Energy Agency of Iran (AEOI) and the Shah’s motivations for nuclear program – both spoken and unspoken; the program’s expansion in the late 1970s and the early discussion on Iran’s attainment of an atomic bomb.

Chapters 7 to 9 cover the arrival of the Islamic Republic in 1979 and the nuclear program’s meandering course through the traumatic war year of the 1980s. Initially discarder for ideological reasons, the program was restarted shortly afterwards and eventually mutated into a symbol of Iranian defiance in the face of a supposedly hostile world.

As other literatures, the author uses a book titled “Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Global Order”, written by Hard Muller, David Fischer and Wolfgang Kotter. Pub- lished on 1994. “Nuclear Deterrence Theory: The Search for Credibility”, written by Robert Powell. Published on 1990. And the last is an article titled “Nuclear Prolifera- tion Today: The Spread of Nuclear Weapon”, written by Spector L.S, on 1984.

II.7. Theoretical Perspective

As a rich country in oil and gas, Iran doesn’t need a nuclear energy program. The fact that Iran has more than enough energy such as oil and gas. With this case, comes up some theoretical thinking about what is actually happen and what is actually Iran would do with the nuclear program.  Is Iranian nuclear program truly a program for peaceful purposes?  There are so many thoughts from other countries that Iranian program on nuclear is for weapon system. Is that true?  As a weapon of mass destruction, a nuclear weapon system is a dangerous weapon. Why is Iran trying to build their weapon system?

 If Iran’s purpose for nuclear weapon is not peaceful, what is Indonesia’s perspective on it?  Will Indonesia support Iran and build nuclear power plants by asking Iranian support?  If Iran’s nuclear purpose is for weapon system, why did Iran signed NPT and also agreed to IAEA?  What would other countries’, such as United States, United Kingdom or China, reaction be if they found out the fact that Iranian nuclear energy is for another purpose, such as weapon system?

CHAPTER III METHODOLOGY

III.1. Research Method

In this study, the author uses a qualitative research study. The reason why this study is using qualitative research is because a quantitative approach is not really suit- able since there are only a limited number of variable indicators used to answer the question of this study case.

III.1.1. Qualitative Approach

The combination of Descriptive and Analytical type of methodology makes up this research. Kothrani (2004) describes descriptive research as including surveys and fact-finding enquiries of different kinds. The major purpose of a descriptive research (often called ex post-facto research) is description of the state of affairs as it exists at present, on which the author has no control over the variables; he can only report what has happened or what is happening. Analytical research, on the other hand, requires the author to use facts or information already available, and analyze these to make a critical evaluation of the material.15

In this case, the author has no control over the position of Indonesia on the Iranian Nuclear Program and also the role in it, so some literatures and documents are a crucial part of the research. However, the author will also analyze several factors that

15 Kothari, C.R (2004). Research Methodology, Methods and Techniques (Second Revised Edition). New Delhi: New Age International Ltd. P. 2-3.

29 affects Indonesia in diplomatic relations with Iran, making the research not purely descriptive in nature.

The method used in this thesis is Library Research, on which it analyzes historical records and documents. Indonesia’s position is something hard to define and be known, but the history of Indonesian position on Iranian Nuclear program somehow could become the reference, sometimes called the “5Ws” (What, Where, Who, When, Why) answered but not much when it comes to the “1H” (How).

III.1.2. Case Study

The purpose of this thesis is to find out what is Indonesian position on Iranian nuclear program as this case is remain unclear. There are some news reports talking about the position of Indonesia, because Iranian nuclear program itself is an important issue for other countries, including Indonesia. A qualitative research is defined as an inquiry process of understanding a social or human problem, based on building a complex, holistic pictures, formed with words, reporting detailed views of information and conducted in a natural setting. A qualitative research is an inquiry into a social or human problem, based on testing a theory composed of variables, measured with numbers and analyzed with statistical procedures, in order to determine whether the predictive generalizations of the theory true. (Creswell, 1994)

There is little agreement on just what constitutes case study research, though the term of ‘case study’ is familiar to most people. Some of the confusion stems from the fact that in some of its uses, the meaning of the term ‘case study’ has overlapped substantially with that of others – notably with fieldwork, ethnography, participant ob- servation, grounded theory, qualitative research and life history. (Gomm, Hammersley & Foster, 2000)

Many writers have advanced definitions for qualitative case study. Merriam (1998) definition is: “Qualitative case study can be defined as an intensive, holistic description and analysis of a single entity, phenomenon or social unit. Case studies are particularistic, descriptive and heuristic, and rely heavily on inductive reasoning in handling multiple data sources.”

Particularistic means that case study focuses on a particular situation, event, program, individual, institution or phenomenon. The case itself is important for what it reveals about the phenomenon and for what it might represent. This specificity of focus makes it an especially good design for practical problems. (Merriam, 1998)

Descriptive means that the end product of a case study is a rich, ‘thick’ description of the phenomenon under study. ‘Thick’ description is a term from anthropology and means the complete literal description of the incident or entity being investigated. (Merriam, 1998)

Heuristic means that case studies illuminates the reader’s understanding of the phenomenon under study. (Merriam, 1998)

Case studies are multi-perspectival analyses. This means that the author considers not just the voice and perspective of the actors, but also of the relevant groups of actors and the interaction between them. This one aspect is a salient point in the characteristic that case studies possess. They give a voice to the powerless and voice- less. When sociological investigations present many studies of the homeless and powerless, they do so from the viewpoint of the ‘elite’.16

Case study is known as a triangulated research strategy. Snow and Anderson (cited in Feagin, Orum, & Sjoberg, 1991) asserted that triangulation can occur with data, investigators, theories and even methodologies. Stake (1995) stated that the pro-

16 Feain, J., Orum, A., & Sjoberg, G. (Eds.). (1991. A case for study. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.

31 tocols that are used to ensure accuracy and alternative explanations are called triangulation.17 The need for triangulation arises from the ethnical need confirm the validity of the processes. In case studies, this could be done by using multiple sources of data (Yin, 1984). The problem in case studies is to establish meaning rather that location.

Denzin (1984) identified four types of triangulation:18

1. Data source triangulation: when the author looks for the data to remain the same in different contexts.

2. Investigator triangulation: when several investigators examine the same phenomenon.

3. Theory triangulation: when investigators with different viewpoints inter- pret the same results.

4. Methodological triangulation: when one approach is followed by another, to increase confidence in the interpretation.

III.2. Research Framework

The research variables in this study are Indonesia’s position on the Iranian Nu- clear Program, Iranian Nuclear, and the relations between Indonesia and Iran in the case of a nuclear program. In framing the concept, the author uses those variables in a systematical picture to create a comprehensible vision. Figure 1 describes how those variables are connected one another.

Indonesian has its own policy on Iranian nuclear program and also Iran has its own policy related to it, but the fact of the program that Iran develop is unclear. Since

17 Stake, R. (1995). The art of case research. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications. 18 Denzin, N. (1984). The research act. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.

32 it’s still unclear whether the Iranian program is developing nuclear system, Indonesia has nothing to do with it. Also, it has an impact for other countries. As we know, that there are some countries that claim Iranian nuclear program is for weapon system, this case is going to be linked with the perspective of Indonesia, and its position on it.

Figure 1: Research Framework (by author)

As we can see in the Figure 1, Indonesia is taking the risk to have a position on the Iranian nuclear program, as we know that there are so many pros and cons on nuclear program that is still becoming an issues up until now. Indonesian Nuclear Power Plant also one of the issue that author uses to analyze what is the reason behind Indo- nesia’s perspective on Iranian nuclear program. Iranian nuclear program on developing nuclear for energy becomes the big unclear issues of why Iran still want to enrich their energy while Iran is having enough its energy for the country. Also there is an issue

33 about Iranian nuclear program saying that the program is for developing their weapon system.

In the case of Iran is developing their energy program for energy or for peaceful purposes, Indonesian perspective is clear that Indonesia will support Iranian nuclear program for developing their nuclear energy and Indonesia would be against it if the program is for developing their weapon system.

III.3. Research Time and Date

The study was conducted from July 2013 until the end of December 2013. Dur- ing that period of time, author collected all the data, information, sources, and interview, as well as read some materials to gather the needs of the study.

Place of research: 1. President University Student Library 2. Perpustakaan Nasional Republik Indonesia (Perpusnas RI) 3. Ministry of Foreign Affair’s library

III.4. Research Instruments

In this study, author uses data gathering technique, literature review and interview.

Books – Book is one of the important instrument in this research. The author is trying to search for other writers who studied in the same field.

Internet – The Internet is the core tool of making the world borderless. It has an amazing role in research by providing so much information. In writing the study, the internet is one of the most needed instrument.

Surveys – This tool could help the research. The author can meet some facts about the study and also get some information from it.

Publications – Beside the Internet and books, there are a lot of PDFs and other documents that show the Indonesian position and also the relations with Iran. There are a lot of articles about the Iranian Nuclear Program as well.

III.5. Data Analysis

Data analysis is a practice in which raw data is ordered and organized so that useful information can be extracted from it.19 The procedure of organizing and thinking about data is crucial to understanding what the data does and does not contain. There are a variety of ways in which people can approach data analysis, and it is notoriously easy to manipulate data during the analysis phase to push certain conclusions or agendas. For this reason, it is important to pay attention when data analysis is presented and to think critically about the data and the conclusions which were drawn.

Raw data can take a variety of forms, including measurements, surveys and observations.20 In its raw form, this information can be incredibly useful, but also over- whelming. Over the course of the data analysis process, the raw data is indexed in a way which will be useful. For example, survey results may be tallied, so that people

19 Data Analysis. Retrieved December 2, 2012. Url: http://www.wisegeek.com/what-is-data-analysis.htm 20 Data Analysis. Retrieved December 2, 2012. Url: http://www.wisegeek.com/what-is-data-analysis.htm

35 can see at a glance how many people answered the survey, and how people responded to specific questions.21

Miles and Huberman (1994) in Berg (2009) identified three major approaches to qualitative data analysis:

1. Interpretative approaches,

2. Social anthropological approaches,

3. Collaborative social research approaches.

In this study, the author uses interpretative approach to analyze the data.

21 Data Analysis. Retrieved December 2, 2012 from http://www.wisegeek.com/what-is-data-analysis.htm

CHAPTER IV DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

IV.1. Historical Background of Iran

IV.1.1 History

Iran, or the once the country is known as Persia, is a Middle Eastern country. Located in the southwestern part of the Asian continent. Until 1935, Iran was known as Persia in the West Country, although in the country, Iran has been known since the ancient times by the name of Iran. Both terms between Iran or Persia is still in use, following the posting of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi.

The early history (3200 BC - 330 BC)22

From the historical writings, the first Iranian civilization is Proto-Iranian, followed by Elam civilization. In the second and third millennium, Aryan Nations moved to Iran and established the first Iranian empire, the Median Empire (728-550 BC). The Empire has become a symbol of the nation and is also the founder of the empire of Iran, followed by the Achaemenid Empire (648-330 BC) founded by Cyrus the Great.

Cyrus the Great is also well known as the first to realize the government's leg- islation on human rights, written on an artifact known as the Cyrus Cylinder. He was also the first to taking the title of the government and also the Great Shah of Iran. In his time, slavery was banned in conquered areas (also known as the Persian Empire.) This idea then give a great impact on human civilizations after his time. The Persian

22 Persian Student Association Website, About Iran. Url: orgs.utulsa.edu/psa/About%20IRAN/news.htm

Empire then ruled by Cambyses for seven years (531-522 M) and its rise was followed by the seizure of power in which eventually Darius the Great (522-486 M) declared the king.

The capital of Persia in the time of Darius I moved to Susa, and it started to build Persepolis. A canal between the Nile and the Red Sea also constructed, and making it a pioneer for construction of the Suez Canal. The road system were also updated and a road constructed connecting Susa and Sardis. This highway is known as the Royal Road.

In addition, do syiling (a.k.a. coin) in the form of Daric (syiling gold) and also Shekel (syiling silver) was introduced to the world. Ancient Persian also introduced and published in the royal inscriptions. Under the reign of Cyrus the Great and Darius the Great, The Persian Empire into an empire that is the largest and strongest in the world of that era. The main achievement of the first was a large empire that practice tolerance and respect cultures and other religions in the colonies.

Third Iranian Empire (248 BC - 224 M)23

Parthian dynasty began to unite and govern Arsacida the Iranian plateau, who also conquered the eastern region of Greece in the early third century AD and also Mesopotamia between 150 BC and 224 AD Parthian is also a sworn enemy of the Romans in the east, and limit the danger Roman Anatolia. Parthian soldiers divided into two riding groups, the armored horsemen and heavy weapons, and lightly armed horsemen and horse swift moves. Meanwhile, the Roman army was too dependent on infantry, causing Roman Parthian difficult to beat. However, technical deficiencies in

23 Persian Student Association Website, About Iran. Url: orgs.utulsa.edu/psa/About%20IRAN/news.htm

38 the Parthian war captive, causing them hard escort conquered region. This causes the two sides failed to defeat each other.

Parthian Empire for five centuries upright (Ends in 224 M,) and the last king of the empire fell to his protection, the Sassanian.

Fourth Iranian Empire (226-651)24

Ardashir I, first shah Sassanid Empire, beginning to rebuild the economy and Persia army. Its territory covers an area of modern Iran, Iraq, Syria, Pakistan, Central Asia and the Arab region. At the time of Khosrau II (590-628) similarly, the empire extended to Egypt, Jordan, Palestine, and Lebanon. People Sassanid empire called them Erānshahr (or Iranshæhr, "mastery of the Aryan".)

History of Iran onwards followed by six hundred years of conflict with the Ro- man Empire. According to historians, the Persian lost the Battle of al-Qadisiyyah (632 M) in Hilla, Iraq. Rostam Farrokhzad, the Persian general, his deep criticized his decision to go to war with Arabian in the Arab region. Sassanid defeat of their army in Iraq caused this mess and eventually give way to the top of the Persian Islamic Futuhat. Sassanian era witnessed the heightening of the Persian civilization, and is the last the Persian Empire before the arrival of Islam. Sassanid influence and culture, then continued after the Persians embraced Islam.

24 Persian Student Association Website, About Iran. Url: orgs.utulsa.edu/psa/About%20IRAN/news.htm

Persia Islam (700-1400)25

After embracing Islam, the Persians began to form a picture of Islamic Persia, where they preserve the picture as the Persians but at the same time as well as Muslims. In 8 M, Persia provide assistance to combat Abbasiyah Umayyad army, because the only important Umayyad Arabs and Persians look down on people. In Abbasiyah era, the Persians initially involved in the administration of the kingdom. Most of establish- ing his own dynasty.

In the ninth and tenth centuries, there is some the revival Persian Ashshobiy- yah, which opposes, a notion Arabic as Islam and Muslims. But the revival is not an identity against Islam. One impact of this the revival is the use of Persian as the official language of Iran (to the present day). At this time also, the scientists created the Persian Period Glories of Islam. While that Persian became the foundation of the spread of science, philosophy and technique. This then affects science in Europe and also the revival the Renaissance.

Starting in 1220, Persian entered by Mongolian soldiers under the leadership of Genghis Khan, followed by Tamerlane, in which both these explorers cause severe extinction in Persian.

Shiite Islam, the Safavid Empire, Qajar Dynasty / Pahlavi and Iranian Modern (1501 - 1979)26

Persia began to change into the Islamic Shia Safavid era, in 1501. Safavid later became one of the major world power and began to promote the tourism industry in Iran. Under his reign, Persian architecture evolved again and watched the construction

25 Persian Student Association Website, About Iran. Url: orgs.utulsa.edu/psa/About%20IRAN/news.htm 26 Persian Student Association Website, About Iran. Url: orgs.utulsa.edu/psa/About%20IRAN/news.htm

40 of the beautiful monuments. Fall of the Persian Safavid be pursued with a field of competition between the Russian Empire and the British Empire (which uses the influence of the Qajar dynasty). However, Iran continues to preserve the independence and territories, making it unique in the shoreline. Modernization of Iran that began in the 19th century through, arouse desire for change from the Persians. This led to the Persian Constitutional Revolution of 1905 to 1911.

In 1921, Reza Khan (also known as Reza Shah) took over the throne by usur- pation of weakening Qajar. As a proponent of modernization, Reza Shah started the construction of a modern industrial, railroad, and the establishment of higher education system in Iran. Unfortunately, aristocratic attitudes and social recovery imbalance causing many Iranian people are not satisfied.

In World War II, British and Soviet troops invade Iran from August 25th to September 17th, 1941, to limit the Axis Powers and initiated excavation of Iranian oil infrastructure. Block Allies forced Shah to induct his son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi to replace him, with the hope of Mohammad Reza support them.

Unfortunately, governments are autocratic Mohammad Reza Shah. With the help of the U.S. and the UK, the Shah of Iran continuing the modernization of industry, but at the same time destroy the opposition parties through its intelligence agency, SAVAK. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini became an active critic of the opposition and the government of Mohammad Reza Shah, and then he imprisoned for eighteen months. Through the advice of General Hassan Pakravan, Khomeini dumped abroad and transported to Turkey and after it to Iraq.

Islamic Revolution and the Iran-Iraq War (1979-88)27

27 Persian Student Association Website, About Iran. Url: orgs.utulsa.edu/psa/About%20IRAN/news.htm

Protests against the Shah was increasing and the Iranian Revolution finally happened. Shah of Iran was forced to flee to another country after Khomeini's return from exile on February 1st 1979. Khomeini then took over power and formed a provisional government, on February 11thheaded by Mehdi Bazargan as prime minister. After that, Khomeini held polls to establish an Islamic Republic. Lottery decision showed more than 98% of Iranians agree with the formation. The new system of government established under the laws of Islam, unfortunately only partially implemented.

However, Iran's relations with the United States became cloudy after this revolution, especially when Iranian students captivating American embassy on November 4, 1979, on the grounds of the embassy was a center of American intelligence. Kho- meini did not take any action regarding these actions otherwise praised the students. In return, Iran wants Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi returned to Iran, but they did not approve of. After 444 days in captivity, the prisoners were finally released as a follow- up to the Declaration of Algiers.

At the same time, Saddam Hussein, president of Iraq at the time, took a chance on a narrow after the Iranian revolution and Iran also lacks popularity in the western countries, to launch war on Iran. The main purpose of this war is to conquer several regions, which demanded Iraq, especially the region of Khuzestan, which is rich in oil resources. At that time, Saddam also received support from the United States, the So- viet Union and some other Arab countries. Iranian soldiers also were at one time used to be a strong army, has dissolved that moment. Nevertheless, they managed to prevent the danger of Iraqi troops recaptured onwards Iranian territory conquered by Iraq. In this battle, dozens of lives, both lay and irregulars Iranian population, becoming a victim. The number of victims is estimated at between 500,000 - 1,000,000.

Other Iranian History28

In terms of geopolitics, Iran is in a very strategic location. With an area of ap- proximately 1,648,195 kilometers (636,296 miles) square, making Iran the 16th largest country in the world. Iran surrounded by important countries in the continents of Asia and Europe, such as Turkey, Russia (formerly the Soviet Union), Afghanistan, Paki- stan and Iraq.

Iranian boundaries with the neighbor country consists of 5.70 square km land boundary lines and 2,510 km of water boundaries. Almost entirely longest boundary line exists throughout the north, which borders the (former) Soviet Union, along 1,740 km as border area includes 630 miles along the water's edge. Iran's border regions with Iraq, southwest side, along 1,280 km, and the border with Turkey to the northwest along the 470 km. Within northeastern Afghanistan, Iran has a boundary along 850 km, whereas with Pakistan along the 830 km. Persian Gulf and Oman Sea is located in the south, the waters along the boundary line of 1,880 km.

Politically, countries that surround Iran, until the early 1990s are among the countries that are "vulnerable". Upheaval in some countries, the former Soviet Union have not been fully resolved, especially after the attempted coup against Mikhail Gor- bachev (August 1991), followed by the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Iraq until early 1993 is still in a conflict with the U.S. and its allies, in addition to is still face resistance from Shiite and Kurdish populations. Problems civil war in Afghanistan (due to invasion of the Soviet Union, 1979) has not been completed, despite the regime's pro-com- munist Nazibullah already on roll. Tensions also is still enveloped Pakistan (against India in the case of majority-Muslim Kashmir) and Turkey (in the case of the Kurdish uprising). With Iraq, and even Iran has been involved a long war (1980-1988).

28 Persian Student Association Website, About Iran. Url: orgs.utulsa.edu/psa/About%20IRAN/news.htm

In that position, Iran has always been one of the most important factors of global strategy major countries. Not only politically, but also economically. This is because Iran is on track international shipping authority. Flow of oil supplies from the Middle East countries are mostly transported through the bulk of Gulf, the Strait of Hormuz. For the purposes of oil major Western Block countries (especially Europe and Japan barata) also depends on the shipping lanes in the waters of Turkey Persia. When the Shah was in power, the U.S. has Iran as a "position" in the Gulf, In order to secure the region's oil shipping lanes; the U.S. gave military aid on a large scale to the Shah of Iran's regime.

IV.1.2. Background of the Development of Iran's Nuclear Pro- gram

After August 2002, the situation of the nuclear program held by Iran are significantly changed, by Alireza Jafarzadeh In explain, a spokesman for the Iranian dis- sident group National Council of Resistance of Iran, the existence of two nuclear sites under construction, which is at a uranium enrichment facility at Nathanz, part of the underground, and the heavy water facility in Arak.

Picture IV.1. Uranium Enrichment Facility in Natanz. Source: http://www.nationalsecurity.ru/maps/iran- natanz.htm

Picture IV.2. Heavy Water Facility in Arak. Source: Google maps

Despite the fact that Iran has such facilities, not directly mean Iran has a nuclear weapons program that is conducted in secret. This will encourage the international concerns about Iran. In response to this, the IAEA directly seeking information regarding access to the facilities and dig more information about co-operation with other countries regarding the Iranian nuclear program.

At the same time, France, Germany and the United Kingdom (the EU-3) undertook a diplomatic initiative with Iran to resolve questions about its nuclear program. On October 21, 2003, in Tehran, the Iranian government and EU-3 Foreign Ministers issued a statement known as the Tehran Declaration, in which Iran agreed to co-operate with the IAEA, to sign and implement an Additional Protocol as a voluntary, confidence-building measure, and to suspend its enrichment and reprocessing activities during the course of the negotiations.29 The EU-3 agreed and recognizes Iran's nuclear rights with explicit in return, but there will be further discussion regarding satisfactory assurance in the nuclear power program, after Iran will eventually get easier access to get a more modern technology. On December 18, 2003, Iran signed an additional protocol and agreed to act as if forced by the protocol, and create a required reports related to its nuclear program to the IAEA, as well as provide the required access for IAEA inspectors.

After an investigation was held in November 2003, IAEA reported, Iran has very clearly failed in some cases, over a period of time has existed in fulfilling its obligations, under the agreement of protection, in connection with the reporting of nuclear material, management and use, as well as the declaration of facilities mentioning where the material has been processed and stored. Iran was required to report to the IAEA, related with a number of uranium imports from China which Iran did, and the subsequent use of these materials. It was also obligated to report to the IAEA experiments with the separation of plutonium. The whole comprehensive list of violations

29 News Center: In Focus: IAEA and Iran. 2008. Url: http://www.iaea.org/NewsCenter/Fo- cus/IaeaIran/statement_iran21102003.shtml

46 committed by the Iranian security agreement granted by the IAEA, which the IAEA described as part of a "pattern of concealment," can be found in the IAEA report on November 15, 2004, about the Iranian nuclear program. In the report, there are questions about its nuclear program for weapon system, carried out by Iran, but the IAEA says that no discovery evidence of that, but it cannot be concluded if the program is carried out by Iran, solely for the peaceful purposes. Despite the ongoing talks on its nuclear program and raising concerns, in June 2004 Iran commenced construction of IR-40, a 40 MW heavy water reactor.

The next step in Iran-EU-3 negotiation process was the Paris Agreement signing on November 14, 2004. Under the terms of this agreement, Iran's chief nuclear negotiator announced a voluntary and temporary suspension of its uranium enrichment program and the voluntary implementation of the Additional Protocol, after pressure from the United Kingdom, France, and Germany acting on behalf of the European Union.30

In February 2005 Iran pressed the EU-3 to speed up talks, which the EU-3 refused to do so. In early August 2005, shortly after the June election of Mahmoud Ah- madinejad as president, Iran removed seals on its uranium enrichment equipment in Isfahan, which UK officials termed a “breach of the Paris Agreement”.31 Several days later, the EU-3 offered Iran a package in return for permanent cessation of enrichment. Mohammad Saeedi, the deputy head of Iran's atomic energy organization, rejected the offer, terming it “very insulting and humiliating,” and it would be fair to say that even independent analysts characterized the EU offer as an “empty box.” It is also important to remember that Iran's announcement that it would resume enrichment preceded the

30 Paris Agreement. Url: http://www.iaea.org/Publications/Documents/Infcircs/2004/infcirc637.pdf 31 Rosalind Ryan. Iran resumes uranium enrichment // Guardian. Url: http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/2005/aug/08/energy.iran

47 election of Iranian President Ahmadinejad by several months. The delay in restarting the program was to allow the IAEA to re-install monitoring equipment.32

All the aforementioned events gave the IAEA impetus to act. The IAEA Board of Governors deferred a formal decision on Iran's nuclear case for two years after 2003, while Iran continued cooperation with the EU-3. However, on September 24, 2005, after Iran abandoned the Paris Agreement, the Board found that Iran had been in noncompliance with its safeguards agreement, based largely on facts that had been reported as early as November 2003.33

On February 4, 2006, the Board of Governors of the IAEA decided to take more serious action and voted to report Iran to the UN Security Council. This step laid the beginning to a number of UN Security Council resolutions on Iran’s nuclear program. The measure was sponsored by the United Kingdom, France and Germany, and it was backed by the United States. In response, on February 6, 2006, Iran suspended its voluntary implementation of the Additional Protocol and all other voluntary and non-legally binding cooperation with the IAEA beyond what is required by its safeguards agreement.34

In late February 2006, IAEA Director Mohammad El-Baradei raised the sug- gestion of a deal whereby Iran would give up industrial-scale enrichment and instead limit its program to a small-scale pilot facility, and it would also agree to import its nuclear fuel from Russia. Despite the fact this deal could satisfy all counterparts and give some relief to intense existed over Iran, it did not succeed. The IAEA Board of

32 Rosalind Ryan. Iran resumes uranium enrichment // Guardian. Url: http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/2005/aug/08/energy.iran 33 GOV/2005/77. Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement in the Islamic Republic of Iran. IAEA. September 24, 2005. Url: http://www.iaea.org/Publications/Documents/Board/2005/gov2005- 77.pdf 34 GOV/2006/15 Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement in the Islamic Republic of Iran. IAEA. February 27, 2006. Url: http://www.iaea.org/Publications/Documents/Board/2006/gov2006- 15.pdf

Governors deferred the formal report to the UN Security Council of Iran's non-compliance until February 27, 2006.

Another development that led to a UN Security Council Resolution was the announcement Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad made On April 11, 2006, that Iran had successfully enriched uranium to 3.5% using more than one hundred centrifuges.

The IAEA report, along with the previously mentioned factors resulted in the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1696 of July 31, 2006, which demanded Iran suspend all enrichment and reprocessing related activities without delay.35 Iran responded to the demand to stop enrichment of uranium August 24, 2006, offering to return to the negotiation table but refusing to end enrichment.

Iran’s non-compliance with Resolution 1696 led to the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1737 on December 26, 2006, by which the Council imposed a se- ries of sanctions on Iran.36 These sanctions were primarily targeted against the transfer of nuclear and ballistic missile technologies and, in response to concerns of China and Russia, were lighter than those sought by the United States. This resolution followed a report from the IAEA that Iran had permitted inspections under its safeguards agreement but had not suspended its enrichment-related activities.37

The second UN Security Council Resolution did not bring Iran to suspend enrichment either. Subsequently, the Security Council decided in March 2007 to widen the scope of the sanctions.38

35 Security Council Resolution 1696 (2006) // http://daccess-dds- ny.un.org/doc/UN- DOC/GEN/N06/450/22/PDF/N0645022.pdf?OpenElement 36 Security Council Resolution 1737 (2006) // http://daccess-dds- ny.un.org/doc/UN- DOC/GEN/N06/681/42/PDF/N0668142.pdf?OpenElement 37 GOV/2007/8. Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement and Relevant Provisions of Secu- rity Council Resolution 1737 (2006) in the Islamic Republic of Iran. IAEA. 38 Security Council Resolution 1747 (2007) // http://daccess-dds- ny.un.org/doc/UN- DOC/GEN/N07/281/40/PDF/N0728140.pdf?OpenElement

IV.1.3. The Complexity of Iranian Nuclear Issue

Up to now, Iran already have nuclear facilities in some areas. While the CSIS analysis, Tehran research reactor is a nuclear facility as well as for other areas. Arak is an area heavy-water facility, which can produce large amounts of power, Bushehr is heavy-water facilities that can generate power that is also in large numbers. Hushehr a light-water reactor facilities, Natanz and Isfahan is Iran's uranium enrichment, while Saghand is Iran's main uranium mining.

President Ahmadinejad and other Iranian leaders realize that Iran perfect control over the "Fuel Cycle" contained nuclear occurring now is very urgent, reasons include:

1. Precise enrichment technology and all its content are in the grip of Iran to cul- tivate the earth of Iran is a guarantee of lasting abundance and all that his may prevent Iran from foreign pressure if the operation is successful; and

2. Paves the way for experts of Iran scientists to follow their efforts, in mastering the modern and advanced technology that allows Iran to become a state industry and process materials and nuclear materials.

Below are the reasons why Ahmadinejad maintains Iran to continue its nuclear program:

1. Nuclear is a prestigious technology that could bring Iranian run towards a developed nation. Concretely, if Iran managed to utilize nuclear technology to meet its electricity needs, then Iran will be able to build a nuclear power plant that the reality will be much cheaper and very effective. By doing so, the budget subsidy to the national electricity consumption that continues to increase, from year to year will be reduced drastically. That means, in the long term, it is pos-

sible that Iran would become an independent state in almost all fields. By having an alternative nuclear technology, and large oil reserves, Iran will obviously born into a wealthy country. As for the short term, Iran will obtain a very large foreign exchange, as rising oil prices and the world fit.

2. Iran's nuclear technology can help against all forms of oppression and domination of western countries against Iran in particular and developing countries in general. This is definitely a tough shield which prevents wriggling West he- gemony against Iran.

3. This is a legal right of the Iranian nation to do -- and still continue, although it is prohibited -- over Iran's nuclear development program. It has become all the demands of the Iranian people, although delivered with a variety of existing disagreements. Moreover, a nuclear development program could trigger the spirit of the whole progress of the Iranian people, who have been living in a variety of pressures, the embargo and the restraints of the Western world since the passing of the 1979 revolution. Ahmadinejad emphasized that nuclear technology has a lot of benefits in almost all life, including agriculture and medi- cine. Therefore, the Western countries trying to ban Iran to develop nuclear technology, the goal that they alone can enjoy the progress arising from the use of nuclear energy. When fossil fuels have run out, then Iran will start to sell nuclear energy to other nations, at an affordable price. By doing so, Iran could dominate the world and will continue to defend it. Nuclear program continues emphasized by Ahmadinejad, apparently not only for Iran's progress, but also for Iranian domination over the world.

Associated with the American swelter over Iran's nuclear program, Iran responded by saying that western perceptions related to its nuclear energy program is only politically motivated. As previously mentioned, there was no opposition to its nuclear power plants while at the start before the 1979 revolution involving Germany. Iran also said that if Iran could use its nuclear plants to meet domestic energy needs,

Iran will be able to export more oil and gas will increase further its foreign exchange receipts; therefore, this program is aimed at civilian purposes only and is also closely related to economic factors.

Actually, Iran's nuclear development plan for peaceful purposes is evidenced by the signing of the Iranian government against the NPT in 1968, which was then ratified by the Iranian parliament in 1970, which recognizes the three pillars of the NPT treaty. On the basis of the three pillars, Iran wants to develop nuclear to meet their electricity needs. From the record, it is seen legitimate if Iran insists its nuclear development program. Especially in Asia, there are several countries that have developed nuclear power. In fact, they had developed a nuclear weapon system, such as India, Pakistan, Israel, and North Korea. However, the attitude of the international community, especially the U.S., to countries is different with its attitude towards Iran. If the four Asian countries and Israel, the United States weakened, but specifically against Iran, the U.S. approaches the veto-wielding UNSC to impose sanctions against Iran. UNSC Resolution number 1737 issued on December 23, 2006 was U.S. success. The indication, one of the clauses in the resolution is imperative for Iran to halt uranium enrichment activities within 60 days after the resolution. If not, then there will be sanctions for Iran, but no mention of military sanctions. Based on the three pillars of the NPT, then Iran would not halt enrichment, the result of the attitude of Iran, the U.S. along with its allies increase pressure and the result is UNSC issued resolution 1747.

It can be shown that the presumptions about the development of nuclear weapons is substantially not entirely accurate. As revealed by Mohammad Sahimi, Professor of Chemical and Petroleum Engineering at the University of Southern California, Los Angeles, and his academic colleagues, in the International Herald Tribune, that there are some substantial reasons that should be known within Iranian nuclear program.

First, it is important to remember that Iran's nuclear history older than current Islamic government. Its history began in the 1970s, when the Shah announced plans to

52 purchase several nuclear reactors from Germany, France and the U.S. to generate electricity. With the approval of Washington, Shah Government gave the contract to a German subsidiary, Siemens, to build two 1,200-megawatt reactors at Bushehr. At that time, the U.S. suggested to Iran to develop a base of non-nuclear energy. A study by the Stanford Research Institute concluded that Iran would need until 1990, an electrical capacity of 20,000 megawatts. The first cadre of Iran's nuclear engineers were trained at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). By understanding the energy needs of Iran, the final draft Nuclear Energy Agreement, Iran - U.S. signed in July 1978 - a few months before the Islamic revolution happen. The approval include, reg- ulate the export of U.S. nuclear materials and technology, as well as assist in the ex- ploration of uranium resources of Iran.

Second, Iran's current electricity needs are greater than predicted. With an annual electricity demand growth averaging 6 percent to 8 percent and the population is estimated to reach 100 million people by 2025, Iran cannot rely solely on oil and gas. Aging oil industry, rejection of foreign investment because of sanctions substantial majority of Americans, can no longer reach the pre-revolution production levels of 5.5 million barrels per day. Of the 60 major oil fields of Iran, 57 need repair, improvement and re-emphasis, which presumably would require 40 billion USD over 15 years. Iran's current production level of 3.5 million barrels per day is increasingly driven toward domestic consumption, which has grown more than 280 percent since 1979. If this continues, then Iran will become a net importer of oil totally in 2010, a disaster for a country that relies on oil for 80 percent of its foreign currency and 50 percent of its annual budget.

Third, the opposing Iran's nuclear program argues that Iran should be able to choose the process of generating an efficient and economical electric power plants fueled by natural gas. This argument seems to be also invalid. A recent study by two MIT professors showed that the cost to produce electricity from gas and oil is more or less comparable to the cost incurred by using a nuclear reactor - with no mention of

53 the adverse effects of carbon emissions or the need to conserve gas reserves in Iran to put Iran over 20 or 30 years as one of the major supplier of gas to Europe and Asia.

Fourth, why should Iran spend the sources of oil and gas that is not renewable, when Iran is basically capable, just as energy-rich countries such as the U.S. and Rus- sia, to choose nuclear energy renewable? Indeed, the nuclear reactor of course has its own complexity, and they are not able to solve it for the whole rigors with electricity in Iran. However, they have to present the most important first step in the diversifica- tion of energy sources Iran which will save energy reserve for the long term.

With their fears over the nuclear bombs which may be owned by Iran, the U.S. and its Western allies have failed to understand Iran would use or unauthorized use of nuclear energy, which very important for Teheran, which will prevent it developing nuclear technology for the manufacture of bombs. It seems necessary corrective measures which more thoughtful and objective through technical cooperation in exchange for full transparency over its nuclear program, such as the recent proposal and intensive communication, rather than the rigid approach of the western world, especially the U.S., which wants the abolition of overall nuclear capability would owned by Iran, and blind to the security of energy supply Iran itself. Iran, in fact in need of nuclear energy as well.

Energy needs at this time is a very essential requirement, amid the depletion of natural resources existing. Accordingly, sustainable development is a global issue, in order to maintain viability, to do with limited natural resources, and the effect of the use of these energy sources on the environment. Nuclear technology can be developed into an alternative and can be used as electrical energy that could be a contributor that is competitive with other electricity sources such as coal, oil, gas, water, and other.

The complexity of the nuclear issue essentially related to two things. First, it was agreed that each state has the right to develop the technology without interference from other countries. On the other hand, this is related to the fulfillment of the State in

54 which nuclear energy can be one of alternative energy sources. The independent states such as Iran, would be entitled to have the policy and especially supported by the ability of natural and human resources.

The second view is the most difficult to resolve, especially with the interests of global politics, in which this issue is a derivative of the Cold War between the U.S. and Russia, especially in the NPT program. Plus the North Korean nuclear issue and the issue of terrorism. The development of nuclear energy for civilian purposes like energy generation nuclear reactor, started the initiative after the Geneva conference "On the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy" sponsored by the UN in 1955. NPT signaled a willingness that is so hard relating to the use of nuclear technology for peaceful or civilian purposes.

Another factor that causes this problem becomes more complicated is the past of Iran with the U.S. and Middle East issues associated with Israel and the Palestinians. Iran nuclear issue has become a serious, if this problem is sustained on military de- ployment plans, such as the case of countries neighboring Iraq. If it happens in the middle of the issue of terrorism, the international situation after 9/11, will be able to increase the tension, especially the Middle East region, so it will increase the length of the war conflict. However, the objectivity of Iran's nuclear program, covered by many international condemnation, especially Western countries feel threatened by a variety of interests, if Iran succeeded in developing nuclear energy as an alternative energy with the help of their own.

International condemnation has fundamental weaknesses and tend to be political and in the interests of a few countries. However, criticism that is sponsored by the United States and the EU-3 (Britain, Germany and France) tend to apply a double standard politics and discriminatory attitude to Iran. One questions the legitimacy of Israel, Iran, Pakistan and India as nuclear weapons states that are done with the approval of the U.S. government. Though they are not a signatory nor party to the NPT, while Iran was more entitled to develop nuclear energy for peaceful purposes because

Iran is one of the countries members of the NPT. Especially considering that before the Islamic Revolution of Iran in the 1950s and in the middle of the proportion of international rules, Iran has always tried to obey proportional.

IV.1.4. Nuclear Weapon States

More than two dozen countries have nuclear power, but only a few have nuclear weapons or are suspected of pursuing nuclear weapons.

Here is the 5 nuclear weapon states, shown by its region:

Picture IV.3. Nuclear Weapon States. Resource: http://www.opanal.org/Desarme/Poten- cias/npowers.htm

NWS First Test Last Test No. of test 45 (22 under- China 1964 1996 ground) 210 under- France 1960 1996 ground

715 (496 under- Rusia 1949 1990 ground) 45 (24 under- United Kingdom 1952 1991 ground) 1,030 (815 un- United States 1945 1992 derground)

Table IV.1. Nuclear Weapon State Testing Weapon. Source: http://www.opanal.org/De- sarme/Potencias/npowers.htm

Nuclear weapons ownership states:

Picture IV.4. Nuclear Weapons Ownership States. Source: http://commons.wiki- media.org/wiki/File:Nuclear_weapons_states.svg

NPT Nuclear Weapon States (China, France, Russia, UK, USA) Non-NPT Nuclear Weapon States (India, North Korea, Pakistan) Undeclared Nuclear Weapon States (Israel)

NATO nuclear weapons sharing states (Belgium, Germany, Netherlands, Italy, Tur- key) States formerly possessing nuclear weapons (Belarus, Kazakstan, Ukraine and South Africa)

IV.1.5. Current Condition about Iranian Nuclear Program

As signatories to the Non-Proliferation Treaty, both Iran and Indonesia are required to comply with all international protocols and provisions related to the use, research and development of nuclear technologies. The Iranian nuclear program became an international issue soon after the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAIE) published a report in 2005 which concluded that the Iranian government had failed to report several aspects of its uranium enrichment projects in accordance with the Safe- guard Agreements of the NPT.39

Iran has had a nuclear program for close to 50 years, beginning with a research reactor purchased from the United States in 1959. The Shah’s plan to build 23 nuclear power reactors by the 1990s was regarded as grandiose, but not necessarily viewed as a “back door” to a nuclear weapons program, possibly because Iran did not then seek the technologies to enrich or reprocess its own fuel. There were a few suspicions of a nuclear weapons program, but these abated in the decade between the Iranian 1979 revolution and the end of the Iran-Iraq war, both of which brought a halt to nuclear activities. Iran’s current plans — to construct seven nuclear power plants (1000 MW each) by 2025 — are still ambitious, particularly for a state with considerable oil and gas reserves.40 Iran argues, as it did in the 1970s, that nuclear power is necessary for rising domestic energy consumption, while oil and gas are needed to generate foreign currency. Few observers believe that such an ambitious program is necessary or economic for Iran.

Iran has asserted repeatedly that its nuclear program is strictly peaceful, stating in May 2003 that “we consider the acquiring, development and use of nuclear weapons

39 IAIE, “Implementation of the NPT Safeguard Agreement in the Islamic Republic of Iran”, September 2nd, 2005. Url: http://www.iaea.org/Publications/Documents/Board/2012/gov2012-9.pdf 40 PBS NewsHour, Tensions Grow Over Iran’s Nuclear Goals. Url: http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/middle_east/july-dec04/iran_9-27.html

58 inhuman, immoral, illegal and against our basic principles. They have no place in Iran’s defense doctrine.”41 Iranian government spokesman Gholam Hussein Elham said in July 2006 that the Islamic Republic will never produce weapons of mass destruction. At the same time, Supreme Leader Ali Khamanei said in November 2004 that Iran would not “give up” its enrichment “at any price” and former President Khatami stated in March 2005 that ending Iran’s uranium enrichment program is “completely unacceptable.” Uranium enrichment can be used for both peaceful (nuclear fuel) and military (nuclear weapons) uses. However, two decades of clandestine activities have raised questions about Iran’s intentions, and Iran’s use of centrifuge enrichment technology makes detection of clandestine enrichment very difficult. In fact, the preferred approach to rebuilding world confidence in Iran since 2003 has been to persuade Iran to suspend enrichment and reprocessing, perhaps indefinitely.

IV.1.5.1. What Inspections Revealed

In 2002, the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCR) helped expose Iran’s undeclared nuclear activities by providing information about nuclear sites at Natanz (uranium enrichment) and Arak (heavy water production). Three years of intensive inspections by the IAEA revealed significant undeclared Iranian efforts in uranium enrichment (including centrifuge, atomic vapor laser and molecular laser isotope separation techniques) and separation of plutonium, as well as undeclared imported material. Iranian officials have delayed inspections, changed explanations for discrepancies, cleaned up facilities and in one case, Lavizan-Shian, and razed a site.42 According to

41 Statement by H.E. Mr. G. Ali Khoshroo, Deputy Foreign Minister for Legal and International Affairs, Second Session of the Prepcom for the 2005 NPT Review Conference, Apr. 29, 2003. 42 David Albright and Corey Hinderstein, “Iran: Countdown to Showdown,” Bulletin of Atomic Scien- tists, Nov./Dec. 2004, vol. 60, no. 6

IAEA Director General Mohamed ElBaradei, “Iran tried to cover up many of their activities, and they learned the hard way.”43

Among other activities, Iran admitted in 2003 it conducted “bench scale” uranium conversion experiments in the 1990s (required to be reported to the IAEA) and later, admitted that it used for those experiments some safeguarded material that had been declared lost in other processes (a safeguards violation). Iranian officials told the IAEA only in January 2005 of Pakistani scientist A.Q. Khan’s 1987 offer of a centrifuge enrichment “starter kit.”44 In November 2005, Iran finally admitted that the Khan network supplied it with information on casting and machining parts of nuclear weapons.45

IV.1.5.2. Enrichment Activities

Inspections revealed two enrichment plants at Natanz — a pilot-scale facility (planned to have 1000 centrifuges) and a commercial-scale plant under construction (planned to have 50,000 centrifuges). The pilot-scale plant started up in June 2003 only to shut down after Iran suspended enrichment activities in December 2003. Since Feb- ruary 2006, when Iran resumed enrichment-related activities, Iran has tested small cascades (10, 20, then 164 machines) with uranium hexafluoride gas (UF6), all under IAEA safeguards.46 On April 11, Iranian officials announced they had enriched uranium to 3.5% U-235 in a cascade of 164 centrifuge machines.47 Construction on the commercial-scale plant was also suspended in 2003, but Iran announced plans in April 2006 to install 3,000 centrifuges by the end of that year. Although there has been

43 “Iran Was Offered Nuclear Parts,” Washington Post, Feb. 27, 2005. 44 Iran, Report by the Director General, GOV/2005/67, Sept. 2, 2005. 45 “Iran ‘Hands Over Nuclear Cookbook,’” Nov. 18, 2005, Aljazeera.net 46 Iran, Report by the Director General, GOV/2006/15, Feb. 27, 2006. 47 “Nuclear Energy Facilitates Sustainable Development: Aqazadeh,” IRNA, Apr. 11, 2006.

60 significant activity at the commercial-scale plant, there is no evidence yet that Iran has completed installing 3,000 centrifuges.

Recurring issues has been the detection of highly enriched uranium (HEU) particles at sites in Iran. Iranian officials asserted that HEU particles found at the Natanz pilot plant in 2003 were contaminants from foreign centrifuge assemblies, a first clue revealing the Pakistani A.Q. Khan network. Iran admitted to enriching uranium to just 1.2%, while the particles sampled ranged from 36% to 70% U-235. In October 2003, Iranian officials admitted they tested centrifuges at the Kalaye Electric Company using UF6 between 1998 and 2002. IAEA report GOV/2006/15 reveals that components also came from another country besides Pakistan.48

Another issue that has not been resolved is the extent to which Iran has been pursuing a more advanced centrifuge and laser enrichment technology. In October 2003, Iran acknowledged that Iran also pursued a laser enrichment program, which began in the 1970s. With a sophisticated design, it will be able to double the Iran enrichment capabilities, shortening time, and the potential for a bomb. Iran acknowledges no longer accept a centrifuge after 1995, but still received a number of magnets for P- 2 centrifuges in 2003. The IAEA is still investigating this issue.

IV.1.5.3. Recent Update About Iranian Nuclear Program

The very recent news is coming from AFP - Secretary of State John Kerry on Tuesday (10 December 2013) openly admitted that a hard-won nuclear deal with Iran

48 CBSNEWS CBS October 9, 2007, Jimmy Carter. "Don't Invade Iran": Url: www.cbsnews.com/news/jimmy-carter-dont-invade-iran/

61 may still fail in the coming months, as he faced a fierce grilling from US lawmakers seeking to impose new sanctions.49

As far as they go, the terms of the deal make a certain amount of sense. Iran’s march to the bomb, in theory, is being temporarily constrained. It can no longer enrich uranium to 20% and must neutralize its existing stockpiles of 20% enriched uranium. It cannot increase its stockpiles of 3.5% enriched uranium. It can no longer advance work on its Arak heavy water facility, under a clause that was much improved from the amateurish formulation put to the Iranians in the original Geneva offer two weeks ago, which would have enabled them to continue construction there. Its acknowledged nuclear facilities will be subjected to far more intrusive and effective inspection. And the sanctions relief, formally at least, is relatively limited and theoretically reversible if the Iranians break their promises.50

The problem is, Iran has never acknowledged its nuclear program led to plans for a bomb, or a nuclear weapon. These interim arrangements concluded that at the time when the regime felt itself to be under economic pressure, things that had never happened before when the maximum leverage scandalously failed to require Iran to admit to those two decades-plus of lying and deception.

Instead, the United States as the only hope of the free world to thwart Iran, seems to have convinced itself that the recognition given by Iran is not what the real, the recognition of duplicity. Recognition will be given by Iran, which would declare himself has developed nuclear weapons, can be extracted during the next six months, as the negotiations move forward on a permanent deal. But unfortunately, it's not going to happen.

49 I ran may not be ready for final nuclear deal. John Kerry. Url: http://www.ncr- iran.org/en/news/nuclear/15474-iran-may-not-be-ready-for-final-nuclear-deal-john-kerry 50 When the US let Iran off the hook. David Horovitz. Url: http://www.timesofisrael.com/when-the- us-let-iran-off-the-hook/

As stated by the White House on Sunday, 25 of November, the “comprehensive solution” to be negotiated by late May “envisions concrete steps to give the international community confidence that Iran’s nuclear activities will be exclusively peaceful.” By definition, then, such a comprehensive deal will require the exposure of those elements of the Iranian program — such as the Parchin military complex, where the IAEA believes Iran has carried out extensive nuclear weapons-related activities — that the regime has insistently shielded from international view.51

A “comprehensive solution” would require Iran to come clean. It would dis- prove the regime’s insistent contention that it has always acted in good faith and has been the innocent victim of American and Zionist plots. It would show the regime to have lied to its own people. It would expose the duplicity of its leaders’ claims never to have sought the bomb. The Iranian regime has always done everything in its power to avoid that moment of reckoning. And the US has now let if off the hook.52

The Iranians will not be spending the next six months dutifully preparing to take the IAEA on a tour of all the facilities they have been lying about — dutifully detailing the bomb-making activities they carried out here, the explosives-testing they undertook there — en route to the dutiful dismantling of their entire military nuclear enterprise. They won’t be shamefacedly throwing open the doors to Parchin. They won’t be providing the full story of what they’ve been up to at Fordo — the underground enrichment facility that, for Emily Landau, an expert on nuclear proliferation at Tel Aviv University’s INSS think tank, constitutes clear evidence of Iran’s military program. (There is no plausible civilian explanation for Iran having constructed a secret, underground facility that can hold only 3,000 centrifuges, Landau, who spoke to me at length for this article, points out. Fordo’s “only plausible purpose,” she says, is

51 When the US let Iran off the hook. David Horovitz. Url: http://www.timesofisrael.com/when-the- us-let-iran-off-the-hook/ 52 When the US let Iran off the hook. David Horovitz. Url: http://www.timesofisrael.com/when-the- us-let-iran-off-the-hook/

63 to take low-enriched uranium to weapons-grade level, for the production of one or two nuclear bombs per year.)53

Instead, Iran can really be counted on to spend the next six months, arguing about the terms of the interim agreement, pushing their own interpretation of what has been agreed upon, while looking for every way to further reduce the economic pressures they are under. As Landau notes, the seeds of potential discord has been sown in that there does not even appear to be the agreed text of the interim agreement, Iran and the White House has released a different version, with a significant difference.

Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif will convince the world that Iran is fully on the side of the bargain, even Iran has shown good intentions, which Iran has shown that mature responsibilities, if what it does is not going to harm or injure any- one.

Until 25 November 2013, according to a statement over the news, the international community has provided advice to Iran, if Iran wants relief, against the sanctions that have been given, then Iran should be willing to provide clarity about its nuclear weapons program, and act transparently to the world. They want to help Iran in terms of easing the sanctions, but they also want clarity over the nuclear program conducted by Iran. However, this is unlikely to succeed.

According to very recent news, it states that the President of the Islamic Re- public of Iran, Hassan Rouhani, expressed Iran's readiness for talks with the West on the nuclear issue and do not have anything to hide. Rouhani exclusive interview with CNN in the United States said, "Iran's nuclear issue should be resolved through negotiations completely." He also stressed that the first problem is that the whole world should accept that Iran was not referring to the atomic weapons and will not reach it.

53 When the US let Iran off the hook. David Horovitz. Url: http://www.timesofisrael.com/when-the- us-let-iran-off-the-hook/

At the same time, Iran should be the same as other countries and be able to enjoy their legal rights according to international regulations in the nuclear field.

Many indications that the West is opposed to negotiations on the Group 5 +1 have felt the need for a positive change in the atmosphere and negotiation situations. It is expected that this new phase of negotiations will be done coupled with efforts to create trust and mutual respect. But the question is, how many steps does it take to achieve that goal?

Rouhani told the Washington Post that he wants to set a timeline of three to six months of the signing of the nuclear deal. He also alluded to a discussion of the process by which Iran will only take a few months instead of several years.

The achievement of Iran on nuclear technology under the constant supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), has now turned into a symbol of Iranian resistance in the fight for their rights in the face of pressure from the super- powers that do not want to see Iran go forward. Problems opponents of Iran's nuclear program is how they can feel confident that the technology used by Iran peacefully. Though Iran's nuclear program is never separated from the control of the IAEA, as the most competent body in this field. Western opposition to Iran's nuclear program is synonymous with sacrilege against the powers and duties of the IAEA. Continued atmosphere conducive to nuclear talks Iran and Group 5 +1 is highly dependent on changes in attitudes, outlook and approach of the West to Iran.

IV.2. Analysis and Identification

In this chapter, the author is trying to answer the research question about the Indonesian position on the Iranian nuclear program and also the perspective of Indo- nesia regarding its support on the Iranian nuclear program.

IV.2.1. The Indonesian Position on Iranian Nuclear Program for Energy

It is stated clearly that Indonesia fully respects and supports Iranian nuclear on developing their nuclear program for peaceful purposes or, in another word, nuclear for civilian needs and not for military purposes nor nuclear for weapon system.

The Iranian nuclear program is a big question for some countries, such as Unites States. We cannot say it clearly if the program is only for civil purposes or peaceful purposes, or we cannot say that the program is for developing their military systems. This is a big issue that no countries could prove where is the actual program does Iran running or developing.

This question which will never have the answer to long as Iranian government states it by themselves. It is so clear that the government is much closed to the public, and have no statement for their program. It said that the program is for developing their nuclear for energy, to enrich their uranium and having a replacement resource, but in fact, Iran is having more than enough energy for their civilian needs.

In very briefly answers the Indonesian position regarding to the Iranian nuclear program on developing nuclear for energy, and that Indonesia gives its respect on Ira- nian nuclear program and give the support for it, as long as the program is for peaceful purposes or for civilian needs only. Indonesia will take other actions if the program held by Iran on their nuclear development program is for developing a weapon system.

Indonesia abstained from voting at the United Nations to bring the issue of Iran’s nuclear program before the Security Council in 2006, however it did vote in favor of sanctions in 2007. Indonesia again abstained from voting in 2008, this time on UNSCR 1803, saying that it was not convinced that sanctions would change Iranian

66 nuclear policy for the better and that Iran was, in fact, cooperating with the Interna- tional Atomic Energy Agency. Indonesia has officially endorsed Iran’s right to peaceful nuclear technology, but only under the safeguards of the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the IAEA.

In a press conference in April 2007, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono called Iran’s nuclear program peaceful and the United Nations resolutions against the country illegal. The Non-Aligned Movement, of which Indonesia and Iran are both members, released a statement from Tehran in July 2008 affirming Iran’s right to peaceful nuclear technology and condemning military action against the country’s nuclear program. Nevertheless, in 2008 Indonesia voted in favor of UNSCR 1835 against Iran.54

Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa reaffirmed his country’s support for Iran's right to develop its nuclear program for peaceful purposes, but has also asked the Islamic Republic to uphold its commitment to nuclear non-proliferation. In a February 2010 statement, the foreign minister explained that "commitment to nuclear non-proliferation and the right to obtain nuclear power for peaceful purposes go hand in hand… They are integrated responsibilities and rights, not one at the expense of another.” He also indicated that Indonesia would seek opportunities to bridge the hos- tilities between Iran and the West given that it has good relations with both camps.55 Although Indonesia had previously supported certain United Nations resolutions against Iran, the country opposed the widening of sanctions against Tehran in June

54 United Nations Security Council, “Security Council reaffirms earlier resolutions on Iran’s uranium enrichment, calls on country to comply with obligations ‘fully and without delay’”, press release, Sep- tember 27, 2008, http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2008/sc9459.doc.htm 55 RI tells Iran to uphold commitment, The Jakarta Post, 13 February, 2010, http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/02/13/ri-tells-iran-uphold-commitment.html

2010. Natalegawa blamed a “shortage of trust between the parties” for failure to resolve the differences between the opposing sides and urged settling of the “issue through dialogue and negotiations.”56

IV.2.2. What is the Indonesian Policies towards the Iranian Nu- clear Program?

Indonesia is of the view that weapon of mass destruction (WMD) – nuclear, biological and chemical weapons pose imminent threat to international peace and security. Any actions that lead to the development, possession and proliferation of those weapons have to be banned as these actions are obviously jeopardizing peace and security.57

Concerning nuclear disarmament aspect of the Treaty, Indonesia considers it of utmost importance to speed up the reduction pace toward the abolitions of these weapon since tens of thousands of nuclear warhead remain in arsenals of the the nuclear weapon states around the world.58 As regards to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, the central question is to ensure that a widening utilization does not pose risks of weaponization and hence, to peace and security as technology involved for civilian and military purposes are similar in many respects.59 Indonesia views such utilization is far more important for many developing countries whose power resources are limited. For non-nuclear-weapons-states, the acquisition of technology, materials and training for their peaceful programs, represented in a direct way the most tangible benefits offered

56 Adamrha, Mustaqum, “RI Calls UN Security Council Sanctions on Iran Ineffective,” Jakarta Post, June 12, 2010. Url: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/06/12/ri-calls-un-security-council- sanctions-iran-ineffective.html (June 28, 2010); “Indonesia Against Iran Sanctions,” Press TV, June 14, 2010 Url: http://www.presstv.ir/detail.aspx?id=130429§ionid=351020104 57 Indonesia and Iran’s Nuclear Issues. Sudjadnan Parnohadinigrat. P.35 58 Indonesia and Iran’s Nuclear Issues. Sudjadnan Parnohadinigrat. P.37 59 Indonesia and Iran’s Nuclear Issues. Sudjadnan Parnohadinigrat. P.35

68 by the NPT. Therefore, if there is one single issue that is critical for these countries, it remains civilian uses of nuclear energy.

To control the states parties compliance with the provisions of the Treaty, a Safeguards System was developed following the entry into force of the NPT. This was primarily focused on verifying declared nuclear materials and activities. To strengthen the safeguards system, the IAEA Board of Governors in 1997 agreed on the introduction of a legal instrument complementary to safeguards system, the IAEA Board of Governors in 1997 agreed on the introduction of a legal instrument complementary to safeguards agreements called as the Additional Protocol, which establishes the Agency’s right to specified information and access.60

There are going to be two perspectives regarding the Indonesian perspective towards the Iranian nuclear program on developing their nuclear program. First, is the perspective on Iranian nuclear program on developing their nuclear program for energy, and the second is the perspective on Iranian nuclear program on developing their nuclear for military activities or nuclear weapon system.

As we know, there is something interesting for Indonesia in case of their support on Iranian nuclear program that no country knows what the exact program is. As they both, Iran and Indonesia is an Islamic republic, it seems Indonesia would gain some benefit from the developing nuclear program of Iran, as I mentioned before. This relationship between Indonesia and Iran have a benefit for both. The Iranian nuclear program wants to be supported by another county, and Indonesia also wants to gain something from the program, such as the energy form nuclear itself, and/or the nuclear program itself for Indonesia because Indonesia is planning to have a nuclear power plant.

60 Indonesia and Iran’s Nuclear Issues. Sudjadnan Parnohadinigrat. P.38

Of the three main agenda about the visit of Iranian President Mahmoud Ah- madinejad to Indonesia 8 to 13 May 2006, the most interesting media and local politi- cians, regional, and international among them was about the Iranian nuclear issue. Two other important agendas is V D-8 Summit and investment agreements and energy sector cooperation between Iran and Indonesia. The issue of Iran's nuclear proliferation program is not only the issue of the development of technologies or alternative energy sources, but has penetrated other wider sphere, that geopolitical and regional power balance in the Middle East. Both aspects of the past, borrowed the terminology of Ben Tonra (2001), included in the complex domain security (security complex) and curtain safety (security overlay). Under Ahmadinejad became president in 2005, the West, especially the U.S. worried about Iran could rip the curtains for the West regional security is a cocoon that fortify security complex in which concerns the existence of Israel.

Indications invisible against Western policy can be seen from the difference in attitude and intensity standard U.S. maneuvers in the completion of the North Korean nuclear crisis. For the U.S., Iran as a nuclear power greater danger to the security complex and Israel's security curtain, as the only nuclear power in the Middle East, rather than North Korea.

The West fears it is based on the assertion that Ahmadinejad wants to "wipe Israel off the map," that the West should be "responsible for the Holocaust, not the Palestinians," that "one day Israel will be destroyed," and so on. The combination of a figure of Ahmadinejad with Iran's nuclear powers, is widely accumulate earlier concerns. The West does not trust Iran if its ability to enrich uranium to the level of energy generation will stop at that level, but it will be forwarded to manufacture a nuclear bomb, a charge denied by the constant by Tehran.

Until now-requisite warfare increasingly intense. The U.S. does not rule out a surprise attack on Iran. Conversely, if attacked, Tehran insists Iran will attack U.S. interests all around the world and of course, Israel. The U.S. efforts in the UN Security

Council to issue a resolution on Iran failed to get unanimous support. Now, the solution to the crisis deadlocked.

The majority of the conflicting parties, including Tehran, Washington, London and Paris see that the gap is still opens diplomatic. Military solution will not solve the problem. It is estimated that if the option is taken up by the U.S. military and its allies, the effect will be very different from the successful action-sudden attack by Israel against the Osirak nuclear facility. In the case of Osirak, Iraq does not have sufficient military capability to carry out attacks and protect its self against Israel's punitive action because it has exhausted their resources in the Iran-Iraq war. In addition, internal support against Saddam Hussein's regime had fragmented and not cohesive, and the absence of strong ideological support. Tehran seems now have all aspects of the above capabilities.

In case of Iran's nuclear proliferation Indonesian position quite a dilemma. This is due to the level of Indonesia's dependence on the West is still high in one hand, while on the other hand, Indonesia is a Muslim-majority country in the world. This position makes Indonesia gave conditional support to Iran in its nuclear program. Indonesia so far only supports Tehran's nuclear proliferation program that only for peaceful purposes that is as an alternative energy source. Indonesia does not support Tehran if the technology is developed into a nuclear bomb.

Indonesia's conditional support is to prevent the West is not alienated. Con- versely, if Indonesia refused unanimously the plan owned by Iran, then the action could lose the support of the majority of Muslims in the government. Besides, it supports Iran's peaceful proliferation also has a strategic base for Indonesia would do the same thing with a similar purpose. Then, refused to support Tehran will make it difficult for Indonesia to raise fresh investment worth around $600 million dollars in the domestic sector as agreed with Iran.

The last reason above is quite significant in influencing the attitudes of Indo- nesia. Survey results released by LP3ES, on 24 April 2006, Indonesian oil production is 1.055 million barrels per day. While the daily needs of the domestic fuel Indonesia reached 1.35 million barrels. So, there is a deficit of about 300,000 barrels per day, which is today covered with imported fuel. In the period 2000-2004, LP3ES predict the cost of losses due to the difference in the import-export value reached Rp.12.2 trillion.

In this conflict, Indonesia also took a rejected option or military action against Iran. First is because Indonesia is still traumatized by the pretext used to invade and occupy Iraq that did not find the stock of weapons of mass destruction. Indonesia’s worry is a similar case could be repeated in Iran. Second, the last option may have a negative impact on Indonesia's domestic stability. Third, the action could complicate Indonesia's efforts to mediate in a variety of global issues as a result of the events of September 11, 2001.

The position and attitude of the above is probably already at the optimal point in the context of Indonesia's foreign policy. Pragmatism was the old credo resonate with Indonesian foreign policy introduced by Bung Hatta 1948 that "free" and "active." "Free" does not mean "neutral" or take the "equal distance" in the issue of sharing the world, but "active" in contributing find the best solution, of course, in the context of sustainability and prosperity of Indonesia to achieve these two goals past the raison d'etre of the foreign policy of each country.

Indonesia does not want to see a widening conflict in the region. Indonesia wants to see a situation where it able to solve the differences through diplomatic means while at the same time encourage Iran to comply with obligations of the NPT.

In addition, despite progress in obtaining greater transparency in Iran’s nuclear program, the Middle East region remains a fertile ground for nuclear proliferation – with Israel’s possession of nuclear weapons and the Arab-Israeli conflict.61

61 Indonesia and Iran’s Nuclear Issues. Sudjadnan Parnohadinigrat. P.43

CHAPTER V CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

V.1. Conclusion

This thesis is set up to investigate the position of Indonesia regarding to Iranian nuclear program on developing their nuclear system for energy. In this final chapter, I will review the research contributions of this study and review some points, as well as discuss some recommendations.

The result of this study did find the position of Indonesia on Iranian nuclear program on developing their nuclear for energy. Iranian nuclear program does known as the development for enrichment uranium for civilian needs, and also end up with the issue of nuclear for weapon system. This development of Iranian nuclear program should meet the final solutions, where the Western and its alliance as well as other countries could be agreed with the program of Iran, because regarding to the recent news about Iranian nuclear program, its program still on the right place and IAEA still take an eye on it.

The reason why every country should be believe in what Iran is doing for their nuclear program is that, IAEA as the body responsible for nuclear program, would do their best to protect the use of its energy, also there is UN that also will take a responsibility for the world peaceful and security.

The Iranian nuclear program has some points to be noted:

1. Uranium enrichment,

2. Power plants, and

3. Civilian needs.

Things to be worried about Iran developing their nuclear for energy are:

1. Weapon systems,

2. Nuclear for mass destruction or bombs,

3. “Hard Power” for the country’s interest, and

4. Nuclear for military needs.

However, Iran has always emphasized if the program implemented, it’s entirely for civil needs. Besides, Iran is also a member of NPT, and also under IAEA body so there is nothing to be worried about. If one day the program is proven to be for military purposes, IAEA and UNSC has their rights for give sanctions for Iran.

Finally, although the Iranian nuclear program remains unclear, the program has been supervised by the IAEA and also under UNSC body. Also, it’s clear that the In- donesian position on that program is clear that Indonesia will support the Iranian program for developing their nuclear as long as the program is for peaceful purposes or civil needs.

What We Do Know

Iran accepted the NPT in 1970. Information revealed in 2002 by an exiled Ira- nian opposition group, the National Council of Resistance of Iran, of the existence of a uranium enrichment facility at Natanz and heavy Water plant at Arak demonstrated that Iran had been deceiving the International Atomic Energy Agency since at least 1984, by the IAEA’s own estimate. Information gained in the 2004 investigation of the A.Q. Khan network revealed additional undeclared nuclear activities: acquisition of P2 centrifuge design and components from Pakistan. In no time, during those 18 years of

IAEA supervision, there was detection of activity prohibited by the NPT, which should suggest both the limits of IAEA knowledge (the treaty entails inspections only at declared civilian nuclear facilities) and the complacency of those who consider IAEA inspection sufficient to ensure states do not acquire nuclear weapons.

In the IAEA’s defense – and it has performed creditably in the Iranian case – when they were permitted to inspected to inspect Natanz and Arak in 2003, inspectors reported Iran had failed to comply with its obligations under the NPT. Iran’s behavior in the ensuing three years is a discouraging litany:

 Iran commits to suspend all enrichment activities and signs a protocol allowing unscheduled inspections of its nuclear facilities,

 After six months, the IAEA reports Iran has not cooperated with inspections,

 Iran threatens to resume production and testing of centrifuges in retaliation for IAEA complaints,

 Iran resumes uranium conversion in September 2005; President Ahmadinajed claims Iran is prepared to transfer nuclear knowledge to other Muslim nations,

 Iran rejects Russia’s December 2005 offer to reprocess nuclear material,

 Iran resumes research on the nuclear fuel cycle at Natanz in January 2009, pre- cipitating an end to EU negotiations and IAEA supports for referring Iran to the UN Security Council for “many failures and breaches of its obligations”,

 Iran threatens to cease cooperating with the IAEA if referred to the Security Council,

 In March 2006, the Security Council calls on Iran to suspend its uranium enrichment within 30 days; Iran does not comply,

 On April 11, President Ahmadinajed announces Iran has successfully enriched uranium,

 The U.S. sweetens the EU offer to Iran by committing to join the negotiations provided Iran suspends uranium enrichment; for five weeks; Iran fails to re- spond,

 G-8 leaders call for Iran to reply to the EU-U.S. offer,

 Iran stalls until late August, then replies it will negotiate but will not suspend enrichment as a precondition to negotiations,

 The UN Security Council passes resolution 1737, approving sanctions against Iran for noncompliance with the IAEA,

 Iran dismisses the sanctions as meaningless and prepares to begin large-scale reprocessing in March, readying cascades of 3.000 centrifuges.

The pattern of Iranian behavior during the negotiations does not support the hopeful propositions that the Iranian government is foremost seeking a way back into the mainstream of international activity. On the contrary, President Ahmadinejad gives every indication of reveling in the crisis and pressing for tactical advantage. In January, he announced with satisfaction, “We are rapidly becoming a superpower.” Iran ap- peared convinced before sanctions were imposed that the international community would not take concerted action. While parts of the Iranian government appear to be distancing themselves somewhat from President Ahmadinejad since sanctions were imposed, the government as proceeded with an escalation from two experimental cascades of 164 centrifuges engaged in enrichment to over 3.000 centrifuges, an overt rejection of UN and IAEA demands. Ahmadinejad is not in a position to make those decisions without support of at least Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamanei – in other words, he must have his government backing.

Iran’s behavior in the negotiation has achieved what many thought impossible; convergence of the European and American views. European are now convinced that Iran is working assiduously to develop nuclear weapons and cannot be trusted.

Iran could have a program-in-being without weaponization, simply to create the impression it has nuclear weapon. Iran leaders may believe that their oil so valuable the West will have to give them a pass on the nuclear program eventually and see no penalty for engaging in extended negotiation that create the perception of international status.

However, the thing is that other countries don’t actually know and are unlikely to develop a sophisticated understanding within the time frame in which they will need a strategy that doesn’t depend on knowing what Iranian motivations actually are or foreclose their ability to exploit the vulnerabilities of any of these eventualities.

What We Do Not Know

The ignorance is, in fact, much broader. We do not know with any reliability the nature of Iranian command and control, either for the development programs or for the weapons’ operational employment.

 We do not know the location or even the existence of the full array of labora- tories and manufacturing plants.

 We do not know the extent of the program: Is it attempting to develop a dozen weapons, hundreds or thousands?

 We do not know what Iranian doctrine envisions for their use.

 We do not know whether simple deterrence to ensure state survival is the political aim of their possession, or whether the Iranian government has grander, more aggressive ambitions.

 We do not know whether possessing the weapons will reassure Iran and make its behavior more stable and predictable, as gas been the case with other pos- sessor states, as was the case with the Soviet Union.

 We do not know whether Iran will proliferate the knowledge and weapon to other states or terrorist organizations.

However, the most important thing we don’t know about the Iranian nuclear program is when it will produce nuclear weapons.

V.2. Recommendation

“Lost in the debate about how to prevent Iran from crossing the nuclear thresh- old is the fact that we lack of ability to prevent it. The Iranian have the indigenous technical ability and possibly the nuclear material, to build nuclear weapons right now. They can do it if they want to, and we know so little about their program they could likely achieve it without detection.”62

By the act of Iranian government, there are several potential explanations about it, but U.S. and other countries unlikely ever to have adequate understanding of the opaque workings of Iran to determine its true motivations. This gap of our knowledge is one out of many. The U.S. government is going to need to make policy decisions on how to deal with Iranian intransigence and duplicity without the luxury of better information. Building a successful strategy requires acknowledging areas of uncertainty and hedging against misjudgment.

62 Dealing with A Nuclear Iran, By. Kori Schake. p.3.

Iran’s reaction to even the mild sanction approved by the UNSC in December 2006, will raise the stakes and force a confrontation should Iran actually expand enrichment, as they are preparing to do. Rather than trapping ourselves in a policy that will leave us little choice but destroying the Iranian program on terms unfavorable to us or appearing impotent to prevent it, U.S. should adopt a three-pronged approach of:

1. Increasing UN sanctions and U.S. military pressure on Iran while opening negotiations on cessation of enrichment and a range of other issues, such as government repression and stabilizing Iraq.

2. Calling into question the existence and usability of any weapon that have not been tested, thereby shifting the burden of proof from the claims that fuel enrichment will give Iran nuclear weapon to Iranian action that will be indisput- able, namely a test nuclear explosion.

3. Clearly and publicly articulating U.S. determination to destroy any Iranian nuclear weapons that it believe are being readied for use.

Indonesia, as the country that is giving the support on Iranian nuclear program for peaceful purposes, should be aware and ready for what comes next. Everything could happen, and we cannot actually know what it is except Iran.

The recommendation for Indonesia is that Indonesia should follow whatever United Nation has decided into the Iranian nuclear program, as they are the legal body and they always supervising whatever Iran do to the program.

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