Internal and External Implications of Iran's Nuclear Program
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“State of Civil Society Report: 2015
the year in review State of Civil Society report 2015: THE YEAR IN REVIEW ...these stories tell us that only civil introduction society, in its broadest sense, is taking a It has been another year of hard work and high achievement for civil society. The story of the year since the stance against the 2014 State of Civil Society Report was published has partly been one of a continuing series of attacks on civil concentration of society in the many countries where, when civil society asks difficult questions about power, the powerful seek to silence it. But is has also been a story of impressive and sustained civil society response, in a world that has power in the hands of become more turbulent and contested. a tiny, global, super- rich elite, and against As we show below, civil society faces challenges - of lack of space, under-resourcing and limited access to the attempts of many decision-makers. Civil society also needs continually to prove its connection with and relevance to citizens, political leaders and and it needs to demonstrate its ability to stay ahead of trends and innovate. When civil society groups do not corporate interests do these, they fail. But so often, we see civil society leading the response to crisis, taking on difficult issues, contributing to change, and winning arguments for social justice. to undermine human rights and This year in review section of the 2015 CIVICUS State of Civil Society Report is complemented by our report’s the value of people’s special thematic section on the resourcing for civil society, and the 27 guest contributions, from civil society participation. -
Iran Nuclear Programme: Revisiting the Nuclear Debate
Journal of Power, Politics & Governance June 2014, Vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 223-227 ISSN: 2372-4919 (Print), 2372-4927 (Online) Copyright © The Author(s). 2014. All Rights Reserved. Published by American Research Institute for Policy Development Iran Nuclear Programme: Revisiting the Nuclear Debate Khurshid Ahmad Mir1 The trajectory of the nuclear program of Iran dates back to the 1950s. The nuclear programme of Iran was assisted by the west in general and the United States of America in particular as part of the Atoms for Peace program (Roe, 2007). The United States and Western European governments continued to support the Iran's nuclear program continued until the 1979 Iranian Revolution. The revolution of 1979 toppled the Shah of Iran (Iran Affairs, 2006). It was 1957 when Iran and The United States of America signed a civil nuclear co-operation agreement. The agreement was signed as a part of the U.S. Atoms for Peace program. As a confidence building measure Iran signed the Partial nuclear test ban treaty (PTBT) on August 9, 1963: and ratified it on December 23, 1963. And more importantly, in July 1968 Iran signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and latter ratified it. Therefore, there was a marriage between the West and Iran and under the Shah regime, Iran initiated a series of motivated nuclear projects that relied on assistance and backing from the United States of America and Europe. The support from the west made it possible for Iran to launch a nuclear programme which presently seems a global concern. The revolution of 1979 in Iran brought a tremendous change in the policies of the Iran. -
Prism Vol. 9, No. 2 Prism About Vol
2 021 PRISMVOL. 9, NO. 2 | 2021 PRISM VOL. 9, NO. 2 NO. 9, VOL. THE JOURNAL OF COMPLEX OPER ATIONS PRISM ABOUT VOL. 9, NO. 2, 2021 PRISM, the quarterly journal of complex operations published at National Defense University (NDU), aims to illuminate and provoke debate on whole-of-government EDITOR IN CHIEF efforts to conduct reconstruction, stabilization, counterinsurgency, and irregular Mr. Michael Miklaucic warfare operations. Since the inaugural issue of PRISM in 2010, our readership has expanded to include more than 10,000 officials, servicemen and women, and practi- tioners from across the diplomatic, defense, and development communities in more COPYEDITOR than 80 countries. Ms. Andrea L. Connell PRISM is published with support from NDU’s Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS). In 1984, Secretary of Defense Casper Weinberger established INSS EDITORIAL ASSISTANTS within NDU as a focal point for analysis of critical national security policy and Ms. Taylor Buck defense strategy issues. Today INSS conducts research in support of academic and Ms. Amanda Dawkins leadership programs at NDU; provides strategic support to the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, combatant commands, and armed services; Ms. Alexandra Fabre de la Grange and engages with the broader national and international security communities. Ms. Julia Humphrey COMMUNICATIONS INTERNET PUBLICATIONS PRISM welcomes unsolicited manuscripts from policymakers, practitioners, and EDITOR scholars, particularly those that present emerging thought, best practices, or train- Ms. Joanna E. Seich ing and education innovations. Publication threshold for articles and critiques varies but is largely determined by topical relevance, continuing education for national and DESIGN international security professionals, scholarly standards of argumentation, quality of Mr. -
Strateg Ic a Ssessmen T
Strategic Assessment Assessment Strategic Volume 19 | No. 4 | January 2017 Volume 19 Volume The Prime Minister and “Smart Power”: The Role of the Israeli Prime Minister in the 21st Century Yair Lapid The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach | No. 4 No. Udi Dekel and Emma Petrack Who’s Afraid of BDS? Economic and Academic Boycotts and the Threat to Israel | January 2017 Amit Efrati Israel’s Warming Ties with Regional Powers: Is Turkey Next? Ari Heistein Hezbollah as an Army Yiftah S. Shapir The Modi Government’s Policy on Israel: The Rhetoric and Reality of De-hyphenation Vinay Kaura India-Israel Relations: Perceptions and Prospects Manoj Kumar The Trump Effect in Eastern Europe: Heightened Risks of NATO-Russia Miscalculations Sarah Fainberg Negotiating Global Nuclear Disarmament: Between “Fairness” and Strategic Realities Emily B. Landau and Ephraim Asculai Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 19 | No. 4 | January 2017 Abstracts | 3 The Prime Minister and “Smart Power”: The Role of the Israeli Prime Minister in the 21st Century | 9 Yair Lapid The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach | 29 Udi Dekel and Emma Petrack Who’s Afraid of BDS? Economic and Academic Boycotts and the Threat to Israel | 43 Amit Efrati Israel’s Warming Ties with Regional Powers: Is Turkey Next? | 57 Ari Heistein Hezbollah as an Army | 67 Yiftah S. Shapir The Modi Government’s Policy on Israel: The Rhetoric and Reality of De-hyphenation | 79 Vinay Kaura India-Israel Relations: Perceptions and Prospects | 93 Manoj Kumar The Trump Effect in Eastern Europe: Heightened Risks of NATO-Russia Miscalculations | 103 Sarah Fainberg Negotiating Global Nuclear Disarmament: Between “Fairness” and Strategic Realities | 117 Emily B. -
The Threat of Nuclear Proliferation: Perception and Reality Jacques E
ROUNDTABLE: NONPROLIFERATION IN THE 21ST CENTURY The Threat of Nuclear Proliferation: Perception and Reality Jacques E. C. Hymans* uclear weapons proliferation is at the top of the news these days. Most recent reports have focused on the nuclear efforts of Iran and North N Korea, but they also typically warn that those two acute diplomatic headaches may merely be the harbingers of a much darker future. Indeed, foreign policy sages often claim that what worries them most is not the small arsenals that Tehran and Pyongyang could build for themselves, but rather the potential that their reckless behavior could catalyze a process of runaway nuclear proliferation, international disorder, and, ultimately, nuclear war. The United States is right to be vigilant against the threat of nuclear prolifer- ation. But such vigilance can all too easily lend itself to exaggeration and overreac- tion, as the invasion of Iraq painfully demonstrates. In this essay, I critique two intellectual assumptions that have contributed mightily to Washington’s puffed-up perceptions of the proliferation threat. I then spell out the policy impli- cations of a more appropriate analysis of that threat. The first standard assumption undergirding the anticipation of rampant pro- liferation is that states that abstain from nuclear weapons are resisting the dictates of their narrow self-interest—and that while this may be a laudable policy, it is also an unsustainable one. According to this line of thinking, sooner or later some external shock, such as an Iranian dash for the bomb, can be expected to jolt many states out of their nuclear self-restraint. -
Germany's Relations with Israel
Order Code RL33808 Germany’s Relations with Israel: Background and Implications for German Middle East Policy January 19, 2007 Paul Belkin Analyst in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense and Trade Germany’s Relations with Israel: Background and Implications for German Middle East Policy Summary Most observers agree that moral considerations surrounding the Holocaust continue to compel German leaders to make support for Israel a policy priority. Since 1949, successive German governments have placed this support at the forefront of their Middle East policy and today, Germany, along with the United States, is widely considered one of Israel’s closest allies. Germany ranks as Israel’s second largest trading partner and long-standing defense and scientific cooperation, people-to- people exchanges and cultural ties between the two countries continue to grow. On the other hand, public criticism of Israel in Germany, and particularly of its policies with regard to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, appears to be on the rise. Since the mid-1990s, German policy toward Israel has become progressively influenced by Germany’s commitment to a two-state solution to the Israeli- Palestinian conflict. Germany has been one of the single largest contributors to the Palestinian Authority (PA) and an increasingly vocal advocate for European Union (EU) engagement in the Middle East. Germany’s September 2006 decision to send a naval contingent to the Lebanese coast as part of an expanded United Nations mission after Israel’s July 2006 war with Hezbollah is considered to have significantly raised German interest in a resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and sparked widespread debate within Germany regarding the evolution of the German-Israeli relationship and Germany’s role in the region. -
THE CASE of SOUTH AFRICA and ISRAEL. a Thesis Submitted In
THE ROLE REGIME TYPE PLAYS WITH RESPECT TO INTELLIGENCE COOPERATION: THE CASE OF SOUTH AFRICA AND ISRAEL. A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Magister Administration in the Department of Political Studies, University of the Western Cape. By Dean John Walbrugh Supervisor: Professor Joelien Pretorius July 2019 KEYWORDS South Africa Israel Intelligence Cooperation Regime Type South African State Security Agency (SSA) Mossad Culture Identity Realism Liberalism Constructivism i ABSTRACT This thesis explores the intelligence cooperation exhibited between South Africa and Israel during the time periods of apartheid (1948-1994) and post-apartheid (1994-2015). Regime type is explored as a factor impacting on the intelligence relationship in both periods. Pertinent to the case study is the fact that South Africa and Israel’s regime type shared commonalities during the first period, but not the second. The thesis examines how these commonalities facilitated intelligence cooperation during apartheid, then turns to the question how the change in South Africa’s regime type after 1994 (whilst Israel’s remained the same) impacted on intelligence cooperation. In order to understand the significance of South Africa’s regime change on the intelligence relationship between the two states, a comprehensive theoretical framework is proposed in order to analyse how and why the internal policies of the two states redirected their intelligence relationship. Within this thesis, the concept of regime type is not used in a conventional way, it is framed through a constructivist notion that includes a focus on identity and how this shapes the two states’ intelligence bureaucratic behaviour. This constructivist framing is in turn juxtaposed to two other International Relations (IR) theories, namely: realism and liberalism. -
The Israeli Strategy Vis-À-Vis the Us Foreign Policy in the Iran Nuclear Deal
ULB- LUISS Double Degree Master’s Degree in International Relations, Major in: Political violence and Security Practices ( ULB) Geopolitical Scenarios and Political risk (LUISS) Master’s dissertation: THE ISRAELI STRATEGY VIS-À-VIS THE US FOREIGN POLICY IN THE IRAN NUCLEAR DEAL SUPERVISORS Prof. Christian Olsson (ULB) Prof. Giuseppe Scognamiglio (LUISS) CANDIDATE Michela Muscau (638382) CO-SUPERVISOR Prof. Gregory Alegi (LUISS) 0 1 Alla mia famiglia, A Davide e a mio Padre, a chi non smette di credere. 2 TABLE OF CONTENT ACKNOWLEDGMENT .......................................................................................................................................................... II ACRONYMS/ LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS. ........................................................................................................................... III SUMMARY. ............................................................................................................................................................................. I INTRODUCTION. .................................................................................................................................................................. 1 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: PREMISES AND THEORY. .......................................................................................... 5 METHODOLOGY. ................................................................................................................................................................. 8 OPERATIONAL CONCEPTS. -
Full 8Chan Leak Dump As of April-15-2015 This Is a Quick Overview of Quick Leak
Full 8chan Leak Dump As Of April-15-2015 This is a quick overview of Quick Leak http://8ch.net/leaked/index.html Anonymous Post Makes News Headline! KILLCEN 04/15/15 (Wed) 15:09:40 No.235[Repl y][Watch Thread] LoL! Hey Anonymous! You made news coverage! http://www.cbsnews.com/news/top-law-officials-personal-information-posted-online -right-wing-group-blamed/ DHS-CIA-FBI TRAITORS HOME ADDRESSES: http://quickleak.ir/xiUw8SIv Infowars also covers dox KILLCEN 04/15/15 (Wed) 15:19:3 2 No.236 Holly Molly! Infowars posts report about this too! (I'd l ay low if I were you, for a while) http://www.infowars.com/leaking-of-government-officials-ad dresses-accompanied-by-note-warning-of-fema-crackdown-by-nwo-satanists/ PREPARATION FOR MARTIAL LAW DOWNLOAD LINKS Anonymous 04/15/15 (Wed) 14:51:11 No .234[Reply][Watch Thread] CONCENTRATION CAMPS FOR AMERICANS FREE PDF DOWNLOAD Concentration Camps for Americans How would you like to enter one the over 600 American concentration camps acros s the USA? The barbed wired, shackle embedded camps have been built and are awaiti ng to enslave huge numbers of the population. Should a fitting event take place, current laws allow FEMA to legally incarcerate civilians into these camps. The Federal Government admits plans to detain millions of people Rex 84, short for Readiness Exercise 1984, was a plan by the United States fede ral government to test their ability to detain large numbers of American citizens in case of massive civil unrest or national emergency. -
Highlights of Iran's Perilous Pursuit of Nuclear Weapons
INSTITUTE FOR SCIENCE AND INTERNATIONAL SECURITY REPORT Highlights of Iran’s Perilous Pursuit of Nuclear Weapons By David Albright with Sarah Burkhard and the Good ISIS Team August 25, 2021 Iran’s Perilous Pursuit of Nuclear Weapons chronicles the Islamic Republic of Iran’s effort to acquire nuclear weapons. It started slowly, building to a crash nuclear weapons program in the early 2000s to create five nuclear weapons and an industrial complex to produce many more. Under international pressure, fearful of military attack, the program was driven to downsize and deeper secrecy. Nonetheless, Iran remains on the brink of becoming a nuclear weapons power; its nuclear material production capabilities stronger than ever, its weaponization capabilities lurking under the surface. But just how close did Iran get to nuclear weapons during its crash program and how close is it today? Up until the events of a cold, clear night in January 2018, the world could only guess. In a dramatic nighttime raid, the Israeli Foreign Intelligence Service Mossad broke into a warehouse in Tehran and seized a large cache of documents detailing Iran’s darkest and long- denied secret. The Amad Plan, the codename for its crash nuclear weapons program, was far larger and made much more progress than previously known. Containing many top secret details, the seized documents offer unprecedented insights into Iran’s progress—and the hurdles it faced in building nuclear weapons. With what Iran learned about building nuclear weapons during the Amad Plan, combined with its subsequent accomplishments, the Islamic Republic has developed a sophisticated capability to make nuclear weapons. -
A WMD–Free Zone in the Middle East: Regional Perspectives
The Project on Managing the Atom A WMD–Free Zone in the Middle East: Regional Perspectives Paolo Foradori and Martin B. Malin, editors November 2013 Project on Managing the Atom Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University 79 JFK Street Cambridge, MA 02138 Fax: (617) 495-8963 Discussion Paper #2013-09 Copyright 2013 President and Fellows of Harvard College The authors of this discussion paper invite use of this information for educational purposes, requir- ing only that the reproduced material clearly cite the full source: Paolo Foradori and Martin B. Malin, eds., “A WMD-Free Zone in the Middle East: Regional Perspectives.” (Cambridge, Mass.: The Project on Managing the Atom, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University). November 2013. Statements and views presented in this discussion paper are solely those of the authors and do not imply endorsements by Harvard University, the Harvard Kennedy School, or the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs. Printed in the United States of America. Cover Photos Upper Left: Members of the UN investigation team take samples from the ground in the Damascus countryside of Zamalka, Syria on August 29, 2013 as part of the on-going process of dismantling Syria’s stockpile of chemical weapons (AP Photo/Local Committee of Arbeen). Upper Right: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel describes his concerns over Iran’s nuclear ambitions during his address to the United Nations on September 27, 2012 (AP Photo/ Richard Drew). Lower Left: UNITN | © Eyematrix_Images–Fotolia.com, Lower Right: Middle East satellite map from Wikipedia. -
Masaryk University, Brno
MASARYK UNIVERSITY, BRNO Faculty of Social Studies Department of International Relations and European Studies Political influence of Iran in the Middle East after 2003 Bachelor‟s thesis Author: Oleg Kuznetsov (UČO 330969) MVZ-EVS 2013 Supervisor: PhDr. Pavel Pšeja, Ph.D. Brno 2013 I hereby declare that this thesis I submit for assessment is entirely my own work and has not been taken from the work of others save to the extent that such work has been cited and acknowledged within the text of my work. Date: Signature 2 Acknowledgment: As the author of this thesis, first of all I would like to thank my supervisor PhDr. Pavel Pšeja Ph.D. for his patience, help, and advices during writing this work. I would like to acknowledge my family for giving me moral support during writing the thesis. I also would like to acknowledge Ms. Shahira Amin and Rohit Jobanputra for their support, kindness and friendship. 3 Contents Abstract ............................................................................................................................................................... 5 Introduction ........................................................................................................................................................ 6 I) Iran’s overview ................................................................................................................................................. 7 Iran’s political system and overview of the country ......................................................................................