SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Japonsko
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Resume: Den Indenrigspolitiske Situation
Statskonsulentrapport Tokyo Ambassaden Tokyo 5. november 2010 Resume: Indenrigspolitisk har starten af tredje kvartal været præget af en intern magtkamp mellem siddende Premierminister Naoto Kan og partifællen Ichiro Ozawa, som mange frygtede ville blive ikke bare premierministerens, men også regeringens endeligt. Denne frygt viste sig imidlertid ubegrundet, idet Premierminister Kan ikke alene formåede at fastholde formandsposten, men tillige endte med at gå ud af opgøret med et styrket politisk mandat. Dette styrkede mandat blev dog hurtigt sat på en prøve i den såkaldte "fiskeskippersag", som har skabt en alvorlig splid mellem Kina og Japan, der endnu ikke er bragt helt til ende. Sideløbende hermed synes det japanske værtskab for APEC at have fungeret som en katalysator for en intens debat om Japans fremtidige internationale handelspolitik, og helt specifikt et eventuelt japansk medlemsskab af Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) frihandels- aftalen. Mens Premierminister Kan synes at være en tilhænger af et sådant medlemsskab, har andre medlemmer af regeringen imidlertid stillet sig mere skeptiske, og det er derfor endnu usikkert hvad den endelige beslutning vil blive. Den indenrigspolitiske situation I kølvandet på DPJ’s (Democratic Party of Japan) nederlag ved Overhusvalget den 11. juli, annoncerede DPJ’s tidligere Generalsekretær Ichiro Ozawa, at han ville udfordre den siddende Premierminister og partiformand Naoto Kan på DPJ’s partikongres den 14. september 2010. Dette skabte stor uro i det politiske landskab, og en frygt for at interne stridigheder ville splitte partiet, og føre til nyvalg kun godt et år efter at DPJ kom til magten. Denne frygt viste sig dog at være ubegrundet, idet Naoto Kan genvandt formandskabet, og faktisk endte med at gå styrket ud af opgøret takket være en massiv folkelig opbakning i tiden op til partikongressen. -
August 20, 2012
August 20, 2012 Prepared： NGO Network for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (ERD Net) Submitted: The International Movement Against All Forms of Discrimination and Racism – Japan Committee – IMADR-JC To the CERD Secretariat: We are pleased to submit the report concerning the hate speech against minority communities in Japan hoping that this could contribute to the CERD thematic discussion on hate speech of August 30, 2012. The report covers the propaganda of hate speech and dissemination of derogatory messages against some minority communities in Japan, namely Buraku, Zainichi Koreans and migrants. The present report does not cover the other minority communities such as Ryukyu-Okinawans and the Ainu, but we believe that a similar manifestation would be demonstrated against them when they face the challenge of hate speech. When we discuss about the hate speech in Japan, it is nothing but only a problem under no control. The main reasons rest with the absence of criminal code that prohibits and sanctions racist hate speech. Unless a committed hate speech has some connections or implications to other crimes, there is no legal means that forces an immediate halt of such act. Hate speech could constitute an illegal act under the civil law and only when it is aimed at specific individuals. As indicated in several cases contained in this report, perpetrators of hate speech have been arrested, charged and convicted for the crimes of defamation, forgery of private documents, damage to property, and etc. that are not intended to sanction hate speech. Racially motivated acts are only sanctioned as petty crimes under the present law in Japan, thus, conviction of such acts is less effective in terms of prevention of crimes. -
Double Debt Disaster: Law, Policy, and Social Justice in the Wake of Japan’S 2011 Tsunami
Double Debt Disaster: Law, Policy, and Social Justice in the wake of Japan’s 2011 Tsunami Julius Weitzdörfer and S. J. Beard ORCiD 0000-0002-8383-0055 and 0000-0002-2834-0993 Deutsches Institut für Japanstudien Miscellanea 22 Deutsches Institut für Japanstudien Jochi Kioizaka Bldg. 2F 7-1, Kioichi Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 102-0094, Japan Tel.: (03) 3222-5077 Fax: (03) 3222-5420 e-mail: [email protected] homepage: http://www.dijtokyo.org Direktor: Prof. Dr. Franz Waldenberger (available at: https://www.dijtokyo.org/publication-type/miscellanea/) Erscheinungsjahr: März 2021 Erscheinungsort: Tokyo Herstellung: IUDICIUM Verlag GmbH, München ISSN 0941-1321 Humbly yet wholeheartedly dedicated to Martin Rees. Acknowledgements ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Julius Weitzdörfer would like to express his sincere gratitude to Moritz Bälz for the initial discussions, invaluable mentorship, and the academic free- dom to pursue research on this topic. For comments on early drafts, he is indebted to Moritz Bälz, Kazushige Doi, Isaac Gagné, Markus Heckel, Ste- fan Hüppe-Moon, Saori Kawazoe, Johannes Lenhard, Matthias Schumann- Brandau, Ioan Trifu, Frank Waldenberger, and two anonymous reviewers. Thanks for helpful remarks and discussions are due to Vicky Bier, Jan-Jona- than Bock, Morten Broberg, Sebastien Penmellen Boret, Joel Challender, Greg Clancey, Elisa Hörhager, Kristian Cedervall Lauta, Michael Eburn, Anthony Oliver-Smith, Mark Ramseyer, Martin Rees, Frank Rövekamp, Yuri Sano, Tomoko Shinkawa, Ted Steinberg, Yumi Takahashi, Takahiro Tsuda, Johannes Wilhelm, and to audiences of a series of oral presentations at Darwin College Cambridge (2015), the DIJ German Institute of Japanese Studies Tokyo (2016), University of Copenhagen (2015), the Harvard Reischauer Institute of Japanese Studies (2015), Harvard Law School (2018), and the Cambridge Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies (2018).1 S. -
Kazuhiko Tezuka
20 Years After JNR Privatization ○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○ Kazuhiko Tezuka The Railway Technical Research Institute (RTRI) assumed responsibility for the research and development (R&D) activities previously conducted by Japanese National Railways (JNR). It conducts R&D in a variety of fields, including structures, rolling stock, electrical power, signal communication, environment, energy, and human sciences. The institute has contributed to the development of the JR group of companies and railways in Japan in general by achieving success with a range of projects, including maglev, increasing the speed of shinkansen and conventional trains in harmony with the environment, strengthening ground equipment, reducing maintenance costs and taking measures to prevent accidents and natural disasters. Introduction Medium-term Master Plan RTRI was established in December 1986 with permission (FY1990–94) from the Minister of Transport just prior to the privatization In June 1990, the Master Plan for development of and division of JNR. Consequently, it celebrated its 20th technology for superconducting magnetic levitation anniversary in December last year. I would like to review railways and the plan to construct the Yamanashi Test its 20-year history and introduce our Master Plan, the Line both received approval from the Minister of central focus of research initiatives, and some of the main Transport. The Medium-term Master Plan was thus results that the institute has achieved. formulated in March 1991 to reflect this. In this plan, maglev and increasing the speed of shinkansen and Changes In and Activities conventional trains in harmony with the environment (ATLAS plan and NEXT 250 plan) were designated as Conducted under Master Plan the focus of R&D initiatives. -
Die Japanische Innenpolitik 2009/2010: Schwerpunkte Und Tendenzen
Die japanische Innenpolitik 2009/2010: Schwerpunkte und Tendenzen Japanese Domestic Policy 2009/2010: Highlights and Tendencies Manfred Pohl Th is report covers a period of almost exactly twelve months stretching from September 2009 to September 2010 – from the landslide victory in the Lower House election for the DPJ (and its miserable aft ermath) to the crippling power struggle between Naoto Kan and Ichirō Ozawa which marked the DPJ presidential election in September 2010. While the governing coalition was lost in futile infi ghting, the opposition gained con- trol over the Upper House – Japan now has to cope with a hung parliament, in which any legal initiative can be killed by a unifi ed opposition in the second chamber. Never- theless, this gives an opening to the Kan government: Th e opposition is far from being united. Over the past twelve months Japanese voters have witnessed the inability of the government to fundamentally tackle threatening economic problems (the rising yen, social instability etc.) and to wipe out political corruption. On the other hand, how- ever, some far-reaching changes have also begun during the past year, some of them rather subtle, others almost revolutionary: »Destroyer« Ozawa fi nally seems to be los- ing his iron grip on domestic politics, the powerful business organizations are cutting the fi nancial support for preferred political groups – and Japan’s voters have defi nitely become more critical and selective as was shown by the election results. Der Berichtsabschnitt zur japanischen Innenpolitik kann streckenweise wie eine Sammlung politischer Nekrologe gelesen werden. Sowohl Spitzenpolitiker als auch Organisationen, die sie vertraten, begannen, sich 2009/2010 von der politischen 24 Innenpolitik Bühne zu verabschieden oder probten zielstrebig ihren Abgang. -
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right?
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right? Harunobu Saijo Abstract One set of theories pertaining to radical right success examines the strategy of mainstream right-wing parties. One mechanism that seems to have been ignored is the extent to which mainstream right-wing parties include or exclude "radical right" individuals and supporters within their own ranks. I argue that giving \radical right" elements a place within mainstream parties, allows center-right parties to prevent potential radical right voters from switching support to parties more extreme than itself, by presenting a more credible alternative. This raises the issue of internal party dynamics, and non-unitary parties, which the existing literature ignores, due to the largely unitary nature of Western European parties. The Japanese case demonstrates such a mechanism. Furthermore, the validity of this thesis can be tested more rigorously over time, as the state allows more immigrants to enter Japan, which may strain this outcome. 1 1 Introduction In the comparative party politics literature, the rise of the "Radical Right" party has been widely theorized and analyzed with a focus on Western and Eastern Europe. Other works have expanded the scope of study to fit parties in late capitalist countries as diverse as Israel, Canada, Australia, Chile, and New Zealand (Norris, 2005, 7) (Rydgren, 2007, 242). Yet, there has been less work on the Japanese case, though some have tried to apply the populist or radical right theories to phenomena in Japanese politics. Furthermore, most of the contributions that do examine the Japanese radical right either examine groupuscular formations that do not contest elections, or examine particular elections or personalities instead of examining the country-level variables theorized by the literature, or consider how the Japanese case can inform the theory in general. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science Bargaining Power in Multilateral Trade Negotiations: Canada and Japan in Th
The London School of Economics and Political Science Bargaining power in multilateral trade negotiations: Canada and Japan in the Uruguay Round and Doha Development Agenda. Jens Philipp Anton Lamprecht A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, January 2014 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 95676 words. I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Trevor G. Cooper. Signed: Jens Philipp Anton Lamprecht. 2 In memory of my grandparents, Antonette Dinnesen and Heinrich Dinnesen. To my family: My parents, my brother, my aunt, and Hans-Werner am Zehnhoff. 3 Acknowledgements Very special thanks go to my supervisors, Dr. Razeen Sally and Dr. Stephen Woolcock. I thank Razeen for his constant patience, especially at the beginning of this project, and for his great intellectual advice and feedback. -
After the Earthquake Hit, the Governor of Iwate Prefecture Requested the Dispatch of Ground Self-Defense Force (SDF) Troops to Assist in Disaster Relief
& Gijs Berends (eds) Berends & Gijs Al-Badri Dominic AFTER THE How has Japan responded to the March 2011 disaster? What changes have been made in key domestic policy areas? GREAT EaST JAPAN The triple disaster that struck Japan in March 2011 began with the most powerful earthquake known to have hit Japan and led to tsunami reaching 40 meters in height that GREAFTER THE EaRTHQUAKE devastated a wide area and caused thousands of deaths. The ensuing accident at the Fukushima-Daiichi nuclear power POLITICAL AND POLICY CHANGE plant was Japan’s worst and only second to Chernobyl in its IN POST-FUKUSHIMA JAPAN severity. But has this triple disaster also changed Japan? Has it led to a transformation of the country, a shift in how Japan functions? This book, with fresh perspectives on extra- Edited by ordinary events written by diplomats and policy experts at European embassies to Japan, explores subsequent shifts A Dominic Al-Badri and Gijs Berends in Japanese politics and policy-making to see if profound T changes have occurred or if instead these changes have been Ea limited. The book addresses those policy areas most likely to be affected by the tragedy – politics, economics, energy, J ST climate, agriculture and food safety – describes how the sector has been affected and considers what the implications A are for the future. P A N N Ea RTHQU A KE www.niaspress.dk Al-Badri-Berends_cover.indd 1 12/02/2013 14:12 AFTER THE GREAT EaST JAPAN EaRTHQUAKE Al-Badri-Berends_book.indd 1 12/02/2013 14:29 ASIA INSIGHTS A series aimed at increasing an understanding of contemporary Asia among policy-makers, NGOs, businesses, journalists and other members of the general public as well as scholars and students. -
Okinawa Page 1 Blair & Kendall
March: Okinawa Page 1 INDEX Blair & Kendall- Recommendations ............................................................................................................. 7 Relocation- Delayed ...................................................................................................................................... 8 Relocation- Futenma Bad- Accidents ........................................................................................................... 9 Relocation- Futenma Good ......................................................................................................................... 10 Relocation- Guam Bad ................................................................................................................................ 12 Relocation- Guam Bad ................................................................................................................................ 13 Relocation- Guam Bad ................................................................................................................................ 14 Relocation- Guam Good- China ................................................................................................................. 16 Relocation- Guam Good- North Korea ....................................................................................................... 17 Relocation- Henoko- Happening Now ........................................................................................................ 18 Relocation- Henoko- Happening Now ....................................................................................................... -
JAPAN the Japanese Military Sexual Slavery (“Comfort Women”) Issue
Submission to the Committee against Torture 50th Session (6 May – 31 May 2013) JAPAN The Japanese Military Sexual Slavery (“comfort women”) Issue April 2013 Submitted by The Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan 39-13 Seongsan-dong, Mapo-gu, Seoul 121-843, Republic of Korea Tel: +82 2 365 4016 Fax: +82 2 365 4017 Email: [email protected] Website: www.womenandwar.net Table of Contents Introduction ................................................................................................................................................................. 3 International Community’s Demands Since 2007 Review ............................................................................... 3 Breaches of the Convention by the Japanese Government - Failure to Remedy for the Victims of Japanese Military Sexual Slavery .................................................... 4 1. Insufficient Report (article 19 of the Convention) .................................................................................. 5 2. Unfair Reaction by the Japanese Government(article 10 and 14 of the Convention) .................... 5 2.1. Asian Women’s Fund(AWF)– A private fund that avoids state responsibilities ...................... 5 2.2. Postwar Treaty– False grounds to avoid legal responsibilities .................................................. 7 2.3. Failure to prosecute perpetrators ................................................................................................... 8 2.4. Lack of legislative and administrative -
English Version 2810Kb
Message from the Chair What’s GEA ? In the latter half of the 20th Century, after the Industrial Revolution, the human In 1991, during the run-up to the “UN Conference on Environment and Development” (UNCED), race has enjoyed material wealth through astonishing developments in science also known as the Earth Summit, it was becoming clear that the Conference’s success depended and technology. At the same time, we have cast little doubt over the lifestyle of on raising the funds necessary to achieve the preservation of the global environment and sustain - mass production, mass consumption and mass discarding, and are now paying able development. In response to a request from UNCED Secretary-General Maurice Strong, an the price of a serious deterioration in the global environment. International Eminent Persons’ Meeting on Financing Global Environment was convened in Tokyo, In the 21st century, we must reflect upon our bad deed in the previous century, bringing together former United States President Jimmy Carter and other persons of key stand - and achieve the “environmental century”, setting a common goal prevent any ing, with former Prime Minister Noboru Takeshita playing the main role in organizing the event. First Chair further deterioration in the global environment, the foundation of human survival, The outcomes of this meeting contributed enormously to the success of the Earth Summit. GEA’s Noboru Takeshita and to build a sustainable future. Otherwise, there is no bright future for our origins stem from this eminent Persons’ Meeting -
Country Report Japan at a Glance: 2003-04
Country Report September 2003 Japan Japan at a glance: 2003-04 OVERVIEW The prime minister, Junichiro Koizumi, should win the September Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) leadership election, although a small margin of victory may reduce his political authority within the party. The LDP is likely to win the next lower house election, reflecting both Mr Koizumi!s public popularity and the party!s well-organised grass-roots organisation. The Economist Intelligence Unit forecasts that real GDP will grow by 2% in 2003 and by 1.6% in 2004. Growth will be supported by a recovery in domestic demand. Consumer prices will fall by an average of 0.3% in 2003 and 0.5% in 2004. Large current- account surpluses will be recorded in both years. Key changes from last month Political outlook • Mr Koizumi indicated in mid-August that he would be prepared to include some of his opponents within the LDP in the cabinet at the next reshuffle, provided they are willing to commit to his reform programme. This was most likely an attempt to divide his opponents ahead of the September 20th party leadership election. Economic policy outlook • The government approved the guidelines of the budget for fiscal year 2004/05 (April-March) in late July. Overall spending is slated to rise by 5% to ¥85.7trn (US$726bn), but discretionary spending is likely to remain flat. Economic forecast • Following the release of GDP data for the second quarter of 2003, we have made extensive revisions to growth forecasts for 2003-04. This largely reflects revised assumptions about prospects for domestic demand.