2.4. Yamamoto's Electoral Cycle Model
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The Year in Elections, 2013: the World's Flawed and Failed Contests
The Year in Elections, 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Norris, Pippa, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martinez i Coma. 2014. The Year in Elections 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests. The Electoral Integrity Project. Published Version http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com/ Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:11744445 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 THE WORLD’S FLAWED AND FAILED CONTESTS Pippa Norris, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martínez i Coma February 2014 THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 WWW. ELECTORALINTEGRITYPROJECT.COM The Electoral Integrity Project Department of Government and International Relations Merewether Building, HO4 University of Sydney, NSW 2006 Phone: +61(2) 9351 6041 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com Copyright © Pippa Norris, Ferran Martínez i Coma, and Richard W. Frank 2014. All rights reserved. Photo credits Cover photo: ‘Ballot for national election.’ by Daniel Littlewood, http://www.flickr.com/photos/daniellittlewood/413339945. Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 6 and 18: ‘Ballot sections are separated for counting.’ by Brittany Danisch, http://www.flickr.com/photos/bdanisch/6084970163/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 8: ‘Women in Pakistan wait to vote’ by DFID - UK Department for International Development, http://www.flickr.com/photos/dfid/8735821208/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. -
Japan 2020: Abe's Well-Laid Plans Go Awry
Corey Wallace and Giulio Pugliese “Japan 2020: Abe’s Well-Laid Plans Go Awry”, Asia Maior XXXI/2020 (forthcoming) JAPAN 2020: ABE’S WELL-LAID PLANS GO AWRY1 Corey Wallace Kanagawa University [email protected] Giulio Pugliese University of Oxford and European University Institute [email protected] Like elsewhere, the COVID-19 pandemic caused substantial disruptions in Japan. While generous fiscal spending mitigated the pandemic’s economic fallout, and Japan is poised in 2021 to rebound from its year-on-year 4.8% fall in GDP, there was significant political fallout in 2020. The postponement of the Olympic Games, the Abe government’s perceived inability to tackle the pandemic, and the (re)surfacing of political scandals led to Japan’s longest-serving Prime Minister popularity plummeting. The re-emergence of Abe’s health problems then precipitated his abrupt resignation. This ushered in the premiership of Suga Yoshihide, who promised to enact structural reforms and ambitious digitalization and environmental programmes, while also promising to continue significant elements of Abe’s policy agenda. Internationally, COVID-19 accelerated US-China tensions and, in connection to that, China’s regional assertiveness. This perceived assertiveness as well as China’s political involution and human rights violations in Hong Kong and Xinjiang, in turn, hardened the Japanese government’s position vis-à-vis Beijing. This happened despite Abe’s early 2020 efforts towards hosting a state visit by the Chinese president. Instead, the year instead ended with a «Quad» meeting at the ministerial level, hosted in Tokyo, rather than an entente with China. -
Tell S the F a C T S and Names the Names June V Ol
TELLS THE FACTS AND NAMES THE NAMES JUNE VOL. NO. VOL. AND NAMES THE JUNE THE FACTS TELLS Contact Information Subscriptions CounterPunch Business O ce 1- year hardcopy edition $55 www.counterpunch.org PO Box 228, Petrolia, CA 95558 1- year digital edition (PDF) $35 Toll Free 1 (800) 840-3683 1- year email & digital edition $65 ISSN 1086-2323 (print) 1 (707) 629-3683 1- year institutions/supporters $100 ISSN 2328-4331 (digital) : 1- year hardcopy edition [email protected] student/low income $45 1-year digital edition P.O. Box 228 : [email protected] Petrolia, CA 95558 student/low income $30 : 1 (800) 840-3683 [email protected] For speedier (and less expensive) delivery 1 (707) 629-3683 of issues, especially if you live outside the Submissions US, we encourage you to consider the [email protected] email version of the magazine, which is www.counterpunch.org CounterPunch accepts a small number of submissions from accomplished authors sent as a PDF and will reach you within a All rights reserved. and newer writers. Please send your pitch day of press time. With the email edition, to [email protected]. you’ll also get bonus articles and discount - - Due to the large volume of submissions codes to use when purchasing books and Je rey St. Clair we receive we are able to respond to only gi subscriptions. those that interest us. All subscription orders must be prepaid Joshua Frank —we do not invoice for orders. Renew Advertising by telephone, mail, or on our website. Lee Ballinger, Melissa Beattie, Darwin Advertising space available in Counter- For mailed orders please include name, Bond-Graham Chloe Cockburn, Windy Punch Magazine. -
August 20, 2012
August 20, 2012 Prepared: NGO Network for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (ERD Net) Submitted: The International Movement Against All Forms of Discrimination and Racism – Japan Committee – IMADR-JC To the CERD Secretariat: We are pleased to submit the report concerning the hate speech against minority communities in Japan hoping that this could contribute to the CERD thematic discussion on hate speech of August 30, 2012. The report covers the propaganda of hate speech and dissemination of derogatory messages against some minority communities in Japan, namely Buraku, Zainichi Koreans and migrants. The present report does not cover the other minority communities such as Ryukyu-Okinawans and the Ainu, but we believe that a similar manifestation would be demonstrated against them when they face the challenge of hate speech. When we discuss about the hate speech in Japan, it is nothing but only a problem under no control. The main reasons rest with the absence of criminal code that prohibits and sanctions racist hate speech. Unless a committed hate speech has some connections or implications to other crimes, there is no legal means that forces an immediate halt of such act. Hate speech could constitute an illegal act under the civil law and only when it is aimed at specific individuals. As indicated in several cases contained in this report, perpetrators of hate speech have been arrested, charged and convicted for the crimes of defamation, forgery of private documents, damage to property, and etc. that are not intended to sanction hate speech. Racially motivated acts are only sanctioned as petty crimes under the present law in Japan, thus, conviction of such acts is less effective in terms of prevention of crimes. -
Economics, Politics, Public Policy and Law in Japan, Australasia and the Paci C: Corporate Governance, Financial Crisis, and Consumer Product Safety in 2008
R. L. R. Economics, Politics, Public Policy and Law in Japan, Australasia and the Paci c: Corporate Governance, Financial Crisis, and Consumer Product Safety in 2008 Luke NOTTAGE# 1. Taking the Australia-Japan FTA negotiations to new levels 2. Whaling: What can law add to science, economics, ethics and politics ? 3. Australia also should Rail at Australian’s Tabloid Trash’ about Japan 4. Consumer over-indebtedness in Japan, Australia and the US 5. Dodgy foods and Chinese dumplings in Japan 6. FDI and corporate governance in Japan 7. Investor-state arbitration for Indonesia, Australia and Japan 8. Rivals: China, India and Japan economic, not Olympic ? 9. The politics of Japan’s new Takeovers Guidelines 10. Tables turned in Japanese and US nancial markets 11. Lessons from Japan for the US nancial crisis 12. The nancial crisis and loansharks in Japan and NZ 13. Consequences of melamine-laced milk for China, NZ, Japan and beyond 14. Political dynasties in Japan, the US, Australia . but not NZ ? 15. A New Consumer Agency for Japan ? Appendix: Composition of Japan’s Takeovers Guidelines Study Groups Abstract: This is an updated collection of my own postings on the new East Asia Forum blog.* Created primarily by political economists from the Australian National University in mid-2008, the blog is attracting a wide readership and regular contributions from experts interested in or based throughout the rapidly evolving Asia-Paci c region. My starting point involves taking seriously Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd’s call, just before his # Associate Professor, Sydney Law School ([email protected]); and Co-Director, Australian Network for Japanese Law (ANJeL, www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel). -
Kazuhiko Tezuka
20 Years After JNR Privatization ○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○ Kazuhiko Tezuka The Railway Technical Research Institute (RTRI) assumed responsibility for the research and development (R&D) activities previously conducted by Japanese National Railways (JNR). It conducts R&D in a variety of fields, including structures, rolling stock, electrical power, signal communication, environment, energy, and human sciences. The institute has contributed to the development of the JR group of companies and railways in Japan in general by achieving success with a range of projects, including maglev, increasing the speed of shinkansen and conventional trains in harmony with the environment, strengthening ground equipment, reducing maintenance costs and taking measures to prevent accidents and natural disasters. Introduction Medium-term Master Plan RTRI was established in December 1986 with permission (FY1990–94) from the Minister of Transport just prior to the privatization In June 1990, the Master Plan for development of and division of JNR. Consequently, it celebrated its 20th technology for superconducting magnetic levitation anniversary in December last year. I would like to review railways and the plan to construct the Yamanashi Test its 20-year history and introduce our Master Plan, the Line both received approval from the Minister of central focus of research initiatives, and some of the main Transport. The Medium-term Master Plan was thus results that the institute has achieved. formulated in March 1991 to reflect this. In this plan, maglev and increasing the speed of shinkansen and Changes In and Activities conventional trains in harmony with the environment (ATLAS plan and NEXT 250 plan) were designated as Conducted under Master Plan the focus of R&D initiatives. -
AISR 20202123 Sukeui Sohn.Hwp
Asian International Studies Review Sukeui Vol. 21 Sohn No.2 (December 2020): 55-77 55 Received September 15, 2020 Revised December 4, 2020 Accepted December 11, 2020 Examining Opposition Realignment and Japan’s Rightward Shift in the 2017 General Election* Sukeui Sohn** The purpose of this study to examine the degree of ‘rightward shift’ among Japanese politicians as well as voters by analyzing the result of the 2017 general election, particularly focusing on the split of Democratic Party (minshintō) and the consequent realignment of opposition bloc between moderate conservatives, represented by Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (rikken minshutō), and hardline conservatives who joined newly-established Party of Hope (kibō no tō). Particularly, the district-level analysis of eighty-five districts reveal that the moderate-hardline alignment among voters appears to be solidified, and there seems low level of vote mobilities between the two blocs. Instead, the electoral results indicate that political parties are competing one another within its respective blocs. While the overall tendency of new voters to support new rightwing party may serve as one of indicators to elucidate Japan’s rightward shift, given the ambiguity of candidates’ positions on constitutional revisions as well as poor performance of PoH candidates against CDPJ, it is questionable whether such trend can be accounted for permanent or holistic shift to the rightist ideology. Keywords: Rightward Shift (ukeika), Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDPJ), Party of Hope, Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), The 2017 General Election, Opposition Realignment * This work was supported by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF-2019S1A6A3A02102886). -
Die Japanische Innenpolitik 2009/2010: Schwerpunkte Und Tendenzen
Die japanische Innenpolitik 2009/2010: Schwerpunkte und Tendenzen Japanese Domestic Policy 2009/2010: Highlights and Tendencies Manfred Pohl Th is report covers a period of almost exactly twelve months stretching from September 2009 to September 2010 – from the landslide victory in the Lower House election for the DPJ (and its miserable aft ermath) to the crippling power struggle between Naoto Kan and Ichirō Ozawa which marked the DPJ presidential election in September 2010. While the governing coalition was lost in futile infi ghting, the opposition gained con- trol over the Upper House – Japan now has to cope with a hung parliament, in which any legal initiative can be killed by a unifi ed opposition in the second chamber. Never- theless, this gives an opening to the Kan government: Th e opposition is far from being united. Over the past twelve months Japanese voters have witnessed the inability of the government to fundamentally tackle threatening economic problems (the rising yen, social instability etc.) and to wipe out political corruption. On the other hand, how- ever, some far-reaching changes have also begun during the past year, some of them rather subtle, others almost revolutionary: »Destroyer« Ozawa fi nally seems to be los- ing his iron grip on domestic politics, the powerful business organizations are cutting the fi nancial support for preferred political groups – and Japan’s voters have defi nitely become more critical and selective as was shown by the election results. Der Berichtsabschnitt zur japanischen Innenpolitik kann streckenweise wie eine Sammlung politischer Nekrologe gelesen werden. Sowohl Spitzenpolitiker als auch Organisationen, die sie vertraten, begannen, sich 2009/2010 von der politischen 24 Innenpolitik Bühne zu verabschieden oder probten zielstrebig ihren Abgang. -
The Development of the Rule of Constitutional Law in Japan After World War Ⅱ
The Development of the Rule of Constitutional Law in Japan after World War Ⅱ Koji Tonami, Waseda University The meaning of the principle of rule of law is ambiguous. First, it means the rule of not person, but law. Second, it means rule of legislative law by the parliament. Third, it means the rule of higher law. Fourth it means the rule of basic principles involved in the legal thought, such as the peoples sovereignty, superiority of legislation, independence of judicialy, protection of human rights, freedom and equality. I understand the rule of law in this paper as a third and fourth meanings in the modern sense, that is, rule of constitutional law in the domestic area. It is called commonly as constitutionalism. So I use the term rule of constitutional law same as constitutionalism. Purpose of my presentation is to explain the rule of constitutional law in Japan and the development of Japanese constitutionalism, and to think about features and problems involved in the process of developments. In order to report in short time, I would like to discuss about the following four points as a main theme. 1. How was the rule of the Meiji Constitution, how was the development of the constitutionalism of Japan from the Meiji Restoration 1868 to the end of World War II 1945? 2. How was the development of the rule of constitutional law after World War II? 3. How is the political situation of the rule of constitutional law nowadays? 4. What should we learn from the development of the rule of constitutional law and constitutional debates in Japan? 1 1. -
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right?
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right? Harunobu Saijo Abstract One set of theories pertaining to radical right success examines the strategy of mainstream right-wing parties. One mechanism that seems to have been ignored is the extent to which mainstream right-wing parties include or exclude "radical right" individuals and supporters within their own ranks. I argue that giving \radical right" elements a place within mainstream parties, allows center-right parties to prevent potential radical right voters from switching support to parties more extreme than itself, by presenting a more credible alternative. This raises the issue of internal party dynamics, and non-unitary parties, which the existing literature ignores, due to the largely unitary nature of Western European parties. The Japanese case demonstrates such a mechanism. Furthermore, the validity of this thesis can be tested more rigorously over time, as the state allows more immigrants to enter Japan, which may strain this outcome. 1 1 Introduction In the comparative party politics literature, the rise of the "Radical Right" party has been widely theorized and analyzed with a focus on Western and Eastern Europe. Other works have expanded the scope of study to fit parties in late capitalist countries as diverse as Israel, Canada, Australia, Chile, and New Zealand (Norris, 2005, 7) (Rydgren, 2007, 242). Yet, there has been less work on the Japanese case, though some have tried to apply the populist or radical right theories to phenomena in Japanese politics. Furthermore, most of the contributions that do examine the Japanese radical right either examine groupuscular formations that do not contest elections, or examine particular elections or personalities instead of examining the country-level variables theorized by the literature, or consider how the Japanese case can inform the theory in general. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science Bargaining Power in Multilateral Trade Negotiations: Canada and Japan in Th
The London School of Economics and Political Science Bargaining power in multilateral trade negotiations: Canada and Japan in the Uruguay Round and Doha Development Agenda. Jens Philipp Anton Lamprecht A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, January 2014 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 95676 words. I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Trevor G. Cooper. Signed: Jens Philipp Anton Lamprecht. 2 In memory of my grandparents, Antonette Dinnesen and Heinrich Dinnesen. To my family: My parents, my brother, my aunt, and Hans-Werner am Zehnhoff. 3 Acknowledgements Very special thanks go to my supervisors, Dr. Razeen Sally and Dr. Stephen Woolcock. I thank Razeen for his constant patience, especially at the beginning of this project, and for his great intellectual advice and feedback. -
Regional Responses to U.S.-China Competition in the Indo-Pacific: Japan
Regional Responses to U.S.-China Competition in the Indo-Pacific: Japan Indo-Pacific: the in Competition U.S.-China Regional Responses to Regional Responses to U.S.-China Competition in the Indo-Pacific Japan Scott W. Harold Harold C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR4412z4 For more information on this series, visit www.rand.org/US-PRC-influence Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0519-7 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2020 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: globe: jcrosemann/GettyImages; flags: luzitanija/Adobe Stock Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors.