Highlights of Iran's Perilous Pursuit of Nuclear Weapons
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As Israel's Political Parties Fight for Role of Kingmaker, Religious
Selected articles concerning Israel, published weekly by Suburban Orthodox Toras Chaim’s (Baltimore) Israel Action Committee Edited by Jerry Appelbaum ( [email protected] ) | Founding editor: Sheldon J. Berman Z”L Issue 8 8 1 Volume 2 1 , Number 1 2 Parshas Vayikra March 20 , 20 2 1 As Israel’s Political Parties Fight for Role of Kingmaker, Religious - Secular Divide Comes to the Fore By Haviv Rettig Gur timesofisrael.com March 15, 2021 Two very different parties have found in each other lawmakers and some Haredi party activists sharing p hotos the perfect enemies. of emaciated bodies being carried on wheelbarrows during Eight days to election day, the race between the pro - the Holocaust. and anti - Netanyahu camps is close. So close, in fact, that The video clip of that line went viral on Hebrew - neither side can hope to piece together an effective language social media. Few noticed the exchange that government. followed, in which Liberman went on to explain If Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu manages to something important about his campaign strategy — he eke out a slim majority, it will likely b e so slim that he will needs to boost support by driving secular voters to the find himself forced to cater to the whims of the most polls. right - wing lawmakers on the ballot. Netanyahu’s Challenged again by Asayag that he cannot push both opponents, meanwhile, theoretically led by Yair Lapid of Netanyahu and the Haredi parties out of government Yesh Atid, may well be too divided and diverse to produce simultaneously and will end up “hugging [Shas leader a manageable coa lition. -
Guía COL MUN 2021
CNCMUN IV Background Guide Council of Leaders COL Presidents: Gabriel Hernández and Isabella Ospina Gabriela Conde and Tomás Ortiz Executive editors Gabriel Hernández Isabella Ospina Sub-editor Sub-editor Table of contents I. Letter from the chair II. Introduction to the committee III. First agenda: Middle East and Israel Conflict A. Introduction B. History C. Current Situation i. Right of return ii. Security and Terrorism D. Different Perspectives IV Second agenda: Iran and USA crisis A. Introduction B. History i. Precedents of the Iran-U.S.A. relation ii. Incidents iii. Nuclear weapons development C. Current Situation D. Different Perspectives V. Information of Mandatory Revision VI. QARMA’S (Questions a Resolution Must Answer) VII. Bibliography I. Letter from the chair Estimated delegates, We are Gabriel Hernández and Isabella Ospina, and as presidents of the committee of Council of Leaders, we’d like to extend to you a warm welcome to the 4th edition of CNCMUN. This time, the topics to be discussed are related to the Middle East conflict with other countries such as Israel and the United States - Iran crisis. We are appreciative to receive delegates that are open to an active participation and take this as learning and enriching experience. We are looking forward to achieve this committee's goals and make this a joyful experience for everyone. We are expecting to see you soon. II. Introduction to the committee Council of leaders is an experimental committee in the Model of United Nations that consists in setting out a scene in which world leaders with greater significance discuss and debate about current controversial and important issues. -
Iran's Gray Zone Strategy
Iran’s Gray Zone Strategy Cornerstone of its Asymmetric Way of War By Michael Eisenstadt* ince the creation of the Islamic Republic in 1979, Iran has distinguished itself (along with Russia and China) as one of the world’s foremost “gray zone” actors.1 For nearly four decades, however, the United States has struggled to respond effectively to this asymmetric “way of war.” Washington has often Streated Tehran with caution and granted it significant leeway in the conduct of its gray zone activities due to fears that U.S. pushback would lead to “all-out” war—fears that the Islamic Republic actively encourages. Yet, the very purpose of this modus operandi is to enable Iran to pursue its interests and advance its anti-status quo agenda while avoiding escalation that could lead to a wider conflict. Because of the potentially high costs of war—especially in a proliferated world—gray zone conflicts are likely to become increasingly common in the years to come. For this reason, it is more important than ever for the United States to understand the logic underpinning these types of activities, in all their manifestations. Gray Zone, Asymmetric, and Hybrid “Ways of War” in Iran’s Strategy Gray zone warfare, asymmetric warfare, and hybrid warfare are terms that are often used interchangeably, but they refer neither to discrete forms of warfare, nor should they be used interchangeably—as they often (incor- rectly) are. Rather, these terms refer to that aspect of strategy that concerns how states employ ways and means to achieve national security policy ends.2 Means refer to the diplomatic, informational, military, economic, and cyber instruments of national power; ways describe how these means are employed to achieve the ends of strategy. -
Iran Nuclear Programme: Revisiting the Nuclear Debate
Journal of Power, Politics & Governance June 2014, Vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 223-227 ISSN: 2372-4919 (Print), 2372-4927 (Online) Copyright © The Author(s). 2014. All Rights Reserved. Published by American Research Institute for Policy Development Iran Nuclear Programme: Revisiting the Nuclear Debate Khurshid Ahmad Mir1 The trajectory of the nuclear program of Iran dates back to the 1950s. The nuclear programme of Iran was assisted by the west in general and the United States of America in particular as part of the Atoms for Peace program (Roe, 2007). The United States and Western European governments continued to support the Iran's nuclear program continued until the 1979 Iranian Revolution. The revolution of 1979 toppled the Shah of Iran (Iran Affairs, 2006). It was 1957 when Iran and The United States of America signed a civil nuclear co-operation agreement. The agreement was signed as a part of the U.S. Atoms for Peace program. As a confidence building measure Iran signed the Partial nuclear test ban treaty (PTBT) on August 9, 1963: and ratified it on December 23, 1963. And more importantly, in July 1968 Iran signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and latter ratified it. Therefore, there was a marriage between the West and Iran and under the Shah regime, Iran initiated a series of motivated nuclear projects that relied on assistance and backing from the United States of America and Europe. The support from the west made it possible for Iran to launch a nuclear programme which presently seems a global concern. The revolution of 1979 in Iran brought a tremendous change in the policies of the Iran. -
The Threat of Nuclear Proliferation: Perception and Reality Jacques E
ROUNDTABLE: NONPROLIFERATION IN THE 21ST CENTURY The Threat of Nuclear Proliferation: Perception and Reality Jacques E. C. Hymans* uclear weapons proliferation is at the top of the news these days. Most recent reports have focused on the nuclear efforts of Iran and North N Korea, but they also typically warn that those two acute diplomatic headaches may merely be the harbingers of a much darker future. Indeed, foreign policy sages often claim that what worries them most is not the small arsenals that Tehran and Pyongyang could build for themselves, but rather the potential that their reckless behavior could catalyze a process of runaway nuclear proliferation, international disorder, and, ultimately, nuclear war. The United States is right to be vigilant against the threat of nuclear prolifer- ation. But such vigilance can all too easily lend itself to exaggeration and overreac- tion, as the invasion of Iraq painfully demonstrates. In this essay, I critique two intellectual assumptions that have contributed mightily to Washington’s puffed-up perceptions of the proliferation threat. I then spell out the policy impli- cations of a more appropriate analysis of that threat. The first standard assumption undergirding the anticipation of rampant pro- liferation is that states that abstain from nuclear weapons are resisting the dictates of their narrow self-interest—and that while this may be a laudable policy, it is also an unsustainable one. According to this line of thinking, sooner or later some external shock, such as an Iranian dash for the bomb, can be expected to jolt many states out of their nuclear self-restraint. -
The Coming Iran Nuclear Talks Openings and Obstacles
The Coming Iran Nuclear Talks Openings and Obstacles DENNIS ROSS January 2021 he Middle East will not be a priority in the Biden administration’s approach to foreign policy. But the T Iranian nuclear program will require a response.* With the Iranian parliament having adopted legislation mandating uranium enrichment to 20 percent and suspension of International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspections if sanctions are not lifted by February 2020 in response to the targeted killing of Iranian scientist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh— and with Iran now having accumulated twelve times the low-enriched uranium permitted under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action—the administration will have to deal with the Iranian challenge.1 To be sure, the nuclear program and its potential to make Iran a nuclear weapons state are not the only challenges the Islamic Republic poses: the regime’s ballistic missile program and destabilizing and aggressive behavior in the region threaten conflicts that can escalate both vertically and horizontally. But it is the nuclear program that is most pressing. *The author would like to thank a number of his Washington Institute colleagues—Katherine Bauer, Patrick Clawson, Michael Eisenstadt, Barbara Leaf, Matthew Levitt, David Makovsky, David Pollock, Robert Satloff, and Michael Singh—for the helpful comments they provided as he prepared this paper. He also wants to give special thanks to several people outside the Institute—Robert Einhorn, Richard Nephew, David Petraeus, Norman Roule, and Karim Sadjadpour—for the thoughtful comments -
Iran and Israel's National Security in the Aftermath of 2003 Regime Change in Iraq
Durham E-Theses IRAN AND ISRAEL'S NATIONAL SECURITY IN THE AFTERMATH OF 2003 REGIME CHANGE IN IRAQ ALOTHAIMIN, IBRAHIM,ABDULRAHMAN,I How to cite: ALOTHAIMIN, IBRAHIM,ABDULRAHMAN,I (2012) IRAN AND ISRAEL'S NATIONAL SECURITY IN THE AFTERMATH OF 2003 REGIME CHANGE IN IRAQ , Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4445/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 . IRAN AND ISRAEL’S NATIONAL SECURITY IN THE AFTERMATH OF 2003 REGIME CHANGE IN IRAQ BY: IBRAHIM A. ALOTHAIMIN A thesis submitted to Durham University in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy DURHAM UNIVERSITY GOVERNMENT AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS March 2012 1 2 Abstract Following the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iran has continued to pose a serious security threat to Israel. -
Iran Complains to IAEA Over Leak of Confidential Info Kayhan Group of Newspapers
2 February 16, 2021 DOMESTIC NEWS Iran Complains to IAEA Over Leak of Confidential Info Kayhan Group of Newspapers Allah is He Who cre- Editorial Dept. Tel.: 33911561, 33110251-9 ated the heavens and Ext.: 2334, 2336, 2337 the earth and sent down Advertising Dept.: 33110251-9 Ext. 2336 water from the clouds, then brought forth with it Subscription Ext.: 2322 fruits as a sustenance for Facsimile: 33114228 & 33111120 you, and He has made Website: www.kayhan.ir/en the ships subservient to E-mail: [email protected] you, that they might run P.O. Box: 11365/9631 their course in the sea by His command, and Address: Martyr Shah Cheraghi Street, Ferdowsi Avenue, He has made the rivers Tehran – Islamic Republic of Iran subservient to you. The Holy Qur’an (14.32) In the Name of the Most High Viewpoint PRAYER TIMINGS Noon (Zohr) 12:18 Evening(Maghreb) 18:06 Why is the Catholic Pope Dawn(Fajr)“ Tomorrow” 05:26 Sunrise “Tomorrow” 06:50 Coming to Iraq? The Iranian national flag flutters in the wind outside the IAEA building in Vienna. By: Kayhan Int’l Staff Writer UNITED NATIONS (Dispatches) Republic of Iran’s relations with change the status quo. -- Iran’s ambassador to international the IAEA. He added that Iran’s letter to the Iranian, organizations in Vienna, including the “Iran’s concerns about non-im- IAEA touched on six issues, which On March 5 the Head of the Catholic sect of Christianity is sched- International Atomic Energy Agency plementation of [IAEA’s] commit- make way for the leak of confiden- Pakistan Navy uled to land at Baghdad International Airport – the venue of the (IAEA), says the Iranian mission has ments regarding confidentiality of tial information including: unpardonable act of terrorism committed by the US on January 3 informed the IAEA of Tehran’s con- information have been brought up He cited inclusion of detailed Chiefs Meet in last year. -
Iran's Nuclear Ambitions From
IDENTITY AND LEGITIMACY: IRAN’S NUCLEAR AMBITIONS FROM NON- TRADITIONAL PERSPECTIVES Pupak Mohebali Doctor of Philosophy University of York Politics June 2017 Abstract This thesis examines the impact of Iranian elites’ conceptions of national identity on decisions affecting Iran's nuclear programme and the P5+1 nuclear negotiations. “Why has the development of an indigenous nuclear fuel cycle been portrayed as a unifying symbol of national identity in Iran, especially since 2002 following the revelation of clandestine nuclear activities”? This is the key research question that explores the Iranian political elites’ perspectives on nuclear policy actions. My main empirical data is elite interviews. Another valuable source of empirical data is a discourse analysis of Iranian leaders’ statements on various aspects of the nuclear programme. The major focus of the thesis is how the discourses of Iranian national identity have been influential in nuclear decision-making among the national elites. In this thesis, I examine Iranian national identity components, including Persian nationalism, Shia Islamic identity, Islamic Revolutionary ideology, and modernity and technological advancement. Traditional rationalist IR approaches, such as realism fail to explain how effective national identity is in the context of foreign policy decision-making. I thus discuss the connection between national identity, prestige and bargaining leverage using a social constructivist approach. According to constructivism, states’ cultures and identities are not established realities, but the outcomes of historical and social processes. The Iranian nuclear programme has a symbolic nature that mingles with socially constructed values. There is the need to look at Iran’s nuclear intentions not necessarily through the lens of a nuclear weapons programme, but rather through the regime’s overall nuclear aspirations. -
Attacks Against the Iranian Nuclear Program
OEA Team Threat Report G-2 G-2 Title Attacks Against the Iranian Date Nuclear Program 15 February 2012 US Army TRADOC G2 TRADOC Intelligence Support Activity (TRISA) – Threats Dr. Majid Shahriari’s car after the attack1 Publication Date: 15 February 2012 US Army TRADOC G2 Information Cut-Off Date: 25 January 2012 TRADOC Intelligence Support Activity (TRISA) – Threats 1 U.S. UNCLASSIFIED U.S. UNCLASSIFIED OEA Team Threat Report G-2 Purpose To inform readers of the locations of Iran’s six major nuclear sites To inform deploying units, trainers, and scenario writers of the attacks and accidents that have plagued the Iranian nuclear program over the past 12 years To identify the various tactics, techniques, and procedures (TTP) used to assassinate scientists associated with the Iranian nuclear program To identify other methods used to damage the Iranian nuclear program over the past 12 years Product Caveat: This presentation has been developed from multiple unclassified sources and is primarily intended for use as a training product for the Department of Army. This briefing should not be considered a finished intelligence product, nor used in such a manner. 2 U.S. UNCLASSIFIED OEA Team Threat Report G-2 Executive Summary Provides a map of the location of Iran’s 6 major nuclear sites Presents a timeline of the accidents, attacks, and assassinations associated with the Iranian nuclear programs since 2001 Provides information on the assassination or the attempts on the lives of scientists and other negative incidents associated with the Iranian nuclear program Includes civilian experts’ speculation about the actor or actors involved with the attempts to derail the Iranian nuclear program Provides additional negative events in Iran that may or may not be associated with its nuclear program 3 U.S. -
The Israeli Strategy Vis-À-Vis the Us Foreign Policy in the Iran Nuclear Deal
ULB- LUISS Double Degree Master’s Degree in International Relations, Major in: Political violence and Security Practices ( ULB) Geopolitical Scenarios and Political risk (LUISS) Master’s dissertation: THE ISRAELI STRATEGY VIS-À-VIS THE US FOREIGN POLICY IN THE IRAN NUCLEAR DEAL SUPERVISORS Prof. Christian Olsson (ULB) Prof. Giuseppe Scognamiglio (LUISS) CANDIDATE Michela Muscau (638382) CO-SUPERVISOR Prof. Gregory Alegi (LUISS) 0 1 Alla mia famiglia, A Davide e a mio Padre, a chi non smette di credere. 2 TABLE OF CONTENT ACKNOWLEDGMENT .......................................................................................................................................................... II ACRONYMS/ LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS. ........................................................................................................................... III SUMMARY. ............................................................................................................................................................................. I INTRODUCTION. .................................................................................................................................................................. 1 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: PREMISES AND THEORY. .......................................................................................... 5 METHODOLOGY. ................................................................................................................................................................. 8 OPERATIONAL CONCEPTS. -
Masaryk University, Brno
MASARYK UNIVERSITY, BRNO Faculty of Social Studies Department of International Relations and European Studies Political influence of Iran in the Middle East after 2003 Bachelor‟s thesis Author: Oleg Kuznetsov (UČO 330969) MVZ-EVS 2013 Supervisor: PhDr. Pavel Pšeja, Ph.D. Brno 2013 I hereby declare that this thesis I submit for assessment is entirely my own work and has not been taken from the work of others save to the extent that such work has been cited and acknowledged within the text of my work. Date: Signature 2 Acknowledgment: As the author of this thesis, first of all I would like to thank my supervisor PhDr. Pavel Pšeja Ph.D. for his patience, help, and advices during writing this work. I would like to acknowledge my family for giving me moral support during writing the thesis. I also would like to acknowledge Ms. Shahira Amin and Rohit Jobanputra for their support, kindness and friendship. 3 Contents Abstract ............................................................................................................................................................... 5 Introduction ........................................................................................................................................................ 6 I) Iran’s overview ................................................................................................................................................. 7 Iran’s political system and overview of the country ......................................................................................