Kazuhiko Tezuka
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August 20, 2012
August 20, 2012 Prepared: NGO Network for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (ERD Net) Submitted: The International Movement Against All Forms of Discrimination and Racism – Japan Committee – IMADR-JC To the CERD Secretariat: We are pleased to submit the report concerning the hate speech against minority communities in Japan hoping that this could contribute to the CERD thematic discussion on hate speech of August 30, 2012. The report covers the propaganda of hate speech and dissemination of derogatory messages against some minority communities in Japan, namely Buraku, Zainichi Koreans and migrants. The present report does not cover the other minority communities such as Ryukyu-Okinawans and the Ainu, but we believe that a similar manifestation would be demonstrated against them when they face the challenge of hate speech. When we discuss about the hate speech in Japan, it is nothing but only a problem under no control. The main reasons rest with the absence of criminal code that prohibits and sanctions racist hate speech. Unless a committed hate speech has some connections or implications to other crimes, there is no legal means that forces an immediate halt of such act. Hate speech could constitute an illegal act under the civil law and only when it is aimed at specific individuals. As indicated in several cases contained in this report, perpetrators of hate speech have been arrested, charged and convicted for the crimes of defamation, forgery of private documents, damage to property, and etc. that are not intended to sanction hate speech. Racially motivated acts are only sanctioned as petty crimes under the present law in Japan, thus, conviction of such acts is less effective in terms of prevention of crimes. -
Die Japanische Innenpolitik 2009/2010: Schwerpunkte Und Tendenzen
Die japanische Innenpolitik 2009/2010: Schwerpunkte und Tendenzen Japanese Domestic Policy 2009/2010: Highlights and Tendencies Manfred Pohl Th is report covers a period of almost exactly twelve months stretching from September 2009 to September 2010 – from the landslide victory in the Lower House election for the DPJ (and its miserable aft ermath) to the crippling power struggle between Naoto Kan and Ichirō Ozawa which marked the DPJ presidential election in September 2010. While the governing coalition was lost in futile infi ghting, the opposition gained con- trol over the Upper House – Japan now has to cope with a hung parliament, in which any legal initiative can be killed by a unifi ed opposition in the second chamber. Never- theless, this gives an opening to the Kan government: Th e opposition is far from being united. Over the past twelve months Japanese voters have witnessed the inability of the government to fundamentally tackle threatening economic problems (the rising yen, social instability etc.) and to wipe out political corruption. On the other hand, how- ever, some far-reaching changes have also begun during the past year, some of them rather subtle, others almost revolutionary: »Destroyer« Ozawa fi nally seems to be los- ing his iron grip on domestic politics, the powerful business organizations are cutting the fi nancial support for preferred political groups – and Japan’s voters have defi nitely become more critical and selective as was shown by the election results. Der Berichtsabschnitt zur japanischen Innenpolitik kann streckenweise wie eine Sammlung politischer Nekrologe gelesen werden. Sowohl Spitzenpolitiker als auch Organisationen, die sie vertraten, begannen, sich 2009/2010 von der politischen 24 Innenpolitik Bühne zu verabschieden oder probten zielstrebig ihren Abgang. -
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right?
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right? Harunobu Saijo Abstract One set of theories pertaining to radical right success examines the strategy of mainstream right-wing parties. One mechanism that seems to have been ignored is the extent to which mainstream right-wing parties include or exclude "radical right" individuals and supporters within their own ranks. I argue that giving \radical right" elements a place within mainstream parties, allows center-right parties to prevent potential radical right voters from switching support to parties more extreme than itself, by presenting a more credible alternative. This raises the issue of internal party dynamics, and non-unitary parties, which the existing literature ignores, due to the largely unitary nature of Western European parties. The Japanese case demonstrates such a mechanism. Furthermore, the validity of this thesis can be tested more rigorously over time, as the state allows more immigrants to enter Japan, which may strain this outcome. 1 1 Introduction In the comparative party politics literature, the rise of the "Radical Right" party has been widely theorized and analyzed with a focus on Western and Eastern Europe. Other works have expanded the scope of study to fit parties in late capitalist countries as diverse as Israel, Canada, Australia, Chile, and New Zealand (Norris, 2005, 7) (Rydgren, 2007, 242). Yet, there has been less work on the Japanese case, though some have tried to apply the populist or radical right theories to phenomena in Japanese politics. Furthermore, most of the contributions that do examine the Japanese radical right either examine groupuscular formations that do not contest elections, or examine particular elections or personalities instead of examining the country-level variables theorized by the literature, or consider how the Japanese case can inform the theory in general. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science Bargaining Power in Multilateral Trade Negotiations: Canada and Japan in Th
The London School of Economics and Political Science Bargaining power in multilateral trade negotiations: Canada and Japan in the Uruguay Round and Doha Development Agenda. Jens Philipp Anton Lamprecht A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, January 2014 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 95676 words. I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Trevor G. Cooper. Signed: Jens Philipp Anton Lamprecht. 2 In memory of my grandparents, Antonette Dinnesen and Heinrich Dinnesen. To my family: My parents, my brother, my aunt, and Hans-Werner am Zehnhoff. 3 Acknowledgements Very special thanks go to my supervisors, Dr. Razeen Sally and Dr. Stephen Woolcock. I thank Razeen for his constant patience, especially at the beginning of this project, and for his great intellectual advice and feedback. -
SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Japonsko
SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Japonsko Souhrnná teritoriální informace Japonsko Zpracováno a aktualizováno zastupitelským úřadem ČR v Tokiu ke dni 01.04.2011 Seznam kapitol souhrnné teritoriálné informace: 1. Základní informace o teritoriu 2. Vnitropolitická charakteristika 3. Zahraničně-politická orientace 4. Ekonomická charakteristika země 5. Finanční a daňový sektor 6. Zahraniční obchod země 7. Obchodní a ekonomická spolupráce s ČR 8. Základní podmínky pro uplatnění českého zboží na trhu 9. Investiční klima 10. Očekávaný vývoj v teritoriu 1/68 © Zastupitelský úřad Tokio (Japonsko) SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Japonsko 1. Základní informace o teritoriu 1.1. Oficiální název státu • Japonsko (japonsky: Nippon-koku či Nihon-koku, anglicky: Japan) 1.2. Rozloha • 377 899 km2 (délka pobřeží 33 889 km ) 1.3. Počet obyvatel, hustota na km², podíl ekonomicky činného obyvatelstva • 127,51 miliónů obyvatel • 62,11 mil. mužů • 65,40 mil. žen • hustota 343 osob/km2 • 64,20 miliónů ekonomicky aktivního obyvatelstva 1.4. Průměrný roční přírůstek obyvatelstva a jeho demografické složení Roční změna v počtu obyvatelstva: počet obyvatel Japonska mírně klesá. Demografické složení: děti do 14 let: 13,7 % populace, osoby nad 64 let: 20,1 % populace. Průměrná délka života: muži 79,59 let; ženy 86,44 let. 1.5. Národnostní složení Japonsko je etnicky velmi homogenní zemí, zhruba 98,5 % obyvatelstva tvoří Japonci. Kromě Japonců žijí v zemi zejména následující menšiny: • 655 tis. Číňanů • 589 tis. Korejců • 313 tis. Brazilců • 211 tis. Filipínců • 58 tis. Peruánců • 53 tis. Američanů Celkem žije v Japonsku přes 2,21 mil. nejaponských obyvatel. 2/68 © Zastupitelský úřad Tokio (Japonsko) SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Japonsko 1.6. Náboženské složení Hlavními náboženskými směry v zemi jsou šintoismus a budhismus, k nimž se hlásí většina obyvatelstva (cca 84 % populace). -
JAPAN the Japanese Military Sexual Slavery (“Comfort Women”) Issue
Submission to the Committee against Torture 50th Session (6 May – 31 May 2013) JAPAN The Japanese Military Sexual Slavery (“comfort women”) Issue April 2013 Submitted by The Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan 39-13 Seongsan-dong, Mapo-gu, Seoul 121-843, Republic of Korea Tel: +82 2 365 4016 Fax: +82 2 365 4017 Email: [email protected] Website: www.womenandwar.net Table of Contents Introduction ................................................................................................................................................................. 3 International Community’s Demands Since 2007 Review ............................................................................... 3 Breaches of the Convention by the Japanese Government - Failure to Remedy for the Victims of Japanese Military Sexual Slavery .................................................... 4 1. Insufficient Report (article 19 of the Convention) .................................................................................. 5 2. Unfair Reaction by the Japanese Government(article 10 and 14 of the Convention) .................... 5 2.1. Asian Women’s Fund(AWF)– A private fund that avoids state responsibilities ...................... 5 2.2. Postwar Treaty– False grounds to avoid legal responsibilities .................................................. 7 2.3. Failure to prosecute perpetrators ................................................................................................... 8 2.4. Lack of legislative and administrative -
Country Report Japan at a Glance: 2003-04
Country Report September 2003 Japan Japan at a glance: 2003-04 OVERVIEW The prime minister, Junichiro Koizumi, should win the September Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) leadership election, although a small margin of victory may reduce his political authority within the party. The LDP is likely to win the next lower house election, reflecting both Mr Koizumi!s public popularity and the party!s well-organised grass-roots organisation. The Economist Intelligence Unit forecasts that real GDP will grow by 2% in 2003 and by 1.6% in 2004. Growth will be supported by a recovery in domestic demand. Consumer prices will fall by an average of 0.3% in 2003 and 0.5% in 2004. Large current- account surpluses will be recorded in both years. Key changes from last month Political outlook • Mr Koizumi indicated in mid-August that he would be prepared to include some of his opponents within the LDP in the cabinet at the next reshuffle, provided they are willing to commit to his reform programme. This was most likely an attempt to divide his opponents ahead of the September 20th party leadership election. Economic policy outlook • The government approved the guidelines of the budget for fiscal year 2004/05 (April-March) in late July. Overall spending is slated to rise by 5% to ¥85.7trn (US$726bn), but discretionary spending is likely to remain flat. Economic forecast • Following the release of GDP data for the second quarter of 2003, we have made extensive revisions to growth forecasts for 2003-04. This largely reflects revised assumptions about prospects for domestic demand. -
2.4. Yamamoto's Electoral Cycle Model
저작자표시-비영리-변경금지 2.0 대한민국 이용자는 아래의 조건을 따르는 경우에 한하여 자유롭게 l 이 저작물을 복제, 배포, 전송, 전시, 공연 및 방송할 수 있습니다. 다음과 같은 조건을 따라야 합니다: 저작자표시. 귀하는 원저작자를 표시하여야 합니다. 비영리. 귀하는 이 저작물을 영리 목적으로 이용할 수 없습니다. 변경금지. 귀하는 이 저작물을 개작, 변형 또는 가공할 수 없습니다. l 귀하는, 이 저작물의 재이용이나 배포의 경우, 이 저작물에 적용된 이용허락조건 을 명확하게 나타내어야 합니다. l 저작권자로부터 별도의 허가를 받으면 이러한 조건들은 적용되지 않습니다. 저작권법에 따른 이용자의 권리는 위의 내용에 의하여 영향을 받지 않습니다. 이것은 이용허락규약(Legal Code)을 이해하기 쉽게 요약한 것입니다. Disclaimer 국제학석사학위논문 Ishihara’s Strategic Choice for Forming and Dividing the Japan Restoration Party 이시하라의 전략적 선택에 따른 일본유신회의 형성과 분당 2017 년 7 월 서울대학교 국제대학원 국제학과 국제지역전공 조 은 영 Master’s Thesis Ishihara’s Strategic Choice for Forming and Dividing the Japan Restoration Party July 2017 Seoul National University Graduate School of International Studies International Area Studies Eun Young Cho ABSTRACT The purpose of this thesis explain the split of the Japan Restoration Party (JRP). While the JRP split in itself is an interesting case to study as it was Japan’s first influential right-wing party, the case also presents a limitation of Yamamoto’s electoral cycle model. According to Yamamoto’s model, legislators switch parties during Diet sessions to change the policy outcomes. In order to aim for clear policy effect, defectors will join an existing party that can form a majority in the Diet and therefore, a new party is unlikely to be formed during Diet sessions. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science Bargaining Power in Multilateral Trade Negotiations: Canada and Japan in Th
The London School of Economics and Political Science Bargaining power in multilateral trade negotiations: Canada and Japan in the Uruguay Round and Doha Development Agenda. Jens Philipp Anton Lamprecht A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, January 2014 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 95676 words. I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Trevor G. Cooper. Signed: Jens Philipp Anton Lamprecht. 2 In memory of my grandparents, Antonette Dinnesen and Heinrich Dinnesen. To my family: My parents, my brother, my aunt, and Hans-Werner am Zehnhoff. 3 Acknowledgements Very special thanks go to my supervisors, Dr. Razeen Sally and Dr. Stephen Woolcock. I thank Razeen for his constant patience, especially at the beginning of this project, and for his great intellectual advice and feedback. -
Ãñáöåßï Ïéêïíïìéêþí & Åìðïñéêþí Õðïèýóåùí Ôüêéï
Πρεσβεία της Ελλάδος στην Ιαπωνία. Γραφείο ΟΕΥ. Τόκιο Γραφείο Οικονοµικών & Εµπορικών Υποθέσεων Τόκιο Ετήσια Έκθεση Γραφείου ΟΕΥ Τόκιο έτους 2003 Εποπτεία-επιµέλεια: Αθανάσιος Καραπέτσας Σύµβουλος Α΄ ΟΕΥ Σύνταξη- επιµέλεια-γραφήµατα επεξεργασία πρωτογενών στατιστικών στοιχείων και πηγών Σπυρίδων Οικονόµου, Γραµµατέας ΟΕΥ ΤΟΚΙΟ, Ετήσια έκθεση Γραφείου ΟΕΥ Τόκιο, έτους 2003: Αθ. Καραπέτσας, Σύµβουλος Α΄(ΟΕΥ)-Σπ. Οικονόµου, Γραµµατέας ΟΕΥ Πρεσβεία της Ελλάδος στην Ιαπωνία. Γραφείο ΟΕΥ. Τόκιο ΣΕΠΤΕΜΒΡΙΟΣ 2004 ΠΙΝΑΚΑΣ ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΩΝ ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ1:Συνοπτική παρουσίαση της χώρας 1.1 Γενικές πληροφορίες για τη χώρα………………………………………………....σελ.0 1.2 Γενικά στοιχεία για την οικονοµία………………………………………………...σελ.0 1.3.Στατιστικά στοιχεία……………………………………………………………….. σελ.3 ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 2:Η Ιαπωνική Οικονοµία 2.1 ΑΕΠ και Βιοµηχανική παραγωγή……………………………………………….... σελ.6 2.2 Αποπληθωρισµός…………………………………………………………………... σελ.8 2.3 Η συνολική ∆απάνη………………………………………………………………... σελ.9 2.3.1 ∆απάνες για επενδύσεις…………………………………………………………. .σελ.9 2.3.2 Ιδιωτική κατανάλωση………………………………………………………….. σελ.10 2.4. Αγορά οµολόγων και µετοχών…………………………………………………....σελ.10 2.5 Τραπεζικό σύστηµα………………………………………………………………..σελ.12 2.6 Αγορά γης και κατοικίας…………………………………………………………..σελ.12 2.7 Επιχειρηµατικότητα……………………………………………………………….σελ.12 2.8.Απασχόληση………………………………………………………………………..σελ.13 2.9 Συνταξιοδοτικό Σύστηµα………………………………………………………… σελ.14 ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 3:Οικονοµική Πολιτική-Οικονοµικές Εξελίξεις 3.1 Νοµισµατική Πολιτική…………………………………………………………....σελ.15 3.2 ∆ηµοσιονοµική Πολιτική………………………………………………………… -
Prime Minister Koizumi Off to a Fast Start
Japan Information and Culture Center, EMBASSY OF JAPAN PRIME MINISTER KOIZUMI OFF TO A FAST START Tens of millions of Japanese left on holiday for the annual “Golden Week” vacations in early May, hopeful that the stunning election victory of new Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi will breathe new life into Japan’s economic and T political life. Sworn in by parliament on April 26, Koizumi’s surprise victory in the race to head the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) came under the slogan, “Change the LDP, Change Japan.” In winning over the party’s 2.3 million rank-and-file members and besting the early favorite, former Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto, Koizumi, 59, promised major changes, and said, “It is the individuals that moved politics.” The former health minister and career politician, who has won record approval ratings of 87.1 percent since taking office, told the Diet in his inaugural speech, “We must embrace difficulties ahead, overcome barriers of special interests and free ourselves of past limitations as we create an economic social structure befitting the 21st APR/MAY 4/ 2001 5 century in the spirit of ‘no fear, no hesitation, and no constraint.’” Koizumi comes from a political family; his grandfather was speaker of CONTENTS the lower house of the Diet and his father served as defense minister. The new Prime Minister succeeds Yoshiro Mori, who stepped down New government formed after completing just over a year in office, after replacing Keizo Obuchi A new “revolutionary” cabinet promises last April 5, who fell ill and passed away on May 14, 2000. -
J a P O N S K O
J A P O N S K O Souhrnná teritoriální informace za rok 2000 ZÚ Tokio, duben 2001 1. ZÁKLADNÍ INFORMACE O TERITORIU .............................................................4 1.1 Oficiální název státu.....................................................................................................4 1.2 Rozloha ........................................................................................................................4 1.3 Poet obyvatel ..............................................................................................................4 1.4 Prmrný roní pírstek obyvatelstva, demografické složení ....................................4 1.5 Národnostní složení .....................................................................................................4 1.6 Náboženství..................................................................................................................4 1.7 Úední jazyk, nejastji používané jazyky...................................................................4 1.8 Administrativn-správní lenní zem, hlavní msto a další velká msta...................4 1.9 Penžní jednotka ..........................................................................................................5 1.10 Nejdležitjší internetové adresy s informacemi o zemi..........................................5 2. VNITROPOLITICKÁ CHARAKTERISTIKA .........................................................6 2.1 Struná charakteristika politického systému, hlavní politické strany ..........................6 2.2 Hlava státu....................................................................................................................7