Iranian Revolution Ethicalmun IV Crisis
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Anglo-Iranian Dispute in 1951)
Studia Litteraria Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis 2019, special issue, pp. 231–243 Volume in Honour of Professor Anna Krasnowolska doi:10.4467/20843933ST.19.037.10980 www.ejournals.eu/Studia-Litteraria JOLANTA SIERAKOWSKA-DYNDO University of Warsaw e-mail: [email protected] Polish Judge Defended the Iranian Stance (Anglo-Iranian Dispute in 1951) Abstract The nationalization of oil fields in Iran on 20 March 1951 turned into a conflict between the British and Iranian governments. It was a heavy blow for the oil company from Great Britain, which since the beginning of the 20th century was present in Iran (since 1933 under the name of Anglo-Persian Oil Company, the name was changed for Anglo-Iranian Oil Company). British government lodged a complaint against Iran with the International Court of Justice, and then on 22 June 1951 filed a further request for the interim measures of protection to be implemented until the dispute is resolved. Two of the judges of the International Court of Justice gave a dissenting opinion in this case, one of them was a Polish judge, Bohdan Winiarski. In his opinion, and also opinion of Egyptian judge Abdel Hamid Badawi Pasha, the British government was not a party to the contract because it was signed between the Ira- nian Government and the Anglo-Persian Oil Company not with the British Government. This opinion was accepted by the International Court of Justice in Hague. The positive verdict of the Court was a huge victory for Iran. Without doubt, the Polish judge, Bohdan Winiarski, contributed to it. -
Iran Hostage Crisis National Security Council, 1979 !
CRISIS COMMITTEES | 2014e IRAN HOSTAGE CRISIS NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL, 1979 ! Dear Delegates, We are in the midst of the Iran Hostage Crisis, and there is no time to spare. Our situation is grave and desperate, and together we will find a solution into dealing with the recent events regarding the kidnapping of 52 Americans from the United States embassy in Tehran on November 4, 1979. Indeed there are many sides to this issue, and debates will be tense. The dichotomy between the many people being represented in this committee will surely lead to many disputes and tough agreements. Can the situation remain diplomatic? Or will it lead to something else? It shall remain up to you. It is with great pleasure, as director of this committee, to welcome you to our 2014 UTMUN conference. My name is Stanley Treivus, and alongside our Crisis manager Meerah Haq, we look forward to this thrilling weekend of debate that awaits us. We are both first year students studying Political Science and International relations and this will be our first time being involved in UTMUN. This conference will appeal to all delegates, experienced or novice. And our hope is that you will leave this committee with not only profound knowledge on the subject, but with a better sense of communication and improved debating skills than you had before. The issues we will be discussing will surround the many topics that relate directly to the Iran Hostage Crisis. We will look at foreign relations between the United States and Iran shortly before and during the crisis. -
Full Issue File
Biannual of Research Institute for Strategic Strategic for Institute Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs 31 Vol. 11. No.1. Winter&Spring2020 Advisory Board Mohsen Rezaee Mirghaed, Kamal Kharazi, Ali Akbar Velayati, Ahmad Vahidi, Saeed Jalili, Publisher Ali Shamkhanim, Hosein Amirabdolahian, Ali Bagheri Institute for Strategic Research Editorial Board Expediency Council Seyed Mohammad Kazem Sajjadpour Director Professor, School of International Relations Mohsen Rezaee Mirghaed Gulshan Dietl Associate Professor, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University Imam Hossein University Mohammad Marandi Professor, University of Tehran Jamshid Momtaz Editor-in-Chief Professor, University of Tehran Seyed Mohammad Kazem Mohammad Javad Zarif Sajjadpour Associate Professor, School of World Studies Professor of School of Mohiaddin Mesbahi International Relations Professor, Florida International University Hosein Salimi Professor, Allameh Tabatabii University Secretary of advisory board Seyed Jalal Dehghani Mohammad Nazari Professor, Allameh Tabatabii University Naser Hadian Director of Executive Affairs Assistant professor, University of Tehran Hadi Gholamnia Vitaly Naumkin Professor, Moscow State University Copyediting Hassan Hoseini Zeinab Ghasemi Tari Assistant Professor, University of Tehran Mohammad Ali Shirkhani Layout and Graphics Najmeh Ghaderi Professor, University of Tehran Foad Izadi Assistant Professor, University of Tehran Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs (IRFA) achieved the highest scientific ISSN: 2008-8221 grade from the Ministry of Science, -
Hasan Yousefi Eshkevari
Page 1 of 19 Witness Statement of Hasan Yousefi Eshkevari Witness Statement of Hasan Yousefi Eshkevari Name: Hasan Yousefi Eshkevari Place of Birth: Eshkevar, Iran Date of Birth: August 11, 1949 Occupation: Religious Scholar Interviewing Organization: Iran Human Rights Documentation Center (IHRDC) Date of Interview: April 25, 2014 Interviewer: IHRDC Staff This statement was prepared pursuant to an interview with Hasan Yousefi Eshkevari. It was approved by Hasan Yousefi Eshkevari on August 30, 2014 There are 89 paragraphs in the statement. The views and opinions of the witness expressed herein do not necessarily reflect those of the Iran Human Rights Documentation Center. Page 2 of 19 Witness Statement of Hasan Yousefi Eshkevari Statement Background 1. My name is Hasan Yousefi Eshkevari. I was born on August 11, 1949 in Eshkevar, which is near Roodsar in Gilan Province. Before the Islamic Revolution, I studied at the Islamic Seminary in Qom for fifteen years. I was a cleric for many years. In 2000 I was incarcerated, tried in the Special Clerical Court, and permanently defrocked. 2. I have not been a member of the clergy for some 14 or 15 years. Before the Revolution I was an activist cleric, and I was arrested twice. 3. After the Revolution, I remained active and travelled the country in 1979-80 and gave public talks. I was Shahsavar and Ramsar’s first elected representative in the [first] Islamic Consultative Assembly [Majles].1 But then I left politics, and I taught at the Allameh Tabataba’i University for four or five years. However, following a talk I gave at Dr. -
Ideology and the Iranian Revolution1
Ideology and the Iranian Revolution1 Mehdi Shadmehr2 First Draft: May 2008. This Draft: Summer 2011 Comments are welcomed. 1I wish to thank Bing Powell, Charles Ragin, Mehran Kamrava, Bonnie Meguid, Gretchen Helmeke, and participants in the Comparative Politics Workshop at the University of Rochester for helpful suggestions and comments. 2Department of Economics, University of Miami, Jenkins Bldg., Coral Gables, FL 33146. E-mail: [email protected] Abstract Some theories of revolution deny an independent role for ideology in the making of rev- olutions, whereas others grant it an indispensable role. I investigate the role of ideology in the Iranian Revolution by focusing on two periods of Iranian history that witnessed popular uprising: the early 1960's and the late 1970's. While the former uprising was aborted, the latter led to the Iranian Revolution. Contrasting these periods, I argue that the structural and non-agency process factors underwent the same dynamic in both periods, and hence are not sufficient to explain the variation in outcome. I propose that the change in the oppo- sition's ideology accounts for this variation. To establish the causal link, I investigate this ideological change, tracing its role in the actors' decision-making processes. I argue that: (1) Khomeini's theory of Islamic state expanded the set of alternatives to the status quo theory of state, and changed the Islamic opposition's \calculus of protest"; (2) an ideological change is an intellectual innovation/shock, the timing of which is intrinsically uncertain. Therefore, integrating ideology to the theory enhances its explanatory power; (3) an ideological change can serve as an observable intermediate variable that mediates the effect of unobservable cumulative and/or threshold processes. -
Iranwest Tensions and Mutual Demonization
A Crisis of Confidence Revisited: Iran-West Tensions and Mutual Demonization Behravesh, Maysam Published in: Asian Politics & Policy DOI: 10.1111/j.1943-0787.2011.01274.x 2011 Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Behravesh, M. (2011). A Crisis of Confidence Revisited: Iran-West Tensions and Mutual Demonization. Asian Politics & Policy, 3(3), 327-347. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1943-0787.2011.01274.x Total number of authors: 1 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 Download date: 02. Oct. 2021 A Crisis of Confidence Revisited: Iran-West Tensions and Mutual Demonization Maysam Behravesh Faculty of World Studies, University of Tehran This article is a largely constructivist revisit to the crisis of confidence between Iran and the West. -
KHERAD-DISSERTATION-2013.Pdf
Copyright by Nastaran Narges Kherad 2013 The Dissertation Committee for Nastaran Narges Kherad Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: RE-EXAMINING THE WORKS OF AHMAD MAHMUD: A FICTIONAL DEPICTION OF THE IRANIAN NATION IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY Committee: M.R. Ghanoonparvar, Supervisor Kamran Aghaie Kristen Brustad Elizabeth Richmond-Garza Faegheh Shirazi RE-EXAMINING THE WORKS OF AHMAD MAHMUD: A FICTIONAL DEPICTION OF THE IRANIAN NATION IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY by Nastaran Narges Kherad, B.A.; M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin May 2013 Dedication Dedicated to my son, Manai Kherad-Aminpour, the joy of my life. May you grow with a passion for literature and poetry! And may you face life with an adventurous spirit and understanding of the diversity and complexity of humankind! Acknowledgements The completion of this dissertation could not have been possible without the ongoing support of my committee members. First and for most, I am grateful to Professor Ghanoonparvar, who believed in this project from the very beginning and encouraged me at every step of the way. I thank him for giving his time so generously whenever I needed and for reading, editing, and commenting on this dissertation, and also for sharing his tremendous knowledge of Persian literature. I am thankful to have the pleasure of knowing and working with Professor Kamaran Aghaei, whose seminars on religion I cherished the most. -
Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion. -
Business in Iran After the Nuclear Deal
Presenting a live 90-minute webinar with interactive Q&A Back to Business in Iran After the Nuclear Deal: Maximizing Opportunity and Minimizing Liability Risks Navigating Remaining Sanctions and Customs Controls, Obtaining Necessary Licenses, and International Tax Planning TUESDAY, OCTOBER 13, 2015 1pm Eastern | 12pm Central | 11am Mountain | 10am Pacific Today’s faculty features: Mehrdad Ghassemieh, Partner, Harlowe & Falk, Tacoma, Wash. Nnedinma C. Ifudu Nweke, Senior Counsel, Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld, Washington, D.C. Barbara D. Linney, Member, Miller & Chevalier Chartered, Washington, D.C. David B. Woodward, President & CEO, Associates in Cultural Exchange, Seattle The audio portion of the conference may be accessed via the telephone or by using your computer's speakers. Please refer to the instructions emailed to registrants for additional information. If you have any questions, please contact Customer Service at 1-800-926-7926 ext. 10. Tips for Optimal Quality FOR LIVE EVENT ONLY Sound Quality If you are listening via your computer speakers, please note that the quality of your sound will vary depending on the speed and quality of your internet connection. If the sound quality is not satisfactory, you may listen via the phone: dial 1-866-570-7602 and enter your PIN when prompted. Otherwise, please send us a chat or e-mail [email protected] immediately so we can address the problem. If you dialed in and have any difficulties during the call, press *0 for assistance. Viewing Quality To maximize your screen, press the F11 key on your keyboard. To exit full screen, press the F11 key again. Continuing Education Credits FOR LIVE EVENT ONLY In order for us to process your continuing education credit, you must confirm your participation in this webinar by completing and submitting the Attendance Affirmation/Evaluation after the webinar. -
Patterns of Religion and Democracy in World of Muslims
Volume 3 Issue 1 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES AND June 2016 CULTURAL STUDIES ISSN 2356-5926 Patterns of Religion and Democracy in World of Muslims Parvizreza Mirlotfi Children and Adolescents Health Research Center, Zahedan University of Medical Science, Zahedan, Iran Mohammad Edris Arbabshastan* Iranshahr University of Medical Sciences, Iranshahr, Iran *Corresponding Author Mahin Gholamian MA in political Sciences, graduated from Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, Iran Homa Shiranzaei Islamic Azad University, Baft Branch, Faculty of Humanities – Department of Social Sciences, Iran Abstract The coincidence of arriving the democracy and the familiarity of Muslims with the word of democracy, there has been attempted to define the relationship between Islam and democracy among Muslin scholars. The attempt to define the religion and its nature and to make the balance with the democracy leads to form different interpretations from this relationship. Various examples of the concept of religion and different and conflicting definitions of the democracy have caused that delivering a comprehensive definition of the relationship between democracy and religion to face some problems. Referring to Quran and tradition and assignment of scientific and moral instruction to religion are against the democracy ideals. The emphasis on individual freedoms, public participation in politics, attention to common good and above all the rule of people over people led to form the theoretical and practical conflicts between science and religion and between religion and politics among Muslim thinkers. This article has reviewed the philosophical thoughts of some thinkers of Islam and their views in order to explain the relationship between Islam and democracy and it has proved this hypothesis that the Islamic thinkers have different interpretations and perceptions in dealing with democracy; some perceptions are intrinsic, immutable and inherent and some other perceptions are extrinsic and mutable. -
8 Sharia and National Law in Iran
Sharia and national law in 8 Iran1 Ziba Mir-Hosseini2 Abstract In the nineteenth century, the last of a series of tribal dynasties ruled Iran, and the Shia religious establishment had a monopoly of law, which was based on their interpretations of sharia. The twentieth century opened with the first of two successful revolu- tions. In the Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1911, democratic nationalists sought an end to absolute monarchy, a constitution, and the rule of law. They succeeded in laying the foundations of an independent judiciary and a parliament with legislative powers. The despotic, but modernising Pahlavi shahs (1925-1979) main- tained (though largely ignored) both the constitution and parlia- ment, curtailed the power of the Shia clergy, and put aside sharia in all areas of law apart from family law, in favour of a secular le- gal system inspired by European codes. The secularisation of society and legal reforms in the absence of democracy were major factors in the convergence of popular, na- tionalist, leftist, and Islamist opposition to Pahlavi rule, which led to the 1978-1979 Iranian Revolution under Ayatollah Khomeini. Islamist elements gained the upper hand in the new Islamic Republic. Determined to reestablish sharia as the source of law and the clergy as its official interpreters, they set about undoing the secularisation of the legal system. The new constitution at- tempted an unusual and contradictory combination of democracy and theocracy; for three decades Iran has experienced fluctua- tions, sometimes violent, between emerging democratic and plur- alistic popular movements and the dominance of theocratic des- potism. -
Iranian Politics and Religious Modernism
Iranian Politics and Religious Modernism THE LIBERATION MOVEMENT OF IRAN UNDER THE SHAH AND KHOMEINI H. E. CHEHAB! ,. _,:...,~ ·::,~:-- . ,,.;:\.<;;:. I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd Publishers Lon_don Published by For my parents l.B.Tauris & Co Ltd 110 Gloucester Avenue London NW1 8JA Copyright © 1990 by Cornell University All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or parts thereof, must not be reproduced in any form without permission in writing from the publisher. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Chehabi, Houchang E. Iranian politics and religious modernism: the liberation movement of Iran. t. Iran. Politics I. Title 320.955 ISBN 1-85043-198-1 Printed in the United States of America Iranian Polity in Comparative Perspective / 31 ide?logically t~e re~l or imagine.cl _local representatives of powers against N.llillll·ili·;in ,111 .1 1.:\·ligious Modernism which. , all Nahonahsts. were stnvmg·· communism, Bah a ,.ism, z·ionism. · is l·k.ir th.ii 111 tlH' old polities of the non-Western world National- 11 Lmz s observation that the "anti" character of fascism can be t b . .\·lii'H''''• 1111Hkrnism share many affinities. Both strive to make d d . 4 s e 11 un erstoo as anh-mternational and anticosmopolitans also a r t \Sill ,\Ill ,, ' I . N t' l. d . pp ies o tlw l\it1ntn· ,111 d 1h ndture. an equa.l .among equals: the one in the raman a 10na ism an religious modernism. Transnational move- . .• l si1\1t·n· tlll' sl'cond m the spmtual sphere. Religious modern- t'l' 1Ill1 •I · 1 ' .