Country Report Japan at a Glance: 2003-04
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The Dynamics of Public Opinion and Military Alliances Japan‟S Role in the Gulf War and Iraq Invasion
The Dynamics of Public Opinion and Military Alliances Japan‟s Role in the Gulf War and Iraq Invasion Photo credit: Peter Rimar, April 2005 Stian Carstens Bendiksen Master‟s Thesis in Political Science Department of Sociology and Political Science Norwegian University of Science and Technology Spring 2012 1 2 Preface When studying Japanese politics, I found much conflicting research on the role of Japanese public opinion and its influence on policy, especially in regards to how much it affects Japanese politicians. One of the contrasted issues that stood out to me were Japan‟s different responses to the Gulf War and Iraq Invasion, where Japan faced pressure from the US to contribute personnel to the war effort, while the Japanese public opposed dispatching the Japanese Self-Defense Forces overseas. The general aim of this thesis is therefore to weigh the influence of conflicting Japanese public opinion and pressure from the US, on Japanese politicians. I would first and foremost like to thank my advisor for this thesis, Professor Paul Midford. It was initially his Japan and East Asia-focused courses at NTNU that sparked my academic interest for Japan and East-Asia. I owe him a lot for his continued encouragement and support throughout my studies. His thesis advice has been invaluable, and he has made sure that I have adhered to proper methodology, reliable data and thorough analysis. I would also like to thank Natsuyo Ishibashi for reading parts of my paper, providing feedback, and helping me with sources. I would also like to extend my gratitude to my professors at Kanazawa University, Masahiro Kashima, Andrew Beaton, Yoshiomi Saito, Toru Kurata, in addition to my classmates there, whose feedback on my thesis proposal was very helpful. -
August 20, 2012
August 20, 2012 Prepared: NGO Network for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (ERD Net) Submitted: The International Movement Against All Forms of Discrimination and Racism – Japan Committee – IMADR-JC To the CERD Secretariat: We are pleased to submit the report concerning the hate speech against minority communities in Japan hoping that this could contribute to the CERD thematic discussion on hate speech of August 30, 2012. The report covers the propaganda of hate speech and dissemination of derogatory messages against some minority communities in Japan, namely Buraku, Zainichi Koreans and migrants. The present report does not cover the other minority communities such as Ryukyu-Okinawans and the Ainu, but we believe that a similar manifestation would be demonstrated against them when they face the challenge of hate speech. When we discuss about the hate speech in Japan, it is nothing but only a problem under no control. The main reasons rest with the absence of criminal code that prohibits and sanctions racist hate speech. Unless a committed hate speech has some connections or implications to other crimes, there is no legal means that forces an immediate halt of such act. Hate speech could constitute an illegal act under the civil law and only when it is aimed at specific individuals. As indicated in several cases contained in this report, perpetrators of hate speech have been arrested, charged and convicted for the crimes of defamation, forgery of private documents, damage to property, and etc. that are not intended to sanction hate speech. Racially motivated acts are only sanctioned as petty crimes under the present law in Japan, thus, conviction of such acts is less effective in terms of prevention of crimes. -
Kazuhiko Tezuka
20 Years After JNR Privatization ○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○ Kazuhiko Tezuka The Railway Technical Research Institute (RTRI) assumed responsibility for the research and development (R&D) activities previously conducted by Japanese National Railways (JNR). It conducts R&D in a variety of fields, including structures, rolling stock, electrical power, signal communication, environment, energy, and human sciences. The institute has contributed to the development of the JR group of companies and railways in Japan in general by achieving success with a range of projects, including maglev, increasing the speed of shinkansen and conventional trains in harmony with the environment, strengthening ground equipment, reducing maintenance costs and taking measures to prevent accidents and natural disasters. Introduction Medium-term Master Plan RTRI was established in December 1986 with permission (FY1990–94) from the Minister of Transport just prior to the privatization In June 1990, the Master Plan for development of and division of JNR. Consequently, it celebrated its 20th technology for superconducting magnetic levitation anniversary in December last year. I would like to review railways and the plan to construct the Yamanashi Test its 20-year history and introduce our Master Plan, the Line both received approval from the Minister of central focus of research initiatives, and some of the main Transport. The Medium-term Master Plan was thus results that the institute has achieved. formulated in March 1991 to reflect this. In this plan, maglev and increasing the speed of shinkansen and Changes In and Activities conventional trains in harmony with the environment (ATLAS plan and NEXT 250 plan) were designated as Conducted under Master Plan the focus of R&D initiatives. -
Die Japanische Innenpolitik 2009/2010: Schwerpunkte Und Tendenzen
Die japanische Innenpolitik 2009/2010: Schwerpunkte und Tendenzen Japanese Domestic Policy 2009/2010: Highlights and Tendencies Manfred Pohl Th is report covers a period of almost exactly twelve months stretching from September 2009 to September 2010 – from the landslide victory in the Lower House election for the DPJ (and its miserable aft ermath) to the crippling power struggle between Naoto Kan and Ichirō Ozawa which marked the DPJ presidential election in September 2010. While the governing coalition was lost in futile infi ghting, the opposition gained con- trol over the Upper House – Japan now has to cope with a hung parliament, in which any legal initiative can be killed by a unifi ed opposition in the second chamber. Never- theless, this gives an opening to the Kan government: Th e opposition is far from being united. Over the past twelve months Japanese voters have witnessed the inability of the government to fundamentally tackle threatening economic problems (the rising yen, social instability etc.) and to wipe out political corruption. On the other hand, how- ever, some far-reaching changes have also begun during the past year, some of them rather subtle, others almost revolutionary: »Destroyer« Ozawa fi nally seems to be los- ing his iron grip on domestic politics, the powerful business organizations are cutting the fi nancial support for preferred political groups – and Japan’s voters have defi nitely become more critical and selective as was shown by the election results. Der Berichtsabschnitt zur japanischen Innenpolitik kann streckenweise wie eine Sammlung politischer Nekrologe gelesen werden. Sowohl Spitzenpolitiker als auch Organisationen, die sie vertraten, begannen, sich 2009/2010 von der politischen 24 Innenpolitik Bühne zu verabschieden oder probten zielstrebig ihren Abgang. -
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right?
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right? Harunobu Saijo Abstract One set of theories pertaining to radical right success examines the strategy of mainstream right-wing parties. One mechanism that seems to have been ignored is the extent to which mainstream right-wing parties include or exclude "radical right" individuals and supporters within their own ranks. I argue that giving \radical right" elements a place within mainstream parties, allows center-right parties to prevent potential radical right voters from switching support to parties more extreme than itself, by presenting a more credible alternative. This raises the issue of internal party dynamics, and non-unitary parties, which the existing literature ignores, due to the largely unitary nature of Western European parties. The Japanese case demonstrates such a mechanism. Furthermore, the validity of this thesis can be tested more rigorously over time, as the state allows more immigrants to enter Japan, which may strain this outcome. 1 1 Introduction In the comparative party politics literature, the rise of the "Radical Right" party has been widely theorized and analyzed with a focus on Western and Eastern Europe. Other works have expanded the scope of study to fit parties in late capitalist countries as diverse as Israel, Canada, Australia, Chile, and New Zealand (Norris, 2005, 7) (Rydgren, 2007, 242). Yet, there has been less work on the Japanese case, though some have tried to apply the populist or radical right theories to phenomena in Japanese politics. Furthermore, most of the contributions that do examine the Japanese radical right either examine groupuscular formations that do not contest elections, or examine particular elections or personalities instead of examining the country-level variables theorized by the literature, or consider how the Japanese case can inform the theory in general. -
The Birth and Consequences of the Bank of Japan's Quantitative
Bound by a Hidden Agenda: The Birth and Consequences of the Bank of Japan’s Quantitative Monetary Easing Tetsufumi Arita July 2007 THE WALTER H. SHORENSTEIN ASIA-PACIFIC RESEARCH CENTER (Shorenstein APARC) is a unique Stanford University institution focused on the interdisciplinary study of contemporary Asia. Shorenstein APARC’s mission is to produce and publish outstanding interdisciplinary, Asia-Pacific– focused research; educate students, scholars, and corporate and governmental affiliates; promote constructive interaction to influence U.S. policy toward the Asia-Pacific; and guide Asian nations on key issues of societal transition, development, U.S.-Asia relations, and regional cooperation. The Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Stanford University Encina Hall Stanford, CA 94306-6055 http://shorenstein.stanford.edu 2 About the Author Tetsufumi Arita has been a reporter for the Japanese newspaper, Asahi Shimbun, since 990. He has extensive experience in reporting business and political news. Arita was a visiting fellow at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center between 2004 and 2005. 2 3 4 Abstract For the past five years, the Bank of Japan (BOJ) has employed an unconventional monetary easing policy, called quantitative monetary easing. Under a zero interest rate regime, the BOJ shifted its tool for monetary easing from interest rates to quantity of money, thus providing the money market with much more money than it needs. It is difficult to find evidence that this monetary easing has contributed to the current economic recovery. What we can show is that this quantitative easing diluted the functions of interest rates in the money market, with the following consequences: quantitative easing hid the risks of the huge amount of fiscal debt and supported troubled commercial banks. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science Bargaining Power in Multilateral Trade Negotiations: Canada and Japan in Th
The London School of Economics and Political Science Bargaining power in multilateral trade negotiations: Canada and Japan in the Uruguay Round and Doha Development Agenda. Jens Philipp Anton Lamprecht A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, January 2014 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 95676 words. I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Trevor G. Cooper. Signed: Jens Philipp Anton Lamprecht. 2 In memory of my grandparents, Antonette Dinnesen and Heinrich Dinnesen. To my family: My parents, my brother, my aunt, and Hans-Werner am Zehnhoff. 3 Acknowledgements Very special thanks go to my supervisors, Dr. Razeen Sally and Dr. Stephen Woolcock. I thank Razeen for his constant patience, especially at the beginning of this project, and for his great intellectual advice and feedback. -
Japan's Ending of Yen Loans to China
Master Degree Thesis: EAST4592 JAPAN ENDS ITS YEN LOANS TO CHINA A study of the role of ODA in the bilateral relationship Mari Boie Brekkan Department of Cultural Studies and Oriental Languages, University of Oslo Autumn 2007 Summary Japan has provided China with ODA since 1979, 75% of this aid has been given as yen loans. The loans have greatly contributed to China’s economic growth through funding of industrial infrastructure projects. Next year when China hosts the Olympic Games in Beijing, Japan will phase out these loans. Although it will continue to provide China with grant assistance and technical cooperation the ending of the loans will have an impact on their future bilateral relationship. This is not only due to the amount of money that has been given but also due to the important role the loans have played since their initiation. The yen loans have been at the core of Japan’s engagement policy towards China. Through engagement Japan has sought to encourage peaceful and stable developments in China, both in terms of an open economy and in terms of a stable society. At the outset of Japan’s aid program to China in 1979, China represented a potential huge market for Japanese trade, and Japan wanted to encourage China to keep up its open and reform policy which had been announced by Deng Xiaoping the previous year. After the Tiananmen Square Incident in 1989, Japan started to reconsider its aid to China. The incident was a clear indication that considering Japan’s motives for engagement, the policy did not achieve the desired results. -
SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Japonsko
SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Japonsko Souhrnná teritoriální informace Japonsko Zpracováno a aktualizováno zastupitelským úřadem ČR v Tokiu ke dni 01.04.2011 Seznam kapitol souhrnné teritoriálné informace: 1. Základní informace o teritoriu 2. Vnitropolitická charakteristika 3. Zahraničně-politická orientace 4. Ekonomická charakteristika země 5. Finanční a daňový sektor 6. Zahraniční obchod země 7. Obchodní a ekonomická spolupráce s ČR 8. Základní podmínky pro uplatnění českého zboží na trhu 9. Investiční klima 10. Očekávaný vývoj v teritoriu 1/68 © Zastupitelský úřad Tokio (Japonsko) SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Japonsko 1. Základní informace o teritoriu 1.1. Oficiální název státu • Japonsko (japonsky: Nippon-koku či Nihon-koku, anglicky: Japan) 1.2. Rozloha • 377 899 km2 (délka pobřeží 33 889 km ) 1.3. Počet obyvatel, hustota na km², podíl ekonomicky činného obyvatelstva • 127,51 miliónů obyvatel • 62,11 mil. mužů • 65,40 mil. žen • hustota 343 osob/km2 • 64,20 miliónů ekonomicky aktivního obyvatelstva 1.4. Průměrný roční přírůstek obyvatelstva a jeho demografické složení Roční změna v počtu obyvatelstva: počet obyvatel Japonska mírně klesá. Demografické složení: děti do 14 let: 13,7 % populace, osoby nad 64 let: 20,1 % populace. Průměrná délka života: muži 79,59 let; ženy 86,44 let. 1.5. Národnostní složení Japonsko je etnicky velmi homogenní zemí, zhruba 98,5 % obyvatelstva tvoří Japonci. Kromě Japonců žijí v zemi zejména následující menšiny: • 655 tis. Číňanů • 589 tis. Korejců • 313 tis. Brazilců • 211 tis. Filipínců • 58 tis. Peruánců • 53 tis. Američanů Celkem žije v Japonsku přes 2,21 mil. nejaponských obyvatel. 2/68 © Zastupitelský úřad Tokio (Japonsko) SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Japonsko 1.6. Náboženské složení Hlavními náboženskými směry v zemi jsou šintoismus a budhismus, k nimž se hlásí většina obyvatelstva (cca 84 % populace). -
The Political Economy of Foreign Aid Flows
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository Title: The Political Economy of Foreign Aid Flows By JIE SHENG LI A Thesis submitted in fulfilment for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science and International Studies School of Government and Society College of Social Sciences University of Birmingham January 2015 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract: This thesis examines the rise in bilateral aid disbursements over multilateral aid between 2000 and 2010. It would be simply stated that such a trend would be due donor nations focusing on strategic self interests. I argue, using a combination of principal-agent theory, foreign policy analysis and the effect of institutions, that new political actors in donor nations found a window of opportunity to alter the level foreign disbursements and in several cases, increase the overall level of foreign aid. Bilateral aid eventually rose due to both the worldviews of these new decision makers as well as how their policies were influenced and shaped by local institutions. -
FOREIGN OFFICE FILES for JAPAN and the FAR EAST SERIES 1 - Part 1 - 2
FOREIGN OFFICE FILES FOR JAPAN AND THE FAR EAST SERIES 1 - Part 1 - 2 FOREIGN OFFICE FILES FOR JAPAN AND THE FAR EAST Series One: Embassy & Consular Archives - Japan (1905-1940) (Public Record Office Class FO 262) Part 1: Correspondence to and from Japan, 1905-1920 (PRO Class FO 262/1466-1511 & 2033-2034) Part 2: Detailed Correspondence for 1921-1923 (PRO Class FO 262/1512-1601) Contents listing Publisher's Note Chronology, 1900-1923 Technical Note British Ambassadors to Japan, 1905-1957 Supporting Comments Britsih Prime Ministers, 1905-1957 Contents of Reels - Part 1 British Foreign Secretaries, 1905-1960 Detailed Listing - Part 1 Emperors of Japan, 1868-1989 Contents of Reels - Part 2 Japanese Ministers and Officials, 1900-1960 Detailed listing - Part 2 British Embassy and Consular Staff - Japan, 1905-1958 FOREIGN OFFICE FILES FOR JAPAN AND THE FAR EAST, Series 1, Part 1-2 PUBLISHER'S NOTE Through the complete files of the British Embassy and Consular Archives in Japan this project documents the immense political, social and economic changes in Japan since the beginning of this century. Part 1: Imperial Expansion and the Rise of Capitalism concentrates on the years 1905-1920. Immediately after the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) Japan acquired significant and increased recognition around the world. Theodore Roosevelt conducted the Peace Treaty at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, USA. The Great Powers opened embassies in Tokyo and Japanese legations in London, Washington, Paris, Berlin, Vienna, Rome and St Petersburg were raised to the status of embassies. Sir Claude M Macdonald was appointed as the first British Ambassador in Tokyo in November 1905. -
Comparative Connections
Pacific Forum CSIS Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations edited by Ralph A. Cossa Rebecca Goodgame Ebinger January 2000 – Vol. 1, No. 3 4th Quarter 1999 http://www.csis.org/pacfor/ccejournal.html Pacific Forum CSIS Based in Honolulu, Hawaii, the Pacific Forum CSIS operates as the autonomous Asia- Pacific arm of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C. Founded in 1975, the thrust of the Forum's work is to help develop cooperative policies in the Asia-Pacific region through debate and analyses undertaken with the region's leaders in the academic, government, and corporate arenas. The Forum's programs encompass current and emerging issues in political, security, economic/business, and oceans policy issues. It collaborates with a network of more than 30 research institutes around the Pacific Rim, drawing on Asian perspectives and disseminating its projects' findings and recommendations to opinion leaders, governments, and publics throughout the region. An international Board of Governors guides the Pacific Forum’s work; it is chaired by Brent Scowcroft, former Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs. The Forum is funded by grants from foundations, corporations, individuals, and governments, the latter providing a small percentage of the forum’s $1.2 million annual budget. The forum’s studies are objective and nonpartisan and it does not engage in classified or proprietary work. Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations Edited by Ralph A. Cossa and Rebecca Goodgame Ebinger Volume 1, Number 3 4th Quarter 1999 Honolulu, Hawaii January, 2000 Comparative Connections A Quarterly Electronic Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations Bilateral relationships in East Asia have long been important to regional peace and stability, but in the post-Cold War environment, these relationships have taken on a new strategic rationale as countries pursue multiple ties, beyond those with the U.S., to realize complex political, economic, and security interests.