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Internationale IUFRO-Konferenz „Kulturerbe Wald“ NEWS OF HISTORY Nr. III/(36/37)-1/2005

INTERNATIONAL IUFRO-CONFERENCE “WOODLANDS – CULTURAL HERITAGE”

NEWS OF FOREST HISTORY Nr. III/(36/37)/2005 PART 1

IMPRESSUM

Medieninhaber und Herausgeber: Bundesministerium für Land- und Forstwirtschaft, Umwelt und Wasserwirtschaft Gesamtkoordination: Abteilung IV 4; Fö. Ing. Johann W. KIESSLING und IUFRO Research group 6.07.00 „Forest History“, Dipl.-FW. Dr Elisabeth JOHANN, Für den Inhalt verantwortlich :die jeweiligen Autoren; Bildnachweis: Bilder der Kapitelseiten BMLFUW; Schima, ForstKultur-Archiv; ansonst Bilder und Graphiken von den Autoren; Quellen beim Bild; 4 News of forest history „ Kulturerbe Wald “ News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 5

CONTENT – PART 01 SEITE/PAGE

Preface 08

General aspects – Allgemeine Aspekte 11

HOW TO DEAL WITH 'NATURE'. CONCEPTS FOR AN ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY OF WOODLANDS

Verena Winiwarter, ESEH President, IFF KWA Vienna and Institute for Soil Sciences, University of Applied Life Sciences Vienna, Austria,

LAYERED CULTURES OF John Dargavel, Centre for Resource@Envir. Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, Australia

«FRENCH FOREST: SENSE AND SENSIBILITY» Paul Arnould, Ecole Normale Supérieure Lettres@Sciences Humaines, Lyon,

Cultural landscapes – Kulturlandschaften 37

THE EVOLUTION OF FOREST LAND IN ITALY FROM 1862 TO 2000 ACCORDING TO SOCIOECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

Mauro Agnoletti, Università di Firenze, Dipartimento di Scienze e Tecnologie Ambientali Forestali, Via San Bonaventura 13, 50145 Firenze, Italy,

THE HISTORY OF PROTECTED FOREST AREAS IN EUROPE - FROM HOLY GROVES TO NATURA 2000 SITES -

Renate Bürger-Arndt and Jan Carl Welzholz, Institute for Forest Politics, Forest History and Nature Conservation, Georg August University, Göttingen, Büsgenweg 3; D 37077 Göttingen

Woodland – an integral part of cultural landscape – Wälder – ein integraler Bestandteil der Kulturlandschaft 55

WOODLANDS AS CULTURAL HERITAGE _ YET ANOTHER CHALLANGE FOR CONTEMPORARY AND FUTURE FORESTRY

Bostjan Anko, University of Ljubljana, Department of Forestry and Renewable Forest Resources, Slovenia CHANGING TREE SPECIES COMPOSITION IN DANISH PRIVATE AND PUBLIC FORESTRY 1800 – 1950

Helle Serup, Forest @ landscape, The Royal Veterinary and Agricultural University Frederiks- berg, Denmark

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WÄLDER ALS TEIL DER KULTURLANDSCHAFT: ÜBER WALDFLÄCHENVERÄNDERUNGEN IM 19. JAHRHUNDERT AM BEISPIEL DES THÜRINGEN

Ekkehard Schwartz, Eberswalde,

IN SEARCH OF VANISHED BROAD-LEAVED IN THE VOSGES MOUNTAINS Xavier Rochel, department de géographie, Université de Nancy, France

FOREST CULTURE AND HISTORY DON´T CORRELATE WITH LATITUDE: COMPARING THE MEDITERRANEAN AND CENTRAL EUROPEAN REGIONS

Juan García Latorre @ Jesús García Latorre, Association for Landscape Research in Arid Zones, Almeria, Spain

Management history – Historische Bewirtschaftungsmethoden 105

CHANGING MANAGEMENT OF WOODLAND IN SHERWOOD FOREST IN THE 20TH CENTURY

Charles Watkins, School of Geography, University of Nottingham, UK

THE MANAGEMENT HISTORY OF “KLATHERA” IN ZAGORI AREA OF PINDOS MOUNTAIN, NW GREECE

Eirini Saratsi, University of Athens, Greece

WOODLAND MANAGEMENT AND THE IMPACT OF REGULATION IN SOUTH-WESTERN GERMANY, C. 1500 – 1750

Paul Warde, University of Cambridge, UK

ABSOLUTIST LANDSCAPES. SHAPING WOODLANDS AND MANAGING WILDLIFE FOR THE REQUIREMENTS OF BAROQUE HUNTING CULTURE: THE EXAMPLE OF 17th AND 18th CENTURY BAVARIAN ELECTORS

Martin Knoll, Lehrstuhl für Neuere Geschichte, Universität Regensburg, Germany

THE HISTORICAL DEVOLOPMENT OF ONE OF THE FOREST VILLAGERS’ UTILIZATION RIGHTS FROM THE PUBLIC FORESTS: SALE RIGHTS OF WOOD MATERIAL IN THE MARKET

Seçil Yurdakul and Prof. Dr. Abdi EK ĐZO ĞLU, Istanbul University, Forestry Faculty, Bahçeköy/Ýstanbul/Turkey.

INDIAN FORESTRY THROUGH THE AGES Ajay Rawat, History Department, Kumaon University, Naini Tal, India News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 7

PRIVATISATION AND SOCIAL CONSEQUENCES: THE NEW ZEALAND FORESTRY WORKFORCE

Avinash C Shrivastava, School of Forestry, University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand

Photo: SCHIMA

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PREFACE

Forests and other wooded land cover about social and economic pressure and the 1000 million ha in Europe and are a historical knowledge with regard to woodland characteristic element of the natural conservation and restoration. landscape. They create multiple benefits for The current issue of the “News of Forest economic welfare, biological diversity, water history” contains based on scientific balance and offer environmental, protective, research and practical experience focusing social and recreational services to the rural on the social spiritual and cultural and values as well as to the urbanised society. In that of forests. They have been presented on way the social, cultural and environmental occasion of an International Conference on values of sustainable forest management to “Woodlands - cultural heritage” which took society gain increasingly importance in place in Vienna / Austria, from May 3 - 7 international forest policy. Social and cultural 2004. The conference was organised by the values change over time as societies Research Group 6.07.00 Forest History, develop. However there is a loss of past jointly with the Federal Office and Research knowledge of how these forests were used Centre for Forests, the working party Forest and managed in a sustainable way. The History of the Austrian Forest Society, the multi-disciplinary research into the role of the Lehrstuhl für Forstpolitik und Forstgeschichte social and cultural aspects of sustainable TU München, the University of Applied Life forest management in the overall goal of Sciences Vienna and the Federal Ministry of sustainable development gains increasingly Agriculture, Forestry, Environment and importance worldwide. This has recently Water Management. The in-congress- been expressed by the Vienna Declaration excursion was carried out by the Vienna and Vienna Resolutions adopted at the Municipal Department 49 – Forestry Office Fourth Ministerial Conference on the and Urban agriculture. Protection of Forests in Europe and signed The meeting included 2 ½ -days by 40 European Countries and the European sessions, an in-congress tour to the Vienna Community (Vienna, 28-30 April 2003). forest (nature conservation, recreation th Because the outcome of the 4 Ministerial forest), and a guided evening tour to the Conference will shape the further work on forest museum Schloß Esterhazy in the protection and sustainable management Lackenbach. About 60 researchers and of forests in Europe there is a need to scientist from 4 continents and 21 countries provide society with the historical information interested in the role of the social and about land use, social perceptions and cultural aspects of forest management in the changing attitudes to trees and woodland, past and working in the fields of forest and origin of modern forestry in the context of woodland history, environmental history, News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 9 social history, cultural history, history of of Europe such as Estonia, Norway or hunting and other disciplines attended the Germany, the change of tree species meeting. Some of them also took part in the composition due to forest management in 2-days post congress tour making parts of Denmark and France, the acquaintance with the social and cultural development of the woodlands in the aspects of forest utilization in the history of Mediterranean and Central Europe, the Austrian mountain forests and welfare sustainable forest utilization and its foot- functions of contemporary woodlands in the prints, woodland management and forest- Alpine region of Lower Austria and Styria. related social and political conflicts including the conflicting demands of forest villagers The conference received scientific as well and state forestry, the urban landscape in as political interest by the attendance of the Central Europe, the Mediterranean and Director General of the Forestry Department, elsewhere and in a broader sense with the Federal Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, layered cultures of forestry and the Environment and Water Management DI accomplishments of environmental history in Mannsberger and his deputy DI Dr. Schima, the study of woodlands. the IUFRO Executive Secretary Dr. Mayer, the Head of the Federal Office and Research The comprehensive goal of the Centre for Forests DI Dr. Mauser, the international conference on the cultural President of the European Society of heritage of woodland was to contribute to the Environmental History Ing. Dr. Winiwarter ongoing discussion dealing with social and the President of the Australian Forest spiritual and cultural values of forests and to History Society Dr. Dargavel. The import- provide basic information related to these ance of this meeting one year before the values. The current issue of the “News of IUFRO World Congress in Brisbane was Forest History” are the proceedings of this also demonstrated by the participation of the conference containing the presented papers. coordinators of the working groups 6.07.01 That way you can acquire an interesting Tropical forest History Dr. Rawat, Nainital, overview about different topics concerning India, 6.07.03 Ecological forest history Dr. Forest Culture in Europe. It is edited by the Watkins, Nottingham, UK, and 6.07.02 Ministry of Agriculture Forestry Environment Social and economic forest History Dr. and Water management, the Research Agnoletti. Florence, Italy. Group 6.07.00 and the Austrian Forest Society, Expert Group Forest History. The main themes which were addressed during the conference dealt with the evolution of forest land and natural and Elisabeth JOHANN cultural forest landscapes in different parts of IUFRO 6.07.00 Forest History Europe, the inventory and documentation of (Coordinator) forest-related cultural heritage in some parts E-mail: [email protected]

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Photo : SCHIMA News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 11

GENERAL ASPECTS

ALLGEMEINE ASPEKTE

Photo: SCHIMA

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Photo: SCHIMA

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HOW TO DEAL WITH 'NATURE'. CONCEPTS FOR AN ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY OF WOODLANDS

Introduction increasingly considered as part of the agro- Forest history, a discipline situated – similar to ecosystem in pre-industrial agrarian eco- environmental history – on the fringes of nomies, another focus environmental histori- academic history, has pioneered the study of ans have used. Aims of environmental history non- nature. In recent years forest in the study of woodlands have been to under- historians have considerably broadened their stand them in terms of the major questions of environmental history at large: conservation, perspective from a forest and wood-centred pollution, deterioration, conflicts of use, and approach to ecologically and socially informed holistic research (e.g. Agnoletti and Anderson, agro-ecology. Environmental historians the- eds., 2000). The title of the conference for mes and approaches are described in more which this presentation was prepared clearly detail in (Winiwarter, 2003). indicates this move: 'Woodlands – Cultural of all these environ- Heritage' implies such a broad approach. The conceptual basis What can environmental history offer with mental woodland histories has been rather regard to woodland issues, given that forest implicit than explicit, and some major questions in the interaction between wood- history has already developed so much new lands (in particular) and never have methodology and perspective? Rather than emphasizing and thus reinforcing differences been asked to my knowledge. I will introduce in what I consider to be two fields that have two concepts – which I believe hold special more in common these days than ever before potential – in more detail, and suggest to ask I want to outline a conceptual framework for a set of questions which have hitherto not further co-development. been central to woodland histories, but should be able to shed new light on them as a Woodlands have figured in environmental cultural heritage. The topics I suggest to develop using these concepts are firstly the histories as parts of a nature to be preserved, interface between movements of people and as habitat of species to be protected, as aesthetic resource for tourism, and most often their use of natural resources and secondly as the contested terrain between loggers, social responses to uncertainty. The closing developers of residential districts, conser- chapter discusses developments in environ- vationists and those who saw valleys foremost mental history in perspective of the as dam-building sites. Woodlands are development of historical scholarship at large.

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Dealing with movement: ethnically distinct Magyars on present day Middle Ground Hungary, disruptions by large scale raids of Migrating peoples over the long course of the same Magyars, Scandinavians and European history have undoubtedly created 'Arabs” throughout Europe and of Europeans pressure on natural resources, and in in the Middle East, the continuous spreading particular, on woodlands. One should be of Flemish and German settlers to Eastern aware of the fact that the difference between a Europe and the British Isles in the 11th–13th stand of and an -forest is almost centuries, and the migrations of the Jewish as great as that between a cornfield, a minority all over Europe. Such movements meadow and an orchard, given the difference continued to be of importance during the in quality and thus use of the wood, the use of entire , the time of the Counter- the forest as feeding area and the turnover Reformation, which again made people move, time. So migrants might have had as much to the 30 Years’ War with refugees and understanding of the woodlands they abandoned armies scattered over central encountered as the legendary Gaul Obelix Europe, up to the modern period in which displays in one of the Asterix-Series (The forced and voluntary migration still plays an Mansion of the Gods, 1971). The heroes’ enormous role (Hoerder et al., 2003). plant specially treated acorns which produce To deal with migration in environmental terms, full grown within seconds. When asked e.g. to deal with encounters between moving to acknowledge the miracle, Obelix is people and woodlands I want to introduce the unresponsive, because, to quote him, he has notion of 'Middle Ground'. It has - to the best never seen an oak grow, so how can he know of my knowledge - not yet figured with any that the ones he now plants grow any faster prominence in woodland studies. The eminent than usual? There is a ring of truth in this environmental historian Richard White coined comic situation. Migration and the effects it this term to conceptualize encounters of had on perception and use of woodlands, and Native Americans and colonists from the 17th to the cultural heritage they represented for to the 19th centuries (White, 1991). Building different peoples is one of the topics I on Anthony Gidden's theory of structuration recommend for further joint research. and Marshall Sahlins' anthropological models, Migration plays a paramount role in White developed a concept of encounter and European History. One just has to think of the its consequences. Central emphasis is on the formation and settlement of Germanic and processes of contact and not on the state of Slavic ethnic groups within the borders of the the contact partners' societies. White's Middle and the filling up of areas left Ground refers to both the geographic area behind by others, the North African from the Great Lakes to the upper Mississippi colonization of Spain, later on the impact of basin and to a complex social terrain. The News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 15

encounter and accommodation between Applying the concept of the Middle Ground Algonquin-Indian and Europeans is a also means to change our view of the roles of phenomenon between cultures and peoples, individuals: One cannot simply juxtapose the and in between empires and the non-state old and the new, the conquerors and the world of villages. The Middle Ground is a conquered, the invaders and the invaded, but transient phenomenon; it is the space of in both groups one will find old-fashioned negotiation which opens up during encounter individuals, who want to cling to old ways of before power relations are consolidated. life, and innovators, who seek their advantage Forests as an important natural resource by adjusting to new ways. Local innovators play a key role in the formation and the might be inclined to co-operate with strangers development of Middle Ground-Situations. because the latter can offer means to Contact and change bring about disorder. In overthrow an order they want to overthrow, situations of disorder, people, both but could not do so without the disruption the newcomers and long-established persons and strangers create. In their strife to gain a groups try to reorder the world in an amalgam foothold in the society which they want to of old and new logic (White, 1991: 10). overtake or partake in, strangers on the other Notions of territory, boundaries and places of hand are good allies for those who want cultural significance all are disrupted and, for change. Winners and losers are to be found in a while, become volatile (White, 1991: 11). both societies during the duration of the Conceptualizing a natural order is central to Middle Ground. the design of social universes, as Mary Alliances and mediation take place even in Douglas has shown in her Purity and Danger situations where conquest is aimed at, as no (Douglas, 1966). As all human groups invest conqueror can live without resources in difference (first and foremost to be different extracted from the conquered territory. from neighbouring groups), difference in Therefore local knowledge about resources relations to nature and resource use can does play a protective role for some of the become one to make difference visible in conquered. a broader sense. But nature in the sense of Different values attached to goods which are resources is not just a stage to set a play of made from natural resources by different differences. As survival and power relations groups can disrupt 'ecological balances' and are both inextricably linked to resources, lead to environmental degradation soon after differences in conceptualizing them may lay at contact. Market integration is known to be the very heart of conflicts. The role of natural especially dangerous in this respect. Changes resources in a Middle Ground situation is in values can on the other hand also be more than just one theme of the conflict, it is beneficial for the protection of resources. central to all negotiations.

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But there is more to the Middle Ground than ‘Middle Ground'-concept for the decades mere changes in resource use. White tries to following first contact. Tobacco growing explain how change is brought about. At the colonists in Virginia had to negotiate with very heart of his concept lies the acceptance Natives as the latter's knowledge about of misunderstanding as a basis of co- cultivation was crucial for their success. operation. During a short period it was considered as a Perhaps the central and defining aspect of the possibility in Britain to accept the legitimacy of middle ground was the willingness of those Chiefdom and to incorporate Virginia into the who created it to justify their own actions in Empire by cross-marriage with a native terms of what they perceived to be their 'princess' rather than by mere colonial partner's cultural premises. Those operating in violence. The marriage gained long-lasting the middle ground acted for interests derived significance, even if it did not make the way from their own culture, but they had to for alliance: Descendants of the cross- convince people of another culture that some marriage between Pocahontas and Captain mutual action was fair and legitimate. In Smith in the U.S.A. still keep track of the attempting such persuasion people quite progeny (Theweleit, 1999). The negotiated naturally sought out congruence’s, whether space between slaves and their masters in the perceived or actual, between the two cultures. rice growing economy which depended on The congruence’s arrived at often seemed – slave skills can also be understood as a and, indeed, were – results of misunder- ‘Middle Ground' encounter (Stewart, 1996). standings or accidents. Indeed, to later But 'Middle Ground'-situations are not con- observers the interpretations offered by fined to transatlantic colonial encounters. members of one society for the practices of Europe's history of warfare and forced another can appear ludicrous. This, however, migration, a history of new settlers adapting does not matter. Any congruence, no matter (agri-)cultural traditions to places already how tenuous, can be put to work and can take cultivated for centuries by others, a history of on a life of its own if it is accepted by both villages often only marginally influenced by sides. Cultural conventions do not have to be empires for decades can be read as a whole true to be effective any more than legal series of 'Middle Ground'-situations. European precedents do. They have only to be history is in its very essence a history of accepted. (White, 1991: 52f). 'Middle Grounds'. Many changes in land-use The Obelixes of this world can use acorns in Europe over the centuries could be treated with magic potions without acknow- interpreted as results of middle ground ledging the miracle. accommodations. The precarious balance It is quite obvious that histories of colonial between experience and innovation in dealing encounters can be interpreted in terms of the with natural resources seems especially News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 17

cumbersome in the use of long-term function by the principles of the Middle ecological resources such as woodlands, also Ground, the most profound among these because they often are regulated as commons principles being creative misunderstanding. (McEvoy, 1988). Co-evolutionary processes beyond the grasp Not only people and peoples migrate, books of either participant depend on the ability to also undergo translocation and hence, trans- make ends meet under ever changing lation. Experience in dealing with nature, circumstances, which entails such 'misunder- although often tacit knowledge has never- standing'. Hence, a history of woodlands theless been written down from early times under co-evolutionary paradigms would also on. Relocation of people can be a driving have to shed light on the misunderstandings force for such knowledge transmission. To which shaped humans’ dealings with wooded give but one example I will draw on Ancient areas. A history of forest sciences under such History here: It was within the context of intra- perspective would certainly enrich the imperial migration that one of the most famous discussion. – and lost – works of agriculture was The concept of Middle Ground differs from translated into Greek: The Greek translation of other spatially oriented theories of change Mago the Phoenician's works on agriculture because it is focused on the process of was made between ca 133 BC and 60 BC, change and includes misunderstanding as a and is supposed to have been commissioned principle. It can however, easily be in connection with the colonization projects of complemented with other approaches, such C. Gracchus, the great agrarian reformer of as Robert Dodgshon's model of social the Roman republic, because in several of the change, which is based on centre-periphery areas to be colonized, Greek would be the relations, in which natural resources also play only common language of the people a central role (Dodgshon, 1999). assembled from different parts of the Empire (Mahaffy, 1889-1890, 33f). Dealing with uncertainty:

To understand European Middle Grounds and Risk spiral and cultural the effect they had on the perception, use and theory appreciation of woodlands all across the Concepts of risk are cultural theories of continent would be a great accomplishment in nature. While I cannot summarize the an environmental history of woodlands and abundant literature on risk here, I would like to would also be a welcome new aspect in the draw the attention of woodland historians to growing body of literature on migration history. the risk theory that has been developed in the One can take the notion of the Middle Ground context of environmental history. Rolf Peter one step further and suggest that interactions Sieferle and Ulrich Müller-Herold have between humans and the rest of nature also suggested a model for the development of

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societies in terms of risk. They argue that to unexpected, new types of risk – the risk each successful action undertaken in order to spiral. On the other hand, we can interpret cope with one kind of risk necessarily results human actions as being aimed at risk in another type of risk. This is a much more minimization or ruin prevention. Risk is useful elaborate version of the popular dictum that both from an interpretational as from an there is no free lunch, which in itself is a kind observational perspective. It is (or rather, of bottom line of many studies in human should be) central to environmental history for ecology. To give but one example: If villagers Sieferle, who points out that confrontation with erect barns to cope with the vagaries of dangers and insecurities which arise from the natural fluctuation of yields they end up with interaction with environments, search for the risk of mice and other vermin feasting on chances and the prevention of ruin, have the stored goods, and in addition run the risk seldom been perceived as explanations of of attracting other human groups which can historical processes (Sieferle, 2002: 151). profit from stealing the storage. This example The most elaborate conceptual tool is merely to highlight the principle and does environmental history has to offer with not relate to a specific historic event. The regard to the study of risk and nature is the overall effect is one of an accumulation of risk, so-called 'Cultural Theory', developed by a ‘spiral of risk’ as the authors have termed it. scholars in anthropology in an effort to The result of risk-dealing actions, however, understand how risk is perceived by different will probably be interpreted by the group actors in a given society (Thompson et al., undertaking them as a success. (Sieferle and 1990). Given that wooded lots are conceived Müller-Herold, 1996). See also the detailed by many rural populations as their savings discussion in (Sieferle, 2002). box, their role in risk mitigation should be of interest in a comparative perspective. Risk On the other hand, risk minimization is a mitigation is central to all pre-industrial land- powerful model to interpret social dealings use patterns. Woodlands play a crucial part in with nature. Types of land-use and the such patterns. This role could, one can hypo- general layout of pre-industrial agricultural thesize, have been translated into the cultural systems with the role woodlands play in them value attached to woodlands as a heritage can also be interpreted as attempts not to which must not be destroyed. In dealing with maximize profit but rather to minimize risk (or the aspect of risk mitigation, the concept of as Rolf Peter Sieferle has pointed out, as cultural theory could add to our understanding prevention of ruin). of social dynamics vis-à-vis natural resources. Risk is a twofold cultural concept of The understanding of nature in terms of the nature: On the one hand, any action people risks it generates is central to cultural theorists undertake to combat natural constraints leads for understanding society at large. Cultural News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 19

Theory suggests to differentiate (for current egalitarian, hierarchist and fatalist. The con- societies) between four different concepts and cept can be visualized in a rough sketch, patterns of be havior, called individualist , Figure 1.

Figure 1

Cultural Theory suggests four types of behavior in relation to competition versus non-competitive actions on one hand and in terms of the symmetry of transactions on the other hand. Each type is linked to a specific concept of nature (see Figure 2) Taken from Thompson, 2002

Figure 2 shows that for individualists, nature see it as only fair that those who put the most is benign and resilient – able to recover from in get the most out. Managing institutions that any exploitation – and man are inherently self- work 'with the grain of the market” (getting rid seeking and atomistic (this text is abridged of environmentally harmful subsidies, for and adapted from Thompson, 2002). Trial- instance) are what are needed. Emission and-error in self-organizing, ego-focused certificates and eco-labeling for those networks (markets) is the way to go, with products that are safe are typical individualist Adam Smith’s invisible hand ensuring that solutions. Well informed consumers will act as people only do well when others also benefit. regulators in the market-driven system, which Individualists trust others until they give them if it is set free, will solve all problems reason not to and then retaliate in kind, and ultimately.

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Figure 2

Fatalism Hiierarchy

Individualism Egalitarianism

Concepts of nature connected to the four types of behavior distinguished in Cultural Theory. Taken from Thompson, 2002

Nature is almost the exact opposite for result of the social disorientation of consumer egalitarians: fragile, intricately interconnected society and these problems can only be and ephemeral and man is essentially caring solved by radically changing society. and sharing (until corrupted by coercive and in The hierarchist world is controllable . Nat- egalitarian institutions such as markets and ure is stable until pushed beyond discoverable hierarchies). We must all tread lightly on the limits, and man is malleable: deeply flawed, earth, and it is not enough that people start off but redeemable by firm, long-lasting, and equal; they must end up equal as well. Trust trustworthy institutions. Fair distribution is by and levelling go hand in hand, and institutions rank and station or, in the modern context, by that distribute unequally are distrusted. need (with the level of need being determined Voluntary simplicity is the only solution to our by the dispassionate authority of experts). environmental problems, with the Environmental problems are understood as a 'precautionary principle” being strictly enforced perturbation of social order mirrored in nature. on those who are tempted not to share the Polluted natural objects have to be brought simple life. Egalitarians believe that natural back to an orderly condition, and if this is not laws are rules which apply also to humans. possible, nature has to be changed to match Therefore, society needs to be changed in the new social order. Environmental order to adapt better to nature. Sufficiency, management requires certified experts to abstinence from consumption, and minimizing determine the precise locations of nature’s interventions into nature are the rules that limits and statutory regulation to ensure that follow from the egalitarian world-view. all economic activity is then kept within those Environmental problems such as waste are a limits. The repair mentality trusts in cultural, News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 21

i.e. technical fixes: If acid rain changes lakes conceptual framework might be of use also for into acid, one can add lime to repair the historical studies (Schanz, 1996) 1 . problem. To solve an environmental problem, How a society at a given place and time a hierarchist will establish and assign criteria, interacts with woodlands will depend on four e.g. assemble taxonomic lists of hazardous factors: Which of the above groups prevails at chemicals, detailing the correct handling, legal a given time, which group(s) dominate in procedures and licensing of use. power relations, how institutions dealing with The three approaches, different as they may environmental issues function, and which appear, have something in common, never- concept of risk and danger prevails. So my theless. They all suppose that individuals suggestion for an interpretative framework for have an ability to learn, and they fundamen- woodland management histories is to search tally believe in the feasibility of both change for groups of actors and investigate to which and order. of the four types they belong, thus trying to Fatalists, on the contrary, find neither rhyme understand the management principles they nor reason in nature and know that man is adhere to by understanding the basic fickle and untrustworthy. Fairness, in concepts of nature and of risk which underlie consequence, is not to be found in this life, their actions. and there is no possibility of effecting change for the better. With no way of ever being in Conclusion and perspective harmony with nature or of building trust with Environmental History as a subject matter others, the fatalist’s world (unlike those of the does not only study Middle Grounds, it is other three types) is one in which learning is situated between the disciplines concerned impossible. There are many things one simply with nature and those concerned with culture has to cope with, without being able to change and thus has to accommodate a complicated them. Fatalists accept risks as inevitable. In social terrain in which the Middle Ground is environmental conflicts, they do not protest contested space. As a wanderer between two but comply, which means they are just as worlds, it offers a middle-ground viewpoint on relevant for environmental policies as the the paradoxical woodlands, a part of nature other groups. considered cultural heritage. What does this mean for the study of The connection between migration and the woodlands? Management solutions for them perception, appreciation and use of can be traced to one of the three types of risk woodlands has been suggested as a theme to perception (fatalists will not manage them, just be investigated by historians interested in make use of them). Heiner Schanz has used woodlands, using Richard White's Middle the framework of cultural theory to analyze 1 concepts of sustainability in forest policy. His I owe thanks to Egon Gundermann (TU ) for alerting me to Schanz' work.

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Ground-concept as a promising approach. It bearing for historians: What can suffice as a lacks the rigidity of frontier histories; it allows source changes its character as soon as conceptualizing misunderstanding and is scientific facts about the natural qualities of an focused on process rather than on state. artefact from an archaeological investigation Natural resources and their role in the social or historical museum display are produced. universe and as the basic supplement of Thus, the nature of sources has become a warfare and trade are central to the concept challenging problem, seldom addressed as it which thus should be applicable for historians may be (Latour, 2001: 77). Using 'nature' as interested in the material exchanges as well source, in particular scientific information as in the cultural perceptions. about natural objects, has profound con- Cultural Theory allows probing management sequences for the narrative which can be told. strategies for their underlying perceptions of The changed character of information risk. The framework of Cultural Theory obtained from sources must be reflected in the connects types of social behaviour with analytical concern of environmental history. concepts of nature, a connection which can be Such a program has not yet been formulated put to good use in woodland studies. for the discipline, but could and should be a Apart from these two recommendations I path of development. would like to close with a slightly broader (2) The subject matter of environmental vision of what environmental history can offer, history calls for transcending the methodical pointing to three possibilities (Winiwarter, boundaries of either hermeneutical or causal- 2002: 65). At the beginning of the 21st empirical research. Environment as an century, environmental history can be analytical category is brought into historical diagnosed as having a remarkable, as yet work as conceptualized by natural sciences, untapped potential to be on the forefront of a but at the same time these natural sciences' post-linguistic turn history. This potential is facts need to be deciphered as being located on different levels: historically contingent by using hermeneutical (1) A radical materialization of historical tools. There are specific conditions under thinking: We should leave aside the false which history as a field of scholarship can or dichotomies of deconstruction versus cannot work with other disciplines. Foucault structure or experience. This can provide shows in Les mots et les choses that conceptual tools for a rethinking of central and historians by means of their trade can undisputed notions of historians such as the historicize the arguments of human sciences, ‘source’. Bruno Latour described the split including biology, and by means of doing this reality of ‘natural’ objects. They are at the can profoundly criticize the reasoning of same time culturally constructed and 'real' biologists (Foucault, 1970). This must not be (part of non-social nature). This has special done when historians cooperate with News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 23

biologists on an empirical level. Not to guideline for the further development of deconstruct scientific knowledge has to be a environmental history, although they are conscious decision, which in turn has its embedded in the nature of the subject matter. theoretical implications in that it creates two Long-lived natural resources like woodlands sorts of objects (social and non-social nature make some of the problems referred to more objects) which cannot be reconciled easily. acute than any other subject. It might well be Therefore, environmental histories entail two that their further study will lead to analytical levels, a paradigmatic methodical developments in interpretation and writing problem of interdisciplinary co-operation. which address the conceptual problems I have Environmental history thus can serve as an described above and thus further the example of a dialectic process of the kind we development of environmental history at large. need to develop for the ‘sustainability sciences’. Forest sciences, although not Acknowledgements mentioned by Foucault in particular, are The financial support of the Austrian Academy subject to the same criticism, and therefore of Sciences is gratefully acknowledged. the problem is just as profound in woodland Herwig Weigl's critical reading of the histories using forest science data. manuscript has helped a lot. (3) Cybernetics provide historians with two helpful notions: Theoretically valid Bibliography descriptions of the self-organized systems of Agnoletti, Mauro, Anderson, Steven (eds.), nature and society alike can only be written Methods and Approaches in Forest History. from the viewpoint of a description of second (=IUFRO Research Series 3) (Oxford, New York: order (observing observers) accepting the CABI 2000). limitations of the knowable. The observer Dodgshon, Robert A., Society in Time and Space - cannot see that he does not see what he does A Geographical Perspective on Change. not see (Heinz von Foerster, 1993). The (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1998). theory of self-organization can help Douglas, Mary, Purity and Danger. An analysis of circumvent one of the most pressing problems the concepts of pollution and taboo. (New York: of historians dealing with nature, the question Praeger 1966). Foerster Heinz v., Wissen und Gewissen. Versuch of causes and effects, as a dialectical einer Brücke. ( a. M.: Suhrkamp. stw Bd. metamorphosis of effects into causes can be 876 1993). conceptualized. Working from such a Foucault Michel, The Order of Things: An conceptual basis one can formulate non- Archaeology of the Human Sciences [Les mots et linear, non-deterministic views. les choses. Une archéologie des sciences None of the three positions has yet been humaines (1966)]. (New York: Vintage 1970). formulated clearly enough to serve as a

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Hoerder, Dirk, Christiane Harzig, Shubert, Adrian Thompson, Michael, Understanding Environmental (eds.), The Historical Practice of Diversity: Values, A Cultural Theory Approach, Carnegie Transcultural Interactions from the Early Modern Council on Ethics and International Affairs, Mediterranean to the Postcolonial World (New Presentation of October 12, 2002, York and Oxford: Berghahn Books 2003). www.cceia.org/media/711_thompson.pdf (last visit Latour, Bruno, Das Parlament der Dinge. Für eine July 20, 2004). politische Ökologie. (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp White, Richard, The Middle Ground. Indians, 2001). Empires and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, Mahaffy, John Pentland, The Work of Mago on 1650-1815. (=Cambridge Studies in North Agriculture. In: Hermathena 7 (1889-1890) 29-35. American Indian History) (Cambridge: Cambridge McEvoy, Arthur F., Toward an Interactive Theory of University Press 1991). Nature and Culture: Ecology, Production, and Winiwarter, Verena, Historical Studies in Human Cognition in the California Fishing Industry. In: The Ecology, Habilitation Thesis at the Faculty for Ends of the Earth: Perspectives on Modern Natural Sciences and Mathematics, (University of Environmental History. (Cambridge: Cambridge Vienna 2002). University Press1988) 211-229. Winiwarter Verena, Approaches to Environmental Schanz, Heiner, Forstliche Nachhaltigkeit. History: A Field Guide to Its Concepts. In: Sozialwissenschaftliche Analyse der Laszlovszky, József, Szabó, Péter (eds.), People Begriffsinhalte und -funktionen. Verlag Dr. Norbert and Nature in Historical Perspective. (Budapest: Kessel, (Remagen-Oberwinter, 1996). Central European University, Department of Sieferle, Rolf Peter. Unsicherheit, Risiko und Medieval Studies & Archaeolingua 2003) 3-22. Ruinvermeidung. In: Winiwarter, Verena, Wilfing, Harald (eds.), Historische Humanökologie: Verena Winiwarter Interdisziplinäre Zugänge zu Menschen und ihrer APART fellow of the Austrian Academy of Umwelt. (Wien: Facultas 2002) 151-196. Sciences, at the IFF KWA, Schottenfeldgasse 29, Sieferle Rolf Peter, Müller-Herold, Ulrich, Überfluß A 1070 Vienna und Überleben - Risiko, Ruin und Luxus in and University of Natural Resources and Applied Life Sciences (BOKU), Vienna, primitiven Gesellschaften. In: GAIA 5 (1996) 135- [email protected] 43.

Stewart, Mart A., 'What Nature Suffers to Groe'. Life, Labor, and Landscape on the Georgia Coast,

1680-1920. (=Wormsloe Foundation Publications 19) (Athens: University of Georgia Press 1996).

Theweleit, Klaus, Pocahontas in Wonderland. Shakespeare on Tour. (Frankfurt am Main: Stroemfeld 1999). [in German] Thompson, Michael, Ellis, Richard, Wildavsky, Aaron, Cultural Theory. (=Political Cultures Series) (Boulder: Westview Press 1990). News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 25

LAYERED CULTURES OF FORESTRY

Summary and professional organisations, and by their This paper moves away from the linear view commitment to the good management of the of modern forestry as a unified but evolving forests in their care. The rising environmental movement questioned and sometimes culture, and provides a simple scheme with which to examine the variety of forestry attacked their management culture. For cultures and their interactions. Forestry is example, in the 1970s Australian forestry was considered as a spatially varied and described as a ‘wood production ideology’, historically layered set of cultures in which the and its foresters were attacked polemically as older layers persist in the presence of newer being devious, hypocritical, secretive, ones for long periods. Different interests with misrepresenting the facts, poor at making different values advocate each layer. Each decisions, neglectful of economics and propagandists (Routley and Routley 1973). layer has its own culture of science, The consequent polarisation of environ- technology, practice, economics, education, language and images. Each contains several mentalists and foresters solidified the current variants. The layers can co-exist view of forestry as a single culture defined by independently, adjust to each other, or opposition from an environmental culture; a conflict. The layers considered are Foundation utilitarian or anthropocentric one opposed by a (from 1830s), Development (from 1950s), primitive or egocentric one. We argue that this Social Forestry (from 1970s), Multiple-use obscures the cultural variety and historical (from 1970s) and Sustainability (from 1990s). dynamics of forestry, hinders understanding and misleads public policy. We suggest that

the cultural variety of forestry warrants the Key words: attention of forest historians. To illustrate our Forestry, Development, Social Forestry, point, forestry's interest in culture, as the Multiple-use, Sustainability 'social and cultural dimensions of sustainable

forest management' mentioned in the notice Introduction for this conference, is comparatively recent. Modern forestry presents a misleading image Interest in culture is a historically contingent of being a coherent, unified culture held by feature of culture. national and international institutions and their members. It is reproduced in the schools and The history of forestry—as distinct from the departments of universities where forestry is history of forests—has concentrated on mo- the subject being studied. It is reinforced in dern forestry’s foundation in Europe in the late the close-knit cadres of foresters in large state eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, its

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subsequent spread around the world, its scheme for examining forestry as a set of practices and institutions. Much of it has been layered cultures. written within the forestry milieu and has taken The layers in our scheme of forestry cultures a progressive view. Over the last 20-30 years, are not merely scenic, geographic, or the the influences of environmentalism and post- artefacts of material production with their colonialism have added critical views from a underlying economic and class interests, but wider range of disciplinary perspectives, are the expressions of political relationships of diversifying the whole field of forest history governance, as Olwig (2002) has (Johann 2002; Legg 1988; Williams 2000). emphasised.

The ideas, values, beliefs and practices of Our scheme is described simply by using a forestry have received particular attention in a stereotype of each layer. The actual details, number of papers and books that have made dates and interactions between layers vary it the object of critical analysis. Most, but not greatly from country to country in ways that all, have been written from outside the forestry suggest comparative studies will be fruitful. milieu. Moreover, each layer may contain variants, although there is space to mention only one Layered cultures here. Nor are the layers as distinct as our As a broad generalisation, the cultural stereotypes might suggest. For example, analyses of forestry have taken a rather static plantations were established to improve the view of forestry. Little has been written on the living conditions in depressed rural areas history of new forms of forestry that evolved rather than directly for wood production. We since the 1950s, although there is a emphasise, however, that the point of this substantial literature advocating each and paper is to offer a new perspective on forest setting out the science, technology, historiography. It is not intended as a history economics and so forth as they were of any of the layers, but as a way of thinking developed. We confront this by proposing a about the layering of cultures.

Table 1 News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 27

Foundation layer forests and real societies. Only a few points in The foundations of modern forestry as part of its rich history need be mentioned here. The the development of industrial capitalism and incompatibility of the concepts was reflected in the rise of science has been studied argumentative divisions between silvicultur- intensively and needs no elaboration here alists and planners. Foresters devised (see Steen 1984 and the proceedings of dubious alternatives to the short rotation IUFRO Forest History Group meetings, for solutions provided by the Faustmann/Pressler model in attempts to justify longer rotations example). Like all the layers that followed, its economically. Forest management could culture was normative, setting out the principles of what should be done. Its core rarely be reduced only to the economic contained the beliefs that the forests should production of wood, so that concessions had be managed systematically on rational and to be made to other activities. Schlich in his scientific principles, and that the foresters magisterial Forest Management held that should be professionally trained to do so. Its owners' objectives should take precedence or prime concern was the production of wood, be combined with ‘economic working’ (1895, and two concepts were developed about how p.1). Notably, hunting persisted from the pre- modern period to become a popular recreation this should be done. First was that of in Europe and North America. More regulating the annual quantity of wood cut from the forest as a whole to achieve a importantly, market demands rarely if ever 'sustained yield'. The second was that of matched sustained yield calculations, even economic silviculture epitomised in the the best plans could be swept aside by economic calculus of Faustmann ([1849] political forces, while fires and storms could 1995) and Pressler ([1860] 1995) that overtake the forests. provided the means to determine the most profitable age to grow successive crops of There were synchronous developments, such as catchments protection systems, and trees. several variants, such as the biologically

The foundation culture was never coherent based management systems advocated for because its two concepts were only selection forests by Gayer and Biolley and compatible in the theoretically ideal world of used in many Swiss forests (Köstler [1949] the 'normal' forest. It was not until the early 1956), or the plantations mentioned later. 1970s that an analytic integration of silviculture and regulation was devised, but Imperial variant without the notion of the normal forest (Ware Imperial forestry was the most important and Clutter 1971). The culture struggled to variant in the foundation layer and the history bridge the gulf between its concepts, real of its development in the British Empire is well

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known (see for example Tucker 1988; Grove correspondence, reports, journals and 1995; Grove et al. 1998). The core concepts institutions such as IUFRO from 1892 and the were carried largely by German foresters at British Empire Forestry Association from first, and later by British foresters trained in 1920. Although there were variants, disputes Germany, France and from 1905 in Oxford and change with time, the foundation culture under Schlich's tutelage. Imperial might was held world-wide. Restoring or ensuring enabled a model of forestry to be imposed as material production was its central tenet. a state enterprise, rather than urged on landowners as in much of Europe. The model Development layer rested on demarcating the best areas as state The new world-order that emerged from the forests, evicting the inhabitants or controlling mid-1940s sought rapid economic and gradually curtailing their rights, assessing development to meet the pressures of post- the resources and preparing formal war reconstruction, decolonisation, and a management plans. Forest services were set rapidly rising world population. United Nations' up as hierarchical structures within colonial Decade of Development programme for the administrations and were staffed by a cadre of 1960s was advanced through the United professionally trained European forest officers Nations Development Programme with with local support staff and forest guards. By investment in projects to provide infrastructure 1914, 25 million hectares had been dedicated and encourage industrialisation in developing as state forests in British India (now countries. It was accompanied by education, Bangladesh, Burma, India and Pakistan) and health and other programmes that were all a further 40 million hectares were controlled part of a general drive for 'modernisation'. by the Forest Department with its 500 Economists held that 'multiplier effects' would foresters and some 15 000 Indian guards and lead to benefits from targeted investments to rangers. It proved remarkably successful in percolate widely through the economy. providing wood to the railways and revenue to The intense demands for wood were met in the Government (Schlich 1922, pp. 151, 167). some developed countries by cutting the Forestry was widely advocated as a managed forests beyond the sustained yield progressive cause and the imperial model was levels, and in many tropical countries by extended from India to the British colonies and gross, unregulated exploitation, a situation dominions. The other imperial powers set up exacerbated by the difficult transition of similar, but less extensive systems, and the colonial forestry institutions to new nations. United States established its federal forests There was also a substantial conceptual on the same model. The foresters were linked problem for forestry because the sustained world-wide through professional and personal yield concept at the core of the foundation webs of shared training, experiences, culture was not designed to deal with rapidly News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 29

expanding demands. Forestry needed a new advanced in large, often multinational cultural layer and could call on some well- corporations and in state plantations although established exemplars. these have now been corporatised or Forestry Section of FAO promoted the privatised in many countries. Efficiency and general UN development/modernisation argu- profitability are its central tenets. ments, most notably in a seminal paper by Jack Westoby (1962). International develop- At the other extreme, 'international develop- ment banks and agencies followed suit and ment forestry' emerged as a distinct culture in invested substantially in forest sector projects large international development agencies and (Hummel 1984). They included large projects banks held by groups of economists, bankers to build pulp and paper mills that were to draw and various development experts as well as their wood either from existing forests or foresters. It funded projects in many increasingly from plantations established for developing countries but faced severe the purpose. institutional and cultural disjuncture between Plantations were not in themselves a new the politicised structure of international forestry culture. For example, the economic agencies on one side, and the local political transformation of Les Landes region in cultures on the other. Its projects frequently southwest France from the 1850s by failed to provide the promised 'trickle-down' of drainage, roads and planting was widely benefits. Some of the reasons were technical, known (Barrère, Heisch and Lerat 1962). But some were the weak state of post-colonial the great expansion of plantations in New forestry institutions, some were cultural and Zealand, Australia and South Africa during the arguably some were flaws in the theories on 1920s and 1930s was leading to large-scale which they were based. Overall, it led industrialisation and provided the exemplar for Westoby to his famous recantation: 'that very, the new model. It is now characterised by very few of the forest industries that have single-purpose planning, sophisticated been established in underdeveloped countries scientific research, tree-breeding, high energy … have in any way promoted socio-economic and chemical inputs and mechanised development' (Westoby 1978). operations that produce uniform, high-quality wood for large industries. Although there are many variations between The results of applying the new model varied these two extremes, the central tenet of considerably. At one extreme, 'silvibusiness' development forestry was the supply of wood emerged as an international culture of to large industries. It was attacked not only for science, technology and business held by its failures in developing countries but more groups of geneticists, biochemists, engineers widely on environmental, social and feminist and economists as well as foresters. It grounds to the extent that two new layers of

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forestry culture arose concurrently: social The new layer was culturally broader than the forestry, and multiple use forestry. existing wood-based, typically male forestry cultures that saw value as economically or Social forestry layer hierarchically determined, and progress as 'Social' or 'community' forestry became a being achieved through scientific and distinct layer in modern forestry cultures in the technological advance. The broadening late 1970s, although many pre-modern and occurred as the aid agencies staffed their earlier examples can be found. There were teams with sociologists, anthropologists and several reasons: the imperial model was human geographers as well as foresters, and failing to keeping local people out of state with women as well as men. A similar cultural forests, the oil crises showed the importance broadening occurred in the concurrent of fuel wood, and the Sub-Saharan drought development of multiple use forestry in the highlighted its connection with poverty, and developed countries, mentioned later. deforestation. The cultural difference from the Social forestry contained the cultural paradox foundation and development layers of forestry that while it was focused on the small-scale, was dramatic. At the Eighth World Forestry village level, it was advocated and funded by Congress in 1978 forestry was suddenly large international aid agencies. To varying declared to be 'for people' and FAO's 'Forestry degrees, the forestry departments of for Community Development' model called for developing countries were swept into the rural people to participate in forest decisions. culture of the aid agencies that structured Forestry was to be practised outside the forestry in terms of projects, rather than boundaries of state forests and corporate geographies. The agencies required plantations, and foresters were no longer to processes of project pre-feasibility studies, be the sole decision-makers. assessment, budgets, action plans, evaluation The World Bank, the Swedish and other and so forth, with their own 'languages' that international aid agencies funded numerous took the place of the 'language' of the district village-level projects throughout the management or industrial investment plans developing world. The first projects tried to used in earlier layers. extend the technical culture of plantation forestry culture to village wood-lots. But the Social forestry flourished during the 1980s new layer came to recognise that village and 1990s and developed several variants, ownership and control were essential for some based on partnerships or co- success, and that many of what had been management arrangements with conventional called 'minor forest products' could be of forestry agencies. Its core tenets held that major local importance, particularly to women. value was culturally and locally determined.

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Multiple-use layer The multiple-uses culture that evolved saw its In the developed countries, the environmental claim to manage for all the uses and values as critique of the foundation culture was met by a technical planning task based on the core amending it in some places, and totally concepts of the foundation layer; regulation rejecting it in others. New Zealand provided would have to cover more than one yield, and the extreme example of the latter when in the the economic benefits of different uses would 1980s, it transferred all its native state forests have to be 'traded-off' to find the best mix. Zones where the different uses were into conservation reserves from which important were delineated and spatial commercial use, and particularly , was excluded. USA and Australia also made analysis—aided from the 1990s by substantial transfers following fierce computerised geographic information systems environmental and political disputes, and and long-term planning models, such as the many other countries placed more of their US Forest Service's FORPLAN model forests in national parks or similar (Johnson and Stuart 1987), dominated the conservation reserves. A separate culture and planning culture. Although botanists, set of institutions— seemingly defined by its zoologists, ecologists and computer analysts were added to the planning teams, their difference from the tenets of forestry and thus disciplines were compatible with the science stereotyping forestry in the process, as mentioned earlier—emerged to manage such orientation of forestry. Environmental eco- areas. nomists devised ways to estimate the The environmental critiques drove forestry economic value of the non-traded forest uses, practised in the forests outside the conser- but their work was incomplete and vation reserves to take account of more uses unconvincing. The conceptual incoherence and values than it had before. It is arguable between the regulation of the whole forest and whether the 'multiple-use layer' should be a the management of its parts that lay at the heart of forestry's foundation culture, as considered a distinct cultural expression, or mentioned earlier, only deepened. whether it should be considered as a variant of the foundation culture. Change came There were even more difficult problems . Public partici- gradually and did not challenge the existing for the multiple-use culture forestry institutions in their right manage the pation in development planning had become remaining state forests. In defending their the norm in developed countries since the stewardship, they could claim precedents of 1960s and the foresters could no longer how they had done so for particular uses and prepare their management plans in isolation. places. However, we have classified it as a For example in 1976, the USA specified public participation in 3 of the 10 steps in its planning separate layer because it claimed to cover all process for the Federal forests. Some of the the uses and values of all the forest.

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forest values were held differently by various preservation of biodiversity. It operates at groups in society and were not reducible to international and national levels. the assumptions of economic analysis and planning. A series of multilateral government agree- ments have been made that introduce a new For example, the spiritual attachment of level of influence, if not governance, to the indigenous people to particular sites is not management of forests in different regions amenable to economic or spatial trade-offs. (Table 2). Nor is the now widely accepted need to preserve the remaining habitat of some The culture is expressed in meetings of endangered species. The value of identifying officials and experts who identify frameworks and preserving places for their cultural of criteria and indicators against which 'heritage' gained increasing national and progress towards forest sustainability might be international recognition in the 1970s and shown. Countries can then prepare reports 1980s and was extended from monuments and present them to international meetings. and buildings to forests. In Australia, many The salient agreements are shown in Table 2. natural and historic heritage sites were identified in the forests, the most important The culture is expressed nationally, not only selected and plans prepared to protect them. by preparing reports for international The central tenet of the multiple-use culture is meetings, but also by other institutions and that it is possible to manage in a rational processes. Moreover, 'sustainable manner for all the uses and values of the development' and 'sustainablity' have entered forest. Doing so appears as mixture of spatial the language of policy and management quite analysis, economic modelling and public widely. participation set in a complex political and economic context. The culture appears to be held in international and national bureaucracies with a core tenet Sustainability layer that negotiating agreements and preparing It is too soon to take a balanced historical reports for international and national view of events over the last decade or so, but inspection stimulate changes in forest we suggest that a new cultural layer is being management. No doubt future historians will added to forestry. The UNCED Conference in evaluate whether its hopes were realised. Rio de Janeiro in 1992 can be considered as its start, although earlier roots could be traced. Conclusion The new layer is typified by its concern for The scheme we present in this paper is sustainability and particularly for the necessarily simplified and the cultures are News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 33

Table 2 presented in stereotypes. While the layers Acknowledgements have evolved and changed, none have Peter Deane, Mary Hobley, Sebastiao Kengen disappeared. The paper has portrayed a and Wendy Proctor, former graduate students difference between developed and developing in the Australian National University, contri- countries, rather than the real continuum and buted to earlier work and ideas related to this interaction that exists. A promising avenue for paper. This paper follows our collaboration in future research is to consider how they the 2002. 'History of Forestry' in Encyclopedia of cultural layers influenced each other and how Life Support Systems (EOLSS), Developed the cultural expression in some countries has under the Auspices of the UNESCO, Eolss influenced that in others. As we noted earlier, Publishers, Oxford ,UK, [http://www.eolss.net] the details and dates that we have sketched as stereotypes in our scheme vary greatly from country to country in ways that would make comparative studies fruitful. We hope that our scheme will assist such research.

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References Barrère, P., Heisch, R. and Lerat, S. 1962. France Köstler, J. [1949] 1956. Trans. M.L. Anderson. et Domain: 6 La Region du Sud Ouest. Paris: Silviculture. Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd. Press Université de France. Legg, S. 1988. Re-writing the History of Forestry? Buchy, M. 1996. Teak and Arecanut: Colonial Changing Perceptions of Forest Management in State, Forest and People in the Western Ghats the New World, in K.J. Frawley and N. Semple, (South India) 1800-1947 (Institut Français de Australia’s Ever Changing Forests: Proceedings of Pondichéry-Indira Ghandi National Centre for the the First National Conference on Australian Forest Arts, Pondichéry). History, Centre for Resource and Environmental Ciancio O. and Nocentini S. 2000. Forest Studies, Australian National University, Canberra: Management from Positivism to the Culture of 223-236. Complexity, in Methods and Approaches in Forest Lowood H.E. 1990. ‘The calculating forester: History, eds. M.Agnoletti and S. Anderson (CABI quantification, cameral science, and the Publishing, Oxford): 47-58. emergence of scientific forest management in Faustmann, M [1849] English translation 1995. Germany’, in The quantifying spirit of the 18th Calculation of the value which forest land and century, ed. T. Frangamyr, J.L. Heilbron and R.E. immature stands possess for forestry. Journal of Rider (Berkeley: University of California Press,): Forest Economics 1: 7-44. 315-42. Grove, R.H. 1995. Green Imperialism: Colonial Olwig, K.R. 2002. Landscape, Nature and the Expansion, tropical Island Edens and the Origins Body Politic. University of Wisconsin Press, of Environmentalism. Cambridge University Press. Madison, Wisconsin. Grove, R.H., Damodaran, V. and Sangwan, S. Pressler, M.R. [1860] English translation 1995. For (eds) 1998. Nature and the Orient: Environmental the comprehension of net revenue silviculture and History of South and Southeast Asia. Delhi: Oxford the management objectives derived thereof. University Press. Journal of Forest Economics 1: 45-88. Hummel, F.C. (ed.) 1984. Forest Policy: a Routley, R and Routley, V. 1973. The Fight for the Contribution to Resource Development. The Forests: The Takeover of Australian Forests for Hague: Martinus Nijhoff/Dr. W.J. Junk. Pines, Wood Chips and Intensive Forestry. 1st Johann, E. 2002. IUFRO Forest History Research: edn. Research School of Social Sciences, The Stages and Trends. In Dargavel, J., Gaughwin, D. Australian National University, Canberra, (see and Libbis, B.(eds) Australia's Ever-changing also: http://cres.anu.edu.au/fffweb/). Forests V: Proceedings of the Fifth National Schlich, W. 1895. Forest Management (vol. III of A Conference on Australian Forest History. Centre Manual of Forestry) London: Bradbury Agnew. for Resource and Environmental Studies, Schlich, W. 1922. Forest Policy in the British Australian National University, Canberra: 28-38. Empire (vol. I of A Manual of Forestry) London: Johnson, K.N. and Stuart, T.W. 1987. FORPLAN Bradbury Agnew, 4th edn, p. 151). Version 2. United States Department of Steen, H.K. (ed). 1984. History of Sustained-yield Agriculture: Fort Collins, Colorado. Forestry: A Symposium. (Forest History Society, Santa Cruz, Calif.?). News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 35

Tucker, R.P. 1988. British Empire and India's Williams, M. 2000. Putting Flesh on the Carbon- Forest Resources: the Timber lands of Assam and Based Bones of Forest History, in Methods and Kumaon, 1914-1950. In Richards, J.F. and Tucker, Approaches in Forest History, eds. M. Agnoletti R.P. (eds) World Deforestation in the Twentieth and S. Anderson (CABI Publishing, Oxford): 35-46. Century. Durham, N.C: Duke University Press, pp. 91-111. John Dargavel Ware, K.O. and Clutter, J.L. 1971. A Mathematical School of Resources, Environment and Society, Programming System for the Management of Australian National University, Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Industrial Forests. Forest Science 17: 428-445. Mauro Agnoletti Westoby, J.C. 1962. Forest industries in the attack Università di Firenze, Dipartimento di Scienze e on underdevelopment. Unasylva 16(4): 168-201. Tecnologie Ambientali Forestali, Via San Westoby, J.C. 1978. Forest industries for socio- Bonaventura 13, 50145 Firenze, Italy economic development. 8th World Forestry Elisabeth Johann Congress, Jakarta, paper FID/GS. University of Applied Life Sciences Vienna, Wlassakstrasse. 56, 1130 Vienna, Austria

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« FRENCH FOREST: SENSE AND SENSIBILITY »

Two important facts must be emphasized grounds only, lacking myths and symbols, concerning French forest: which can account for their rejection by a first : its surface has doubled in the last two mostly urban society, operating more on centuries images than on reality. secondly : France is the country which has the Cultural aspects are as important as natural highest number of forest private owners and technical ones. (4millions). Paul Arnould

Since the French Revolution, the forest model Professeur des Universités Ecole Normale has shifted. It used to be, for its users, the Supérieure Lettres & Sciences Humaines, 15 Parvis René Descartes 69342 Lyon cedex 07, Tél. nourishing forest. It has now become a three- : 04 37 37 60 00 function model (the “three-pro” model) : http:/www.ens-lsh.fr ; E-mail: [email protected] “production of wood and game, protection of the environment, “promenade”, activities of leisure”.

Forest is a complex object, at the intersection of multiple systems.

For a long time, the technico-economico and politico-juridico systems, both influenced by rationality, have prevailed. Today, the ecosystem and particularly the psychosystem, linked to sensitivity, are considered more and more important. This new balance corresponds to the new aspirations towards sustainable development.

We intend to study these conflicts between economic rationality and symbolic subjectivity through several examples : the Landes forest

(South-West of France), the large re- forestation of coniferous and poplar after the Second World War. Certain aspects of these new forests were implemented on economic News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 37

CULTURAL LANDSCAPES -

KULTURLANDSCHAFTEN

Photo: SCHIMA

38 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe” News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 39

THE EVOLUTION OF FOREST LAND IN ITALY FROM 1862 TO 2000 ACCORDING TO SOCIOECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT From 1870 to approximately 1920, Italian also due to the results of the war 1915-1918, forest land shows a continuous decrease in when many forest territories were gained from their extension, due to the effects of a wide Austria, but also to the different statistical number of factors including demographic methods adopted by the agrarian cadastre. growth, the need for land to cultivate, the Although the growth of forest land can be industrial needs for energy, the rise of timber considered a positive result, the growth of industry, but also the effect of the law of 1877. forest on former cultivated land has affected This law was born in a political moment the quality of landscape in many regions, as dominated by a “free market economy” this new forest layer is reducing the diversity approach, where the state had no intention to of landscape mosaic. This kind of diversity, restrict the freedom of private owners to cut which is a part of the overall biodiversity, is forests. The situation will change only after not even assessed by monitoring tools in Italy. 1910 when we see the forests are now Therefore we can see very positive evaluation considered a problem that should be taken in of biodiversity in species, while in places like charge by the state administration. Actually, Tuscany we can see a decrease of almost after 1877 only a small programme of 70% in diversity of spaces from 1800, mostly afforestation was developed, to reduce the due to forest extension. The cultural, historical degradation of mountain areas affected by an landscape values of Italian woodlands landslides and erosions, but only after 1950 today are not even addressed in the list of the as the people left the mountain areas and the roles of European forests decided in the countryside, there is a real development of Ministerial Conferences, but it is difficult to afforestation. The changing trend occurred believe that CO2 absorption or sustainable about 1920 is the result of a slow change in production can be considered major problems the relationships between forests and society, for our forest territory. as wood is not anymore a crucial matter. From Mauro Agnoletti now on the forest land is steadily increasing and will almost double its extension, according Università di Firenze, Dipartimento di Scienze e Tecnologie Ambientali Forestali, Via San to the different estimations, from 1920 to Bonaventura 13, 50145 Firenze, Italy, E-mail: 1998. The big change shown in 1920-29 is [email protected]

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THE HISTORY OF PROTECTED FOREST AREAS IN EUROPE

FROM HOLY GROVES TO Protected Forest Areas in NATURA 2000 SITES – Europe Today The data about the entire forest cover and the percentage of protected forest areas in Abstract Europe vary substantially, due to differences The history of Protected Forest Areas in in databases, definitions of forests 2 and the Europe reflects people’s attitude towards objectives for their protection. A further forests throughout the centuries. All over the complication is the overlay of different continent Protected Forest Areas have their protection areas. Thus, forests have been origins in pre-Christian holy groves or spiritual estimated to cover between approximately places, in medieval hunting reserves for the one third (FAO 1999) and 47% (MCPFE nobility, in the early forest legislation of 2003b) of Europe’s total land area. modern times and in the upcoming bourgeois When speaking about protection of forests, nature conservation movements which different objectives and intensities have to be opposed against industrialisation in the 19th taken into account. Forests can be protected and 20th century. just as a land use type, to defend them

against other demands like cultivation or The history of Protected Forest Areas thus construction developments. They can be also demonstrates the religious and cultural fostered with respect to their protective importance of forests in Europe which has to functions for roads, supply lines, buildings or be taken in consideration, apart from their settlements against natural hazards economic and energetic key position. The (avalanches, falling rocks) or to use their article intends to give an overview of the mitigating effects for annoyances like noise development of Protected Forest Areas in and negative visual impacts. They are Europe from ancient times until the 20th safeguarded because of their ecological century, concentrating on Central Europe and functions for natural resources like water, soil giving examples from Germany. It is based on and fresh air or for their social and cultural the joint research activities within the benefits, like recreation. The main target European COST Action E 27 “Protected forest however, which has been in focus for the areas in Europe - analysis and harmonisation conservation of European forests in the past (PROFOR)” 1 in which the authors participate two decades, is forest biodiversity, i.e. the as working group members from Germany. diversity of genes and species in forests and News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 41

the diversity of forest ecosystems. But also explicitly for the protection of biodiversity, here, various categories of different protected landscapes and specific natural elements or areas for different main intentions and protective functions, it must be established by different protection intensities are used decree or following a long term commitment throughout Europe, the same names for a (minimum 20 years) on a legal basis. category not necessarily representing the According to the respective data collection, same purpose. PFAs amount to 127 million hectares which Hence, several initiatives have been started to equals 11.7% of the total forest area (figure harmonize the definitions and objectives of 1). Although the major part of these (85%) is Protected Forest Areas in Europe, to collect designated to conserve forest biodiversity, comparable data and to present only 6% remain without any or with a comprehensive information on the amount minimum of direct human intervention and status of Protected Forests in Europe. (MCPFE class 1.1 and 1.2). These are often The MCPFE (see last page) developed a primary forests and wilderness areas ore core European classification system of protected zones of national parks in Eastern and and protective forests and other wooded land. Northern Europe. The countries with the As described in the MCPFE Assessment highest proportion of protected areas with no Guidelines (MCPFE 2003c), three main active intervention in relation to their overall categories of Protected Forest Areas (PFA) forest area are Liechtenstein, Sweden, are distinguished as characterised in table 1: Georgia, the Slovak Republic and Bulgaria (figure 2). The majority of the protected forest Table 1 areas however are actively managed for

MCPFE Classes: biodiversity (MCPFE class 1.3).

In addition to protected forests conserving 1: Main Management Objective Biodiversity 1.1.: No Active Intervention forest biological diversity, those dedicated to 1.2.: Minimum Intervention 1.3.: Conservation Through Active Management the protection of landscapes and specific natural elements have to be mentioned 2: Main Management Objective “Protection of Landscapes and Specific Natural (MCPFE class 2). They comprise 15% of the Elements” protected forest areas and are mainly located 3: Main Management Objective in Central and Western European countries. “Protective Functions” In Austria, Belgium, the Czech and the Slovak Classification of Protected Forest Areas an other Wooded Land in Europa (MCPFE 2003 c) Republics, Cyprus, Germany, Portugal and Source: MCPFE the United Kingdom , more than 20% of the In order to be classified according to the entire forests are designated for landscape MCPFE system, a PFA has to achieve the protection. following principles: It must be designated

42 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

Figur1 as far south as southern Greece and The Gap Analysis, compiled by the UNEP northwards to the Barents Sea. World Conservation Monitoring Centre with According to this study 6, 3% of the remaining support from the World Wide Fund for Nature forests lie within protected areas (IUCN (Smith G. & Gillett H. 2000) was based on the management categories I-IV.2). But only few international IUCN classification system relatively large sites (> 10,000 ha) account for (IUCN 1994). Likewise, the study was 67% of these protected forests, while 95% designed to provide relevant information on comprise fragments of less than 1,000 ha. At the distribution and conservation status of 2 European temperate forests, in relation to the Definitions of forest types vary between countries and international organisations. The FAO Forest potential and current forest cover in order to Resource Assessment defines forests as having at least 10% crown cover per area unit (FAO, 1995). identify major gaps in their protection and In contrast, CORINE land cover forest classes regional priorities for conservation action. 45 define forests as having 30% crown cover. Another question is, weather “other wooded land” like European countries were included in the study bushy sclerophyllous vegetation, including maquis and garrigue is encompassed (Smith G. & Gillett that covers the region between the Atlantic H. 2000) or not.’ Ocean and the Ural Mountains, and extends Ia Strict Nature Reserve, Ib Wilderness Area, II National Park, III Natural Monument, IV Habitat/Species News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 43

a national level forest protection (as a network of forest reserves, to collect ongoing proportion of current forest cover) ranges from research, to standardise research 11.7% in Belarus to less than 1 % in relatively methodology and to create a central data large countries such as Bosnia Herzegovina bank for exchange of research results (0.8%), United Kingdom (0.6%) and Belgium http://www.efi.fi/DatabaseGateway/FRRN/ (0.2%). COST Action E4 "Forest Reserves news.html. The main findings of COST E4 Research Network" was established in 1995 in demonstrated again the need to clarify order to promote research on "natural" forests terminology and definitions for protected with the objective to create a European Figure 2

Share of protected forest and other wooded land in 34 European countries

Source: MCPFE 2003c

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forests and to acknowledge differences spirits is known from all over Europe’s pre- between countries with regard to the creation Christian cultures. From ancient Greece and of a network of protected forests. The project to the Celtic and Germanic also underlined the usefulness and need to tribes, the Baltic and Finno-Ugric peoples as create a representative network of strict forest well as the Slavs, the holy or sacred grove reserves within each country, covering all was considered a place of spiritual presence, forest types. where felling, hunting and fishing was strictly As a follow-up, COST Action E27 “Protected prohibited. This kind of respectful preserving forest areas in Europe – analysis and for religious reasons is certainly the primary, harmonisation (PROFOR)” 3 was started in intuitive motivation for protection of forests. 2001 to further enhance the quality and clarity Until today, the term sanctuary is synonymous of information on PFAs at both the national with protected area. In Bulgaria some holy and the European level. One specific goal of groves, of which evidence can be dated back the action is to compile information on the to 1100 B.C., remained preserved up to the historical background that has led to the 19th century. today’s set of protected areas in different The main sanctuaries of ancient Germanic countries. The share of protected forest and tribes were sacred groves which – in contrary other wooded land in 34 European countries to the later Christian churches - were outdoor shall be summarised as follows: locations. The word for temple – haruc - also means wood or sacred The development of grove. Tacitus noted, “Woods and groves are protected forest areas in the sacred depositories; and the spot being Europe consecrated to those pious uses; they gave to that sacred recess the name of the divinity Spiritual Origins: Protection of Forests for that fills the place which is never profaned by Religious Reasons the steps of man. The gloom fills every mind Tabooing not only specified trees but entire with awe, revered at a distance, and never forests as dwelling places of gods, deities and seen but with the eye of contemplation” (Tacitus 98 A.D., Germania ).

3 COST E 27 was established in 2002 and encompasses 24 member countries plus several international official observer organisations. It aims A symbol of royal power: Protection of at harmonising the wide range of protected forest area categories used in European countries within Forests for hunting interests the context of existing international systems of protected areas. To clarify the historical back- While Europe settled down and recovered ground which has led to the development of particuar national PFA-networks is one of the subsequent to the extensive phase of specific tasks. For further information visit the migration of its peoples between the third and project-homepage: http:bfw.ac.at/020/profor News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 45

the sixth century, the nobilities developed and remained sovereign-owned forests up to the established their power. 18th century (Hasel 1985) and persisted as Usually, the royalties appropriated the extended forest areas with relatively low uncultivated land, i.e. the forests, to regulate human impact until today ( Reichswald near and control its use and cultivation and to gain Kleve, Königsforst near Köln, Kottenforst near earnings. As a consequence, the original , Schönbuch near , Spessart, meaning of the Middle Latin term forestes , as Nürnberger Reichswald ) which often are of wild, uncultivated land or pristine forest specific interest as protected forest areas. metamorphosed to authenticated sovereign- Apart from these exceptions, the requisition of owned forest . forest land through the sovereign did lead to massive deforestation and transformation into Large areas where conceded as a fief to farmland. This development went along with members of the nobility who thus became Christianization of the pagan population. Many lords of the manors. Other parts however monasteries were founded and endowed with were entirely reserved for the sole royal land under aristocratic management. They hunting rights, where any use through became influential and powerful centres of common people, like felling, hunting, fishing or mission, culture and cultivation in former grazing, was strictly prohibited. Earliest wilderness areas. To crusade however, did evidence dates back to the 11th and 12th also mean to get rid of the former divinities centuries A.D. Germany, Ireland, United and their close connection with nature. Thus, Kingdom), but the practice is also known from Christianization tended to demonise nature, Austria, Lithuania, the Netherlands and especially forests. Forest became the Sweden. antithesis to the bright, guarding and In large parts of the area of present-day promising aura of Christianity: Dark, hostile, Germany, the Frankish kings took possession threatening, uncultivated and heathenish. The of the wild forests which – until then – had Latin word silvescere was used in the sense been unrestrictedly available for everyone of wicked, peccant wildness. This changed; (Hasel 1985). With the intention to gain rather despising attitude of people towards earnings through tributes, they regulated and nature even increases the importance of the controlled several activities, such as clearing, royal hunting reserves for the preservation of felling, collecting firewood or grazing. They forests. However, some ancient habits and also reserved large forest areas entirely for customs have been assimilated; others their sole hunting rights. In this way, the survived even though blurring their original Frankish kings made these forests ‘closed meaning. The medieval Gothic cathedrals for forests’ (in German: Bannwälder ; Grimm et al. example have been considered as “holy 1878). Many of these early closed forests groves made of stone”.

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Restrictions of forest uses and early forest and torrents (Commarmot et al. in print, Frank legislation: Protection of Forests as pro- et al. in print). duction resource Also in Germany where no central royalism The outright dependence of the people on had arosen, the many small state sovereigns forests as a donor of firewood, construction used their power to protect the forests by timber, fertilizer and animal food, as a place laying down Forstordnungen (forest regu- for multiple non timber uses and as the solely lations) for their entire territories. These forest energy source caused further clearing and regulations often prohibited further clearings destruction of the remaining forests which or required , they regulated finally lead to a marked shortage of timber at grazing and the collection of firewood and many places. they were the predecessors of the later state The state sovereigns often reacted by laying forest laws, which were passed in the course down ‘forest regulations’ to scotch further of the 19th century (Hasel 1985). overuse. In many countries, customary rural In parallel, regular forest management was law was written down between the 11th and developed in practice. First evidence for a the 16th centuries and state forest regulations precautious and planned forest management were issued since the 15th century. Most of is known from the cities Erfurt (division of the these regulations intended to secure the wood forest into plots for recurrent forest use in the supply. The multiple ecological functions of 14th century), Nürnberg (reforestation activi- forests in the cultural landscape however were ties in 1368) or Reichenhall (around 1500). yet rarely overlooked. However, some exceptions can be found in the alpine area, like protection forests in Austria (the Bannwald The Enlightenment and early landscape von Fließ, Oberinntal, Tyrol, protected in architecture: Design and preservation of 1517: cutting of wood and litter harvesting was the entire landscape for aesthetic and prohibited to avoid avalanches and gully humanistic reasons erosion on the steep slopes above the village; The Age of Enlightenment during the 17th the Rannachschutzwald, Carinthia , protected century pioneered the Modern Age. In many in 1518 to avoid avalanches impacting the countries, it finally disestablished the Church villages Krass, Griess and Rannach ; or the and deprived the aristocracies of their power, forest order for the whole of Tyrol , which thus bringing release from oppression and banned forest utilization in specific forest bullying to the commons and generating the areas to avoid avalanches) or (the new citizen . Rationalism, Economics, Natural Andermatt “banning letter” from 1397, which Sciences and technical development arose prohibited any utilisation of wood or litter to and should forward industrialisation soon. The secure protection from avalanches, rockfalls ideals of the Enlightenment did not only News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 47

change society and policy but also men’s in an early stage and the threats it should conception of nature and landscape. impose on the natural environment were not In this regard, the new approach towards yet foreseen. The later understanding of society and environment can be identified in Nature Conservation as a preservation of early landscape architecture, namely in the Biodiversity was far not developed. landscape garden, a concept which originated At the turn of the 18th to the 19th century in England in the middle of the 18th century however, Romanticism developed as a and which determined the European garden reaction against the commandments of and park design for more than one century. rational logic and objectivity of the Particularly picturesque and harmonious Enlightenment. It emphasized the indivi- landscape sceneries as to be found in the dualism, subjective ness, emotionality and cultural landscapes of that time were staged imagination of the human being. Its moving as an idealized image of “nature” for pleasure power and almost an end in itself was the and enjoyment. What began as a “landscape craving for a dream world beyond the trivial painting to stroll in” was developed further by daily experiences (see http://de.wikipedia.org/ enlightened aristocrats, particularly in Bavaria wiki/Romantik). „Naturalness” became one and Prussia, into a movement of early land- important ideal of Romanticism (Zielonkowski scape architecture . The whole cultural land- 1989) that changed again peoples view on scape was to beautify and to improve to in- nature (Brockhaus 1998). The Biedermeier crease peoples living conditions as a basis for can be understood as an expression of middle their mental and cultural state. class citizens (`” petit bourgeous ”) at that Both, landscape gardens and the early period of time who had a more realistic and movement of landscape architecture did practical mind. Being confronted with include forests, even though not necessarily progressing industrialisation and urbanisation, very natural ones. Their main interest, they searched for a simple, honest, harmonic however, was focused on the design and and secure life. For them, nature was not an management of the ideal cultural landscape idealized, dreamful imagination but a treasure as a whole. Therefore, the movement did not and a creation of God. forward the protection of forests as such (See http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Biedermeier). (nonetheless, the very first Protected Forest Area was established in 1718, namely the Ongoing industrialisation as a trigger of virgin forest of the Brocken in the Harz the Nature Conservation Movement: Mountains; Succow 2002). Designation of the first Protected Areas as What was further still missing was the idea of Nature Reserves protection and conservation of species and In the second half of the 19th century the their habitats. Industrialisation was mostly still enthusiasm for the rapidly progressing

48 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

industrialization superseded the romantic Prussia , (protected since 1836; Schoenichen ideas and also the concept of early landscape 1937a) or the Devil’s Wall (Teufelsmauer) architecture fell into desuetude. Countless north of the Harz Mountains, Anhalt (protected peasant farmers and labourers became since 1852; Röper 2002), which are both of industrial workers and migrated to the growing geological importance. The first officially industrial and urban zones. The discovery of Protected Forest Areas of these times in mineral plant nutrients and fertilization Germany are the beech forests Theresienhain increased the agrarian production near Bamberg, Bavaria, (1803; Kölbel 2002) substantially and eventually allowed the and the Holy Halls in Mecklenburg (protected separation between agriculture and forestry. since 1850; Succow 2002). In Germany, large unproductive or devastated The home and nature conservation movement areas were systematically afforested with dawned and it was Wilhelm Heinrich Riehl conifers. The opening of fossil energy (1823 - 1897) who intellectually paved the way resources finally minimized the need for for it in Germany. In his work “Natural History firewood, bringing further relief to the growth of the German People“(Naturgeschichte des and the regeneration of the forests. Regular deutschen Volkes“, 1851), he wrote: „For forest management became the customary centuries, it was a question of progress to practice. assert the right of the farmland, now it is also As the traditional cultural landscape changed a question of progress to assert the right of its face and as familiar natural structures and wilderness. Not only the forest, also dunes, characteristics disappeared, this development fens, heath, rocks and glaciers, all wilderness meet with the first organized opposition of and wasteland, is an essential complement to attentive citizens. They committed themselves the cultural land. We should be pleased that privately or in associations for the such wilderness still exists in Germany” preservation and the improvement of certain („Jahrhundertelang war es eine Sache des parts of the local landscape which were Fortschritts, das Recht des Feldes eindeutig endangered by building projects or plot zu vertreten¸ jetzt ist es auch eine Sache des realignments (Stiftung Naturschutzgeschichte Fortschritts, das Recht der Wildnis zu 2002). vertreten. Nicht bloß das Waldland, auch die Through their initiative, the first natural Sanddünen, Moore, Heiden, die Felsen und monuments were protected and implemented Gletscherstriche, alle Wildnis und Wüstenei ist by official orders or purchased by local, eine notwendige Ergänzung zu dem regional or State governments. However, no kultivierten Feldland. Freuen wir uns, dass es formal protection categories existed at that noch so manche Wildnis in Deutschland gibt“). time. Examples in Germany are the Dragon’s Riehl already demanded to preserve the Rock (Drachenfels) at the River , natural and semi-natural remainders of the News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 49

pre-industrial cultural landscape, including The heath was to be protected against forests. afforestation, conversion into farmland and The most important representative of the early constructions. Nature Conservation Movement in Germany Nevertheless, the first strict forest reserve was however was the musician Ernst Rudorff established in Württemberg in 1911 (Bücking (1840-1916), who coined the German term for 1995). Early efforts to create an entire nature conservation ( Naturschutz ) in 1888 German framework of natural forest reserves (Zielonkowski 1989) and who developed an arose in the 1930´s. They are connected with entire programme for protection and nature the names Hesmer and Hueck. In 1934, sound landscape management. In 1904, Hesmer demanded to set up a network of Rudorff founded the “German Allience for ‘natural forest cells’, in which any use should Nature Conservation” (Deutscher Bund für be prohibited (Hesmer 1934). Heimatschutz). Its primary task was “to protect The first German nature protection law, which the specific natural and historical character of was in force for the whole of the country, the the German home”. Rudorff followed a holistic Reich Nature Protection Act (Reichsnatur- concept of the landscape as home, where the schutzgesetz) , was promulgated in 1935. This safeguard of nature, in particular of the act named three spatial protection categories, indigenous plant and animal species was one, namely ‘ natural monument’ , ‘ nature protection nonetheless primary goal, beside others. area’ and ‘ Reich nature protection area’ . In The same motivations of defensive 1937, Walther Schoenichen, head of the preservation of the pre-industrial landscape Reich Office for Nature Protection from 1922 can be recognized with respect to the efforts to 1938, named 207 existing ‘forest nature to establish the first large Nature Reserve in protection areas’ in Germany (Schoenichen Germany, the Naturschutzpark Lüneburger 1937b). In Bavaria and in Baden, laws to Heide . In 1909 the Nature Conservation Park regulate the conservation of natural Society ( Verein Naturschutzpark ) was found- monuments were already passed in 1908 and ed as a private initiative “ to protect original in 1912 (Wolf 1920). The biggest territorial and impressive landscapes and their natural German state Prussia amended its Field- and communities of plants and animals against Forest-Policy Law of 1880 in 1920, herewith civilization ”. Considerable financial resources creating the first legal basis for designating were collected to buy land in such areas. In nature protection areas by ordinance (Klose & 1921, the Prussian State added further land Vollbach 1936). It was immediately used to and declared the whole area as Nature designate the Nature Conservation Area Conservation Area. Again, the main interest of Lüneburger Heide . protection was not focused on forests but on Before, Hugo Conventz´ memorandum “The the entire cultural landscape as a heritage. Endangerment of the Natural Monuments and

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Suggestions for their Conservation” cases, however, this process only took place (Conwentz 1904) had prepared the ground for after World War II (i.e.: Belgium, Italy, and the foundation of the first office for nature United Kingdom). conservation in Germany. Only two years after publication of this study about endangered State Nature Conservation after the natural habitats, the State Office for Natural Second World War: From the protection of Monument Management ( Staatliche Stelle für forests as scattered reserves towards an Naturdenkmalpflege ) was founded with seat in all over Europe habitat network Danzig, Prussia. Supported by provincial, In the first years of reconstruction after regional, county and local committees its task Second World War, little attention was paid to was to find, examine and conserve natural the landscape and the natural environment. monuments and Hugo Conwentz (1855-1922) But due to the rapid economic development, was appointed as the head of the institution environmental problems should increase soon (Stiftung Naturschutzgeschichte 2002). The and the losses of special landscape year of 1906 thus can be regarded as the year characters and their species richness should of birth of the state Nature Conservation in become obvious. Slowly but continuously, Germany. It was finally established in 1919 people awareness for their natural environ- through article 150 of the German Constitution ment increased, awakened and promoted by (Reichsverfassung ) which stated that the alarming publications like Rachel Carson’s monuments of art, history and nature are “Silent Spring” in 1965 or Daniel Meadows safeguarded and treasured by the state („Die report “Our Common Future” in 1973 as well Denkmäler der Kunst, der Geschichte und der as by the first European Nature Protection Natur genießen den Schutz und die Pflege Year in 1970. des Staates“) The forest scientists of the German Similar developments must have arisen in Democratic Republic were the first who many other countries, since a considerable rediscovered nature conservation goals for number of state nature conservation forests in Germany and who translated the authorities were established at the beginning idea of strict forest reserves into action again of the 20th century, followed by the (Bücking 2000). The Institute for Landscape designation of Protected Area Categories and Science and Nature Protection, Halle , set up a the passing of the first nature conservation network of ‘stocked total reserves’ (Knapp & laws in the first half of the 20th century. In the Jeschke 1991). In Western Germany, vanguard were The Netherlands (1908), however, the idea only regained support Sweden (1909) and Norway (1910). Other around the European Nature Protection Year countries like Bulgaria, Finland, France, in 1970. Since then, many of the natural forest Greece and Spain followed soon. In some reserves, which had different names in the News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 51

different German states ( Bundesländer ), were protected biotopes in comparison with the created by the forest administrations within total forest area, which equals 0.2%, 1.6% the state-owned forests (Bücking 2000). and 1.3% of the total German land area. In the seventies, the responsible authorities Beyond these specific protected areas that for Nature Conservation in the different correspond to the Federal Nature Protection German federal states started programmes for Act , the entire German forest is in principal registration and assessment of all valuable protected by the legal requirements of the and endangered natural habitats. In tandem Federal Forest Act of 1975 and the Länder with the publication of Red Data Books , and forest laws (Möller 2000). For example, supported by the new Federal Nature Conser- conversion of the forest land to other land vation Law ( Bundesnaturschutzgesetz ) of uses requires the permission of the ´Wald 1976, these state wide habitat inventories authority´ (BMELF 1999). This general (landesweite Biotopkartierungen ) served as a protection can be understood as a kind of knowledgeable basis for comprehensive de- minimum protection. Since almost 20 years, it signations of Protected Areas. Since then, the has been broadened by demands, number and percentage of different protected discussions, definitions and regulations of and areas in Germany increased significantly. for nature-related forestry ( Naturnahe Wald- wirtschaft ) which should ensure a minimum There are various different categories of standard for integrated nature conservation protected areas provided by the Nature goals, also in managed forests. Conservation Legislation for different specific This development reflects a general change in objectives for conservation. The percentage of the officially recognized and declared forests in these protected areas, however, is conception for Nature Conservation and in the very difficult to calculate due to understanding of its requirements not only in inhomogeneous data bases, definitions and Germany. More and more it was responsibilities in the different federal German acknowledged what conservationists had states as well as the overlay of different dunned since many years: That even protection categories (Welzholz & Bürger- thousands of small, scattered nature reserves Arndt in print.). Hence, the total amount of would always be insufficient to save the Protected Forest Areas in Germany is not survival of the wildlife species. They would be known in detail. The latest results of the lost under the influence of the surrounding inquiries by the Federal Ministry of Consumer intensively used cultural landscape like tiny Protection, Food and Agriculture that (BMVEL islands in the surging billows of the ocean. 2001) names an amount of 0.77% of Mitigation would be possible by accomplishing unmanaged forests, 5.0% of stringent a respectable set of adequately large protection categories and 4.5% legally protected areas as optimum refuges and by

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connecting these reserves via semi-natural The signatory states and the European landscape areas and structures which could Community are responsible for implementing serve as trails for migration. Additionally, a the MCPFE decisions at regional, national and nature and environment friendly land use sub-national levels. Based on voluntary management which respects the essential commitments, which constitute a common demands for the preservation of the natural framework, governments all over Europe have environment would be indispensable. In taken initiatives to ensure and improve the accordance with this, an entire concept for sustainable management and protection of nature conservation with staggered intensities their forests (see http://www.mcpfe.org). of protection and land use was developed (Bundesforschungsanstalt für Naturschutz und Literature Landschaftsökologie 1989, Erz 1978, Haber 1971). Brockhaus – Die Enzyklopädie in 24 Bänden. 20th revised edition. Achtzehnter Band. RAH – SAF

(1998). F. A. Brockhaus. Leipzig, . 752 Analogical ideas and initiatives can be pp. recognized all over Europe. As one of the Bücking W. (2000): Naturwaldreseservate, most important modules, the Natura 2000 Bannwälder, Schonwälder. In: Konold W. et al.: network of the EU which is based on the Handbuch Naturschutz und Landschaftpflege. 2. Council Directive 92/43/EEC on the Ergänzungslieferung 7/00. ecomed. Landsberg. 16 conservation of natural habitats and wild pp. fauna and flora (Habitat Directive) has to be Bücking W. (1995): Naturwaldreservate in mentioned. It aims at creating an all over Deutschland. Jahreshefte der Gesellschaft für Europe network of areas with protection status Naturkunde in Württemberg 151, 41-72. ("Sites of Community Importance") in Bundesforschungsanstalt für Naturschutz und accordance with the "Birds"10 and the Landschaftsökologie (Hrsg.1989): Leitlinien des "Habitats"11 Directives. Concerning forests, Naturschutzes und der Landschaftspflege in der the Ministerial Conference on the Protection of Bundesrepublik Deutschland.- Beilage zum Beitrag BOHN, U., BÜRGER, K. u. MADER H.-J. in Natur Forests - MCPFE was launched In 1990, as a und Landschaft 64.9: 16 S. high level political initiative for continuing BMVEL - Bundesministerium für Verbraucher- cooperation between 40 European countries schutz, Ernährung und Landwirtschaft (2001): an the European Community in the field of Gesamtwaldbericht der Bundesregierung. Bonn. protection and sustainable management of 102 pp. European forests. Since 1990, four Ministerial BMELF - Der Bundesminister für Ernährung, Conferences on the Protection of Forests in Landwirtschaft und Forsten – (1999): Gesetz zur Europe have taken place, each followed by Erhaltung des Waldes und zur Förderung der several Expert Meetings. Forstwirtschaft – Bundeswaldgesetz (BWaldG) News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 53

vom 2. Mai 1975, zuletzt geändert durch Gesetz Hasel K. (1985): Forstgeschichte. Ein Grundriß für vom 26. August 1998. Studium und Praxis. Verlag Paul Parey. Hamburg

Commarmot B., Mayer Ph. & Stadler B. (in print): und . 258 pp. COST Action E27 - Protected Forest Areas in Hesmer H. (1934): Naturwaldzellen. Der Deutsche Europe, Analysis and Harmonisation (PROFOR), Forstwirt 16, No. 14, 141-143. Country Report Switzerland.- Federal Office and Klose H. & Vollbach A. (1936): Die Research Centre for Forests BFW, Vienna. Naturschutzgesetzgebung des Reiches. 1st part. Conwentz H. (1904): Die Gefährdung der Das Reichsnaturschutzgesetz vom 26. Juni 1935. Naturdenkmäler und Vorschläge zu ihrer Verlag von J. Neumann. Neudamm. 116 pp. Erhaltung. Gebrüder Bornträger. Berlin. 207 pp. IUCN (1994). Guidelines for Protected Area Deutscher Rat für Landespflege (1983): Ein Management Categories.- CNPPA with the „Integriertes Schutzgebietssystem“ zur Sicherung assistance of WCMC. IUCN, Gland, Switzerland von Natur und Landschaft - entwickelt am Beispiel and Cambridge, UK. x + 261pp. des Landes Niedersachsen- Schriftenreihe des Knapp H., Jeschke L. (1991): Naturwaldreservate Deutschen Rates für Landespflege 41: 5-22. und Naturwaldforschung in den ostdeutschen European Forest Institute – EFI Bundesländern. In: Bundesforschungsanstalt für (http://www.efi.fi/Database_Gateway/FRRN/howto/ Naturschutz und Landschaftsökologie: statusop.html): Status of protection of forest Naturwaldreservate. Bonn. Schriftenreihe reserves and natural forests in European Vegetationskunde 21, 21-54. countries. Kölbel M. (2002): Geschichte der Schutzgebiete in Erz W. (1978): Zur Aufstellung von den Staatswäldern Bayerns. In: Bleymüller H. et al. Artenschutzprogrammen. In: Olschowy G. (Hrsg.) - (eds.): 250 Jahre Bayerische Natur- und Umweltschutz in der Bundesrepublik Staatsforstverwaltung – Rückblicke, Einblicke, Deutschland: 792-802. Ausblicke. Mitteilungen aus der Bayerischen Haber W. (1971): Landschaftspflege durch Staatsforstverwaltung No. 51, vol. I, 143-155. differenzierte Bodennutzung.- Bayer. Landwirt- schaftl. Jahrb. 48 (Sonderh.) 1: 19-35. Mantel K. (1990): Wald und Forst in der Geschichte. Ein Lehr- und Handbuch. Verlag M. & Frank G., Schwarzl B., Hackl J., Schweinzer K-M., H. Schaper. Alfeld-Hannover. 518 pp. Johann E. & Hauk E. (in print): COST Action E27 - Protected Forest Areas in Europe, Analysis and Meadows D., Meadows D., Zahn E. & Milling P. Harmonisation (PROFOR), Country Report (1973): Die Grenzen des Wachstums Bericht des Austria.- Federal Office and Federal Office and Club of Rome zur Lage der Menschheit.- Rowohlt Research Centre for Forests BFW, Vienna. Verlag bei Hamburg.

Grimm J., Weigand K., Hildebrand R. (1878): Ministerial Conference on the Protection of Forests Deutsches Wörterbuch von Jacob und Wilhelm in Europe - MCPFE (ed. 2003a): State of Europe’s Grimm. Vierten Bandes erste Abtheilung. Erste Forests 2003 - The MCPFE Report on Sustainable Hälfte. Forschel – Gefolgsmann. Verlag von S. Forest Management in Europe. - MCPFE Liaison Hirzel. Leipzig. 2152 c. Unit, Vienna: 112 pp.

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Ministerial Conference on the Protection of Forests Succow M. et al. (2002): Die Krise als Chance – in Europe - MCPFE (ed. 2003b): Protected Forests Naturschutz in neuer Dimension. Michael Succow in Europe. - MCPFE Liaison Unit, Vienna: 6 pp. Stiftung zum Schutz der Natur (ed.). Findling Buch-

Ministerial Conference on the Protection of Forests und Zeitschriftenverlag. Neuenhagen. in Europe - MCPFE (ed. 2003c): MCPFE Welzholz J.-C. & Bürger-Arndt R. (in print.): COST assessment guidelines for Protected and Action E27 - Protected Forest Areas in Europe, Protective Forests and other Wooded Land in Analysis and Harmonisation (PROFOR), Country Europe – Annex 2 to Vienna Resolution 4: Report Germany.- Federal Office and Federal Conserving and Enhancing Forest Biological Office and Research Centre for Forests BFW, Diversity in Europe.- .- MCPFE Liaison Unit, Vienna. Vienna: 10 pp. Wolf B. (1920): Das Recht der Naturdenkmalpflege in Preussen. Gebrüder Bornträger. Berlin. Beiträge Möller W. (2000): Waldrecht und Umweltrecht. Vol. zur Naturdenkmalpflege 7. 305 pp. 1-3. Eigenverlag. Hannover, Göttingen. Zielonkowski W. (1989): Geschichte des Röper C. (2002): Vom Steinbruch zum Naturschutzes. In: Akademie für Naturschutz und Europäischen Schutzgebiet. In: 150 Jahre Schutz Landschaftspflege (ed.): Ringvorlesung Natur- der Teufelsmauer. Halle. Berichte des schutz. Laufener Seminarbeiträge 2/89, 5-12. Landesamtes für Umweltschutz Sachsen-Anhalt

SH 1, 12-15.

Schoenichen W. (1937a): Urdeutschland. Renate Bürger-Arndt Deutschlands Naturschutzgebiete in Wort und Bild. 1st vol. Verlag J. Neumann. Neudamm. 319 pp. + and

96 plates. Jan Carl Welzholz Schoenichen W. (1937b): Urdeutschland. Institute for Forest Politics, Forest History and Deutschlands Naturschutzgebiete in Wort und Bild. Nature Conservation, Georg August University, 2nd vol. Verlag J. Neumann. Neudamm. 342 pp. + Göttingen, Büsgenweg 3; D 37077 Göttingen; email: [email protected] 96 plates. Smith G. & Gillett H. (2000): European Forests and Protected Areas: Gap Analysis. - Technical report, UNEP World Conservation Monitoring Centre, Cambridge, UK: 27 pp. (http://www.unep- wcmc.org/forest/eu_gap/Technical%20Report.pdf).

Stiftung Archiv, Forum und Museum zur Geschichte des Naturschutzes in Deutschland (Stiftung Naturschutzgeschichte), Rheinischer Verein für Denkmalpflege und Landschaftsschutz (eds.) (2002): Naturschutz in der Geschichte. Daten, Personen, Konflikte, Institutionen. Eine interaktive CD-Rom. Königswinter. News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 55

WOODLAND – AN INTEGRAL PART OF CULTURAL LANDSCAPE –

WÄLDER – EIN INTEGRALER BESTANDTEIL DER KULTURLANDSCHAFT

Photo: SCHIMA

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News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 57

WOODLANDS AS CULTURAL HERITAGE – YET ANOTHER CHALLENCE FOR CONTEMPORARY AND FUTURE FORESTRY

Abstract changed. None of us would have expected a The notion of forest as cultural heritage opens symposium with a title like ours, twenty, thirty a whole scope of new directions in which the years ago. This time we have reached deeply future forestry should or could develop. into the present and into the future of our Answering the question what makes forest a forests and of our profession. cultural heritage could be of vital importance A well stocked forest has always been a in searching for the new identity of the forestry welcome and easily understood heritage - but profession, it should be instrumental in dismantling the syntagm »forest and wood«, what makes forest a cultural heritage? should point out that interdisciplinarity is an Answering this question will require a bit of indispensable feature of the future forestry non-traditional sort of thinking. I propose that and leads to the conclusion that at the setting forests as cultural heritage into our moment forestry is apparently not willing or mental landscapes: able to change along with the cultural ► Could be of vital importance in search for environment in which it operates. the new identity of the forestry profession. Launching and substantiating the notion of Forest as cultural heritage has to be first forest as a cultural heritage should create a accepted by the new forestry which will be to the same extent an applied natural as well as more favourable social and cultural climate for an applied social science. forests and forestry. ► Could be instrumental in uncoupling the Key words: Syamese twin type of notion maintained by the syntagm »forest and wood«. The non- cultural heritage, interdisciplinarity, forestry material consideration of forests has been all curricula, future shock, non-material forest too frequently overshadowed by the material dimensions concern for timber. Introduction ► Represent an interdisciplinary undertaking which is a challenge for the all too self- Forest historians have been often described sufficient profession by itself. as a romantic, backward looking, rather ► Will show that forestry is inadequately closed circle, producing interesting, some- prepared and equipped for such undertaking times amusing forest(ry) - related stories, at present and that current forestry curricula anecdotes and wisdoms. Times have

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do not promise any favourable changes in this The parallel between sustainability and regard in the foreseeable future. heritage of non-material dimensions of the

forest is clear. Yet, it is equally clear that it will take a lot of time till this idea will be accepted Traditional forestry and the in the profession itself and then by the general notion of heritage public. Whoever has ever practiced forestry One of the most fascinating aspects of will agree that there is at least one thing that classical forestry is the silent dialogue among changes more slowly than the eternal forest - generations that seed what they will never that is the human attitude. This change will not harvest, and harvest what they have never happen as a sudden enlightenment. It will take seeded. In between foresters care for the time; therefore, the sooner we start working trees, planted by the unknown forerunners, on it the better. which are to be felled by the equally unknown successors. A living example of sustainability and also a living proof that heritage is not only What makes forest a cultural heritage? something that is received from predecessors but also something passed on to generations In Europe forests are characteristic landscape that succeed. At the same time new heritage elements - not only of natural but also of is being created every day. Thus, we may cultural landscapes. conclude that each heritage, in a broader The way in which people carved up the green sense, has three dimensions: the past, coat of European pristine forests to create present and future what we call today cultural landscapes says a

Forest is a convincing example of all this, yet lot about our history. This is not a history the question remains: what exactly is the written by big battles, swords and guns but the subject of inheritance? Probably not timber history of countless anonymous skirmishes for alone. The main problem is that man--forest survival - between land and man, armed with relationships have been based just on the axe, hoe and plough. economic premises for too long. Is it possible Here, in fact, are the roots of our culture. The to inherit something non-material such as remaining forests are namely the mirror image beauty, naturalness a typical forest distribution of some socioeconomic developments, pattern in a given landscape? It most certainly triggered or limited by natural givens which we is. After all, was not the concept of may not even understand today. sustainability, originally developed in relation The lace-like picture of forest matrices, to timber yield alone, expanded to the idea of patches and corridors is thus a historic record, sustainability of social and environmental offering many explanations of the subcon- functions as well? scious present human attitudes toward News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 59

forests. It is up to us to learn to read, interpret material traces proving that forests, indeed, and understand it. possess a cultural dimension as well. When talking about forests as cultural heritage Unfortunately forestry has never been willing we probably do not refer to the value of the or able either to express study or use to its timber left there by some ancestors. Rather own advantage the degree to which forests we shall search for other traces they left (not just wood!) marked traditional human behind. existence and its cultural character. Rarely We often run across them, yet we either take have foresters studied the ways forest has them for granted, or we simply ignore them. It been dealt with in fine arts, literature, music is our task therefore to make the profession (cf. Thomasius, 1973; Hauser 1978), let alone sensitive to them. This alone would add the broad scope of man-forest relationships - another dimension to the forestry. Besides, from traditional farmer or timber merchant to these traces may provide quite useful hints for the contemporary holiday maker or nature the present and for the future. conservationist. It is surprising to see in how many ways forest has been intertwined with These traces can manifest themselves directly what we are now and how little do we know and indirectly. Concerning direct traces we about it as our material and non-material should keep in mind that forests have a long heritage. memory: not only do they tell stories of past (mis)management (through their silvicultural Forestry identity and the new condition) or of conscious human efforts to forest myth preserve them pristine. To an observant eye Forestry is said to be in crisis, to have lost its they will reveal traces of long ago abandoned identity. It is bound to experience the »future forest uses such as charcoal burning, shock« which »occurs when the rate of pollarding, and coppicing. In a very special change in society exceeds the willingness or way forests’ share and spatial distribution ability of individual and institutions to adapt to patterns told in terms of forest matrices, the change, « (Toefler 1970, cit. Kimmins patches and corridors (sensu Forman 1995) 2002). Forestry is a case in point. With all of also represent a valuable historic record. its venerable tradition - or perhaps because of Traditional forester may not be able to read it - it lost its identity, unable to articulate its and understand it. Forests, indeed, are the mission statement in the developed world (at shadow of civilization (cf. Harrison 1992); they least) for the 21st century. reflect wars and economic crises, rise and fall It is interesting that in the affluent, supposedly of industries and markets. Who else but a environmentally enlightened Europe of today forester - historian will be able to decode their the only serious and well organized interest messages? Then there is a series of non- group speaking on behalf of forest (from a

60 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

certain point of view, of course,) is the wood many people, whether they articulate it or not processing, pulp and paper industry. Forest forest has another - spiritual dimension: it is and Forestry are disappearing from the titles not only a place of beauty and solitude, a of respective ministries/departments, as well place of quiet discourse with Nature and as from large, short term oriented European oneself. It is also an artefact - a book of research programmes - only to find messages - a place of dialogue with themselves in the areas of environmental and ancestors. In other words it is heritage. social sciences where they seem to be poorly Forestry has largely overlooked this aspect - qualified to compete for research funds. in theory and even more so in practice. What Forestry has lost contact with the general exactly has it done so far to reveal to general public - in fact, it never had it. As a result, public that there is such a thing as forest non- there is nobody lobbying for the non-timber material heritage which addresses also people functions of European forests. General public who do not need firewood and do not care keeps quiet, keeps flooding forests in search what their chair, desk, or newspaper are made of recreation - and keeps voting for the of, but might be interested in non-material politicians and officials who could not care values of the forest - in forest heritage among less about following up the promising words the others. It is our mission to make it happen from places like Strasbourg, Helsinki, Lisbon if we truly realize to what extent our client, i.e. or Vienna. the society as a whole has changed. For Forestry stays rigid: in order to placate the better or for worse we by and large no longer loudest environmentalists it invented the live in countryside but in cities. Our »ecosystem approach« in forest management. expectations and value systems are different Fine. Has it really taken centuries for the from those decades ago. profession to realize and recognize that forest General public is largely unconcerned about is an ecosystem and not just trees to be the problems forestry has been facing. It is up turned into logs? The practice is still lagging to the profession to solve them, or else it will behind the theory - but let us hopes it will be gone. This is a fact and it hurts to watch catch up with the ministerial resolutions how slow and passive the profession is in sooner or later. answering these challenges. Two things are However, this sometimes called »holistic certain: approach« is still lacking one important a) forestry of tomorrow will have to component: in the developed Europe of the become not only an applied natural but also 21st century forest is no longer just a place of social science and untold wealth for a timber merchant, place of b) no one will come to our rescue; people thrill for a hunter or even an ecosystem for an will care about forestry only to the extent they ecologist. We seem to have forgotten that to will find forests useful and interesting. News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 61

If we really intend to manage forest in a climate change. Warming the cultural holistic way that does not mean that we shall atmosphere in which our forestry will operate treat it only as an ecosystem but also as a tomorrow is just as important as warming of part of the total social system (sensu Naveh the physical atmosphere in which our forests 1994) - including its spiritual dimensions. In will supposedly grow in a little more distant doing so we should search for and study all future. the possible ways by which to introduce forest in all the aspects of contemporary human The aspect of existence - including that of forest as heritage. interdisciplinarity Next question concerns making people aware The circle of traditional forest use of forest as something interesting, something beneficiaries has been constantly shrinking. useful. Again it is the mission and self-interest They were the ones traditional forestry was of the forestry to make it happen. best used to communicate with. It is time to start revealing the spiritual beauty As the relative value and significance of forest and richness of the forest heritage to the goods began to decline - so did the people who feel tense and insecure in their importance and social prestige of forestry. artificial environments. It is time for a myth. Modern people searching This decline could be amply substituted by the for their roots long for myths. Here we are not multiple use forestry. Traditionally self- talking about myth as a cheap means of sufficient forestry has somehow missed this manipulation but about the ancient human point. need for myths. In case of the many and varied forest We only have to resort to the simple dictionary functions we are not dealing with the classical explanation of the term: »A story, the origin of supply and demand type of the market. which is forgotten, ostensibly historical but Traditionally supply of recreation, beauty, usually such as to explain some practice, water, protection, etc. was merely seen as a belief, institution or natural phenomenon, » side-product of timber production. It occurred (Webster, 1959). It sounds like an invitation to so to say spontaneously. Its costs (if any at the spiritual dimension of the forest. It creates all) were included in timber production. a certain state of mind which will attract the The multitude of forest functions has been real professional and make him start thus rarely viewed by foresters as a credible searching for the truth behind the myth - just option of broadening the circle of like it will enchant a layman and convince him beneficiaries/stakeholders, of substituting the that forest heritage is something worth declining income from timber and gaining new discovering, valuing and defending. This could social acceptance for forests and forestry in be the beginning of the social and cultural the post-industrial society.

62 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

The time we live in has rediscovered the heritage. Has forestry as a whole ever tried environmental and ecological relevance of that? forests. They are undisputed - yet something It is true that sometimes only a trained, seems to be missing on the spiritual side of knowledgeable forester’s eye can discern the the contemporary forest image: could this be difference and change in the forest. But the spiritual meaning of forest heritage? foresters are not trained to search for reasons that triggered such and such process - The importance of forest in our physical world sometimes centuries ago. is supported by a whole spectrum of natural Reading Colbert’s Forest ordinance of 1669 sciences. Which scientific disciplines and arts (cf. Glacken 1967) is of little meaning if one is should support its relevance in our spiritual not familiar with the overall socioeconomic - world? There is a whole line of them: all kinds and spiritual picture of the XVII.th century of history, aesthetics, psychology, economics, France. The same holds for Sibelius’s law, fine arts, music, ethnology, etc. Forestry Finlandia or Turner’s famous oaks, etc. is not familiar with them and they are not Trees and forests tell multi-faceted story - and familiar with either the forest or with the no profession alone is capable of reading and forestry. interpreting it in full. This point is well It would be naive to wait for any of them to illustrated by the work of Makowsky and discover forest as cultural heritage. Usually Buderath (1983), where the ecologist and art nothing forest-related would deserve such historian independently - and so differently treatment. As a rule social sciences have not interpret what they see on various famous discovered yet the beauty, the spiritual paintings. dimension of the forest. To them forest is The complexity of forest is not a self-service something wild, chaotic, unruly - certainly not store: it requires a complex explanation which a place where one would search for beauty can only result as an interdisciplinary effort. and spiritual values. In a strange way certain No single discipline by itself is capable of it. remnants of medieval mentality survives in Having said that we also said that forestry as them, as if clearing forests were still an act of a profession has to change - without loosing civilization. its identity. It will remain the science that will It is a mission of the present and future deal with the forest as a living community in its forestry to point out to the expert and layman natural and social environment. The new alike that there is a lot of non-material values forestry should thus become a balanced in the forest and that forests harbour many combination of applied natural and social fragments of our culture, reflected in small sciences, capable of dialogue with respective pieces of historical evidence of man-forest sciences and many (so far largely overlooked) relationship that make forest a cultural stakeholders. This dialogue should develop in News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 63

a systematic manner - not as an improvised rain forest have failed because people wanted emotional exchange in conflict situations. »to make preservation business (Margolis Developing it simply requires a broad 2004) - and business alone - on a global overview of possible partners - be it sciences scale. or stakeholders - and the possible overlapping We reached the point where forestry - areas of knowledge, interest - and conflicts. particularly in the developed world - is no longer just an economic but also »Forest-wood« and »Forest- infrastructural activity. In contributes to the man« chains material, physical and spiritual quality of the The world has been changing, yet forestry life. The market for values functions differently adamantly defends its antiquated self- from the timber or pulpwood market. It does sufficient doctrines. It seems to be more not deal with supply and demand only but also comfortable as a part of »forest industries«, of with values, traditions, preferences, »forest-wood« chain or obedient supplier of appreciation of various forest services, industrial wood, afraid of competition of cheap appreciation of forest as a cultural heritage... imports, Just a hypothetical question: how does one Deeply conservative, forestry seems to be buy or sell forest as a cultural heritage? Let us afraid of setting out to unchartered »high assume that the economics of forest goods is seas« of non-material aspects of man-forest reasonably well developed (although it does relations. For this reason overall acceptance not consider full environmental cost of their of our opening the discussion of forest as production). On the other hand economics of cultural heritage. It is a new chapter environmental and social forest functions questioning the past orientation of forestry. (services) is sorely underdeveloped The main problem is that man-forest a) because it deals with parameters relationships have been based only on foresters and economists in general are not economic premises for too long. Forest was familiar with important because of timber - and not by itself. b) because expressing them in monetary Now the once important share of forestry in terms would greatly complicate the issues the GNP of many European countries became concerning the private and public interest in negligible. Yet it is disturbing to watch how forests. forestry itself often clings to its image of an Nevertheless, forestry should realise that economic activity. It attempts to solve the multiple use means multiple services, many complex problems in economic terms of stakeholders and thus also multiple - if modest the supply and demand market only. - sources for the new forestry practice. And It is pathetic to see, for example, how even this brings us to the society in general. Forest the best intended attempts to save Amazon - wood chain is a well established and link by

64 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

link studied notion. Forest - man chain; ever we need not only the best and broadly however, seems to be a new idea, covering educated students but also study programs the deposit of forest - man interactions from (and the profession itself) that will attract such time immemorial. Our present attitudes toward students. the forest are namely strange sediment of Making forestry an applied - not only natural human attitudes toward the forest varying in but also social science does not necessarily time and space. Forest - man chain is thus a mean that we should flood forestry curricula history of the sequence of relationship stages with social science courses. It will be up to the between man and forest in a given territory. profession and its will to change how and to This kind of forest history is rarely dealt with what extent this will happen. Right now we are by the forest history directly. in the process of modernizing forestry Human attitudes toward the forest are dealt curricula. Many schools have just finished it. with by forest historians indirectly only But how profound were these changes? a) because they are limited in time and Research and public opinion alike seem to space indicate that environmental and social forest b) because they are extremely rarely functions are gaining in importance. How referred to by historical sources directly. They many of these supposedly modernized pro- can only be deducted from e.g. legislation or grammes offer courses in forest history, individual acts recorded. aesthetics, forest in art, ethics, forest/ environ- mental psychology, forest functions, public Are we ready? relations, environmental/nature economics The concept of forests as cultural heritage etc.? Preciously few, I am afraid and this requires they be assigned some other than seems to be yet another evidence of the material value. Here we start talking about identity crisis forestry has been facing. When some forestry other than just planting, tending trying to change and modernize our study programmes we simply copy each other - and and felling trees. This is the science dealing do not dare to change - in the name of with all possible aspects of forest - man interrelationship. This process should start at comparability, uniformity, teacher and student forestry schools first. But how well do we exchange and so forth. It would be pointless prepare our forestry graduates for this »new to ask where exactly in these programmes forestry«? should we place the subject area of forest as Von Salisch (1911) was really chairvoyant cultural heritage. There is no single course when quoting from Goethe’s Wilhelm Meisters that could accommodate such a subject area. Wanderjahre in his Forstästhetik: »Für den The question only shows that forestry we teach and practice today is not ready to geringsten Kopf wird es immer ein Handwerk, respond to the challenges of tomorrow. für den besseren eine Kunst.« Now more than News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 65

Literature Webster’s New Collegiate Dictionary, 1959 G. &C. Merriam Co. Publishers, Springfield, 1174 p. Anko, B., 1993: The Development of the Idea of

Sustained Yield in Slovenia. News of Forest History, No. 18/19, Vienna, pp. 2-11 Boštjan Anko Anko, B. 2003: Public interest in development University of Ljubljana, Biotechnical Faculty, Department of Forestry and Renewable Forest perspectives of Slovenian forestry. In: Boncina, A. Resources, Ve čna pot 83, 1000 Ljubljana, (ed.) 2003 Regional forest management plans and Slovenia, [email protected] developmental perspectives of Slovenian forestry.

University of Ljubljana, BF, Department of forestry and renewable forest resources, Ljubljana, p. 187- 198 Carlowitz, H.C. von, 1713: Silvicultura Oeconomica. Verl. J.F. Braun, Leipzig. Forman, R.T.T., 1996: Land Mosaics. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 632 p. Glacken, C.J., 1967: Traces on the Rhodian Shore. University of California Press, Berkeley, 763 p. Hauser, A., 1978: Über die kulturelle Bedeutung des Waldes. Eidg. Anstl. forstl. Versuchswes., Mitt. Bd. 54, pp. 371-384. Kimmins, J.P. (Hamish) 2002: Future Shock in Forestry. The Forestry Chronicle Vol. 78, No. 22, pp. 263-271.

Makowski, H.; Buderath, B. 1983: Die Natur dem

Menschen untertan. Kindler, München, 309 p.

Margolis, M., 2004: Jungle Economics, Newsweek,

February 16, 2004, p. 44-46.

Morrison, R.P., 1992: Forests the Shadow of

Civilization. University of Chicago Press, Chicago,

287 p.

Naveh, Z. and Lieberman, A.S. 1994: Landscape

Ecology, Springer, New York, 360 p.

Salisch, H. von, 1911: Forstästhetik. Julius Springer, Berlin, 434 p. Thomasius, H. (ed.) 1973: Wald, Landeskultur und Gesellschaft. Verlag Theodor Steinkopff, Dresden, 439 p.

66 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

CHANGING TREE SPECIES COMPOSITION IN DANISH PRIVATE AND STATE FORESTRY 1800 – 1950

Abstract maybe even more, forest supervisors – were more conservative in the choice of tree In Denmark the choice of tree species is limited since only a few conifers immigrated species. New species were used to a limited naturally after the last . The natural extent and mainly for risk diversification. The vegetation consists mainly of broadleaves. tree species composition at both districts The introduction of organised forestry in the became rather different from early predictions.

1760s led to a number of new species being used but to a large extent only after several Keywords decades. The introduction and use of conifers forest history, forest structure, Denmark. eventually led to one of the most profound landscape changes in historical time. Introduction From analysis of forest management plans Tree species composition and structure is a and maps, this paper shows the changing tree dynamic element, changing all the time. This species composition on the private forest transition is not obvious to the common eye district of Hvidkilde and the state forest district when you walk the forests but if you pinpoint of Silkeborg, two districts with similar growth specific moments in history, as is done in conditions. forest management plans and maps, you will In state forestry, regulations controlled the discover the dynamics – see the choice of tree species on a general level from changeability. In this paper the changeability 1855. The rules reflected an overall of the tree species composition is examined at development of forestry production from two forest districts, the state district of firewood of beech to timber of conifers mainly. Silkeborg and the private district of Hvidkilde. In private forestry, the choice of tree species Silkeborg state forest district is situated in the was not centrally regulated but was decided western part of Denmark, in Jutland, in an by local forest supervisors and estate owners. area of varying topography with lakes and The introduction of conifers started earlier at streams, and during the study period it the private than at the state forest district. This consisted of seven large and almost coherent was presumably due to a general interest in forests with a total area of c. 2,800 ha. exotic trees species among large estate Hvidkilde district is situated in the central part owners, an interest that resulted in ’strange’ of Denmark, in the southern part of the island trees being found in many manor parks. of Fynen. In the study period the forest area However, in their forests private owners – and was constantly c. 1,300 ha but it was divided News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 67

into no less than c. 30 different forests (Larix decidua Mill .), silver fir ( Abies alba Mill .) scattered across the countryside. The growing and Weymouth pine ( Pinus strobus L .). Other conditions of the two districts are similar. aspects of organised forestry according to von During the period from 1800 to 1950 the forest Langen - as opposed to the previous forest administrations made eight management practice - were long-term planning, division of plans for the state district and six for the the forest area into annual cuttings, use of private district but not all of them were clear cutting, and establishment of plantings sufficiently detailed to supply the information with mixed species (Jørgensen & Nielsen on tree species composition necessary for this 1963 pp. 100 + 112). study. To the state administration and most Danish foresters it seemed that von Langen’s Introduction of new species – management meant heavy costs and almost von Langen and his forest no gain, so the plans were all abandoned after management plan his death in 1776. Results of pollen analyses show that the choice of domestic forest tree species in The legal background for the Denmark is very limited (Aaby 1985, Odgaard choice of tree species 1985). After the last Ice Age only a few After the breakaway from the von Langen conifers like Scotch pine ( Pinus sylvestris L .), version of organised forestry the state tried to yew ( Taxus baccata L.) and juniper ( Juniperus emphasise tree production by separating communis L. ) immigrated naturally and the forestry and hunting in 1778 and making present natural vegetation consists mainly of management of state forests mandatory by a broadleaves with beech ( Fagus sylvatica L .), forest law of 1781. The law prescribed the use oak ( Quercus sp .) and ash ( Fraxinus excelsior of single-tree selection system instead of clear L. ) as the primary species 4 . cutting and the use of domestic tree species With the introduction of organised forestry in instead of all the exotic species that von state forests in the 1760s by the German Langen had introduced. However, it was forester Johann Georg von Langen a number permitted to do small trials with exotic species. of exotic trees species were introduced. At the beginning of the 19th century it was These were both broadleaves like sycamore decided that specific management plans (Acer pseudoplatanus L. ), sweet chestnut should be made for all state forests and this (Castanea sativa Mill .), and walnut ( Juglans has been done ever since every 10, 15 or 20 regia L. ) and conifers like Norway spruce years. (Picea abies (L.) Karst .), European larch The central state forest administration also issued rules and regulations on the choice of 4 All botanical names in Latin are from Lange (1959-61). trees species in state forests, reflecting an

68 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

overall development of forestry production beginning. At the private estate of Hvidkilde, from firewood of beech to timber of conifers conifers were introduced already in 1807 as mainly. The first set of rules from 1855 had no an element in the forests but as it is seen they specific statements about the different tree never became dominant. Silkeborg became a species but from 1877 and throughout the rest conifer district while Hvidkilde stayed a of the study period the rules explicitly stated broadleaved district. In manor parks ‘strange’ how to prioritise between broadleaves and trees were introduced, especially after the conifers and even sometimes between arrival of the English garden fashion – the first specific species (Serup 2004 pp. 223-225). English garden was established at Bernstorff The forest area decreased discontinuously in castle north of Copenhagen in the 1760s. This the 17th and 18th centuries and by c.1800 it inspired foresters to experiment with conifers reached a low point of 3-4% (Fritzbøger 1992 and other exotic tree species (Syrach-Larsen p.142). Something had to be done. Private 1928 p. 95). By 1785, 24 private estates had forests presumably made up c. ¾ of the forest already made trials with conifers in their area around 1800 and in 1805 a forests (Fritzbøger 1997 p. 267). As it is seen comprehensive forest law valid for the private from the number of tree species at the two forests was issued. It contained restrictions on districts, new species were introduced first in the use and management of private forests the private forests but the state district soon but had no rules for the choice of tree species. followed. Around 1950 c. 13 different tree species were in common use at both districts. Tree species composition at the two case districts At first – and this was the case at both districts The development in the distribution between – open areas within the forests were broadleaves and conifers at the two districts is cultivated, often with conifers. When the first clearly different from one another (tables 1 management plans were prepared for the and 2). From 1862 to 1949 the share of state district in 1840 and the private district in conifers at the private district increased from 1862, respectively, 35% and 30% of their 22% to 35% while at the state district the forest area was bare. The open areas share of conifers increased from 31% to no consisted of dry ground, meadows and less than 64% in the same period. marshes and not surprisingly the dry parts Conifers, which in time became so dominant were cultivated first. Later, in the 1870s, the an element in the forests around Silkeborg, drainage of the wet areas gained speed, in were introduced in 1827 and Norway spruce order to make them usable for growing trees, was the dominant species from the very mainly Norway spruce and . News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 69

Table. 1:

Tree species composition at the state forest district of Silkeborg (%). Tree species that never reached an area of 5 ha are not listed here. That includes the species: ash (Fraxinus excelsior L.), maple (Acer pseudoplatanus L.), aspen (Populus sp.), white spruce (Picea glauca (Moench) Voss)), Nordmann's fir (Abies Nordmanniana Spach), grand fir (Abies grandis Lindl.), Colorado fir (Abies concolor (Gord.) Engelm.), Austrian pine (Pinus nigra Arnold), Ponderosa pine (Pinus ponderosa Dougl.), jack pine (Pinus Banksiana Lamb.), Western Larch (Larix occidentalis Nutt.), and Chamaecyparis Source: Serup 2004 p. 229

After having extended tree growth to almost Looking at statistics there are no reliable and every usable spot, especially at the state detailed figures for the trees species district, a conversion of low yield broadleaved composition in Danish forests until the stands into high yield conifer stands began beginning of the 20th century (Larsen & (Serup 2004 p. 222). Johannsen 2002 pp. 152-153).

70 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

Table. 2:

Tree species composition at the private forest district of Hvidkilde (%).Tree species that never reached an area of 5 ha are not listed here. That includes the species: (Ulmus sp.), grey alder (Alnus incana (L.) Moench), (Salix sp.), horse chestnut (Aesculus Hippocastanum L.), sweet cherry (Ceresus avium), aspen (Populus tremula L.), grand fir (Abies grandis Lindl.), Nordmann’s fir (Abies Nordmanniana Spach), white spruce (Picea glauca (Moench) Voss)), Weymouth pine (Pinus strobus L.), jack pine (Pinus Banksiana Lamb.), Pinus Murrayana, Chamaecuparis, and thuja (Thuja sp.)

Source: Serup 2004 p. 230

Figures for the three censuses in the first half in state forests compared to private forests. of the century show that the distribution This is partly due to the fact that the major between broadleaves and conifers at part of the forest area on poor soils in the Silkeborg and Hvidkilde districts is not a mere western part of Denmark is in state ownership, coincidence but in fact tally with the general but also on the better forests soils (as around picture (figure 1). There is a clear tendency to Silkeborg) large parts of the forest area are use a larger part of the forest area for conifers used for conifers.

News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 71

The use of conifers eventually led to, in Today 65% of the Danish forest area, which in Fritzbøgers’ words (1997 p. 253) ”one of the total is c. 12% of the land area, consists of most radical botanical and architectonic conifers, mainly Norway spruce. changes of the Danish landscape in historical time”. Figur 1

Broadleaves and conifers in state and privat forests:

Source: Statistisk Departement 1925, 1934, 1954

The long-term expectations term plans for a period of c. 100 years seems for tree species composition like a strange thing to do but the foresters of As it is seen (tables 3 and 4), expectations for that time believed that organised forestry was the long-term tree species composition were the tool to gain control of the development of not met. The beech area became the forest and thereby of the outcome. Some considerably smaller than expected, 20% at foresters though expressed in writing their the state district and 16% at the private doubts about long-term planning, e.g. the district. New tree species, the rise of the wood forester making the plan for Hvidkilde in 1862. industry, better transportation, and other He thought that change in the construction of methods of selling the wood are just a few of houses from half-timbered to brick-built, new the explanations. Making rather detailed long- methods for making paper from beech,

72 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

The expected and the realised long-term tree species composition at the private forest district of Hvidkilde (%)

Source: Serup 2004, p.228

The expected and the realised long-term tree species composition at the state forest district of Silkeborg (%)

Source: Serup 2004, p.228

Tables 3 and 4

Impregnation of oak and conifers, and planning unreliable. Later on, the unreliability uncertainty on how to build ships in the future of long-term planning was generally accepted with iron or wood would change the conditions and detailed plans were only made for the for forestry and thereby make long-term coming period of 10, 15 or 20 years.

News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 73

Introduction of exotic tree eventually it was found how to pack the living species in organised Danish plant material properly so it did not forestry decompose or suffer from exposure to salt According to the oldest references, the first water. As the railroad cut through North conifers were planted in the park of Svenstrup America and finally reached the west coast, manor on Zealand c. 1665 to commemorate the plant and seed frontier also moved west the introduction of autocracy in 1660 (Nielsen and made the introduction of the fabled 1978 p. 12). The first exotic species to gain inclusive of Danish forests. Around the 1880s importance in forestry were introduced by von conifer giants possible into European forests, Langen in the 1760s and came from East Asian species were also introduced into European countries like Germany and Norway Danish forests (Møller 1977 p. 183). Only a (Nielsen 1978 p. 16). In the year 1800, a few of the listed exotic tree species have Danish consulate opened in Philadelphia and gained importance at the two investigated this made direct delivery of seeds and plants districts but many species were used on a from the United States easier (Fritzbøger limited scale at some point in time, i.e. on an 1995). There was still the problem of the long area smaller than 5 ha: on Silkeborg district transportation time of 2-4 months but 12 species, on Hvidkilde district 14 species.

74 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

The exotic species that became important at the two districts all appear at least 35 years, some a lot more, after the time of their intro- this: in state forestry the foresters had to duction into Danish forestry (table 5). follow directives given by the central forest administration and these stressed the Conclusions importance of conifers. Forestry professors at During the period from 1800 to 1950, forestry The Royal Veterinarian and Agricultural and the Danish society in general went University, from 1863 the only place to have an education for forest graduates, stated the through a radical development in many ways. economic superiority of conifers. This meant The country reached a population of 4.2 million people in 1950 (Statistisk Department that many foresters, also in private forestry, 1951 p. 4), Denmark entered the age of believed in ‘the wonders of conifers’, their democracy with the introduction of large production potential, their short rotation representative government in 1849, and age, and their ability to grow well under industrialisation began changing the living severe conditions not suited for quality conditions for a lot of people from the 1870s. broadleaves - wonders that to a large extent The forests, both public and private, were were true. Later it has become evident that there is a large amount of uncertainty separated from the surrounding landscape, combined with the silviculture of conifers fenced against grazing and placed under very restrictive forest laws. Due to the improved because of wind throw and general health transportation facilities, the world market for problems (Spiecker et al. 2004). The wood influenced the production in Denmark conditions for especially Norway spruce, from c. 1880s by increasing the demand for which is a main species, are not optimal in construction timber and other forest products, Denmark. and a regular forest industry emerged. The Most private foresters had – even though they forest area increased and organised forestry came from the same educational background was introduced in most of the forests during as state foresters – a more conservative the 19th century. attitude towards the choice of species than One of the characteristics of organised was shown in state forestry. My interpretation forestry is the conscious choice of tree is that they did not accept the same risks of species. This choice gave very different concentrating a lot of resources on growing a results for the forest structure at the two few conifer species. They were more sceptical investigated forest districts: at the state district to the teachings and relied more on the local conifers became dominant whereas the long-term experience gained by their private district remained a broadleaved predecessors or themselves. This meant that district, a development seen in the whole the choice of tree species was more often country. There are a number of reasons for based on local knowledge compared to state News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 75

forestry, where centrally employed appraisers planning and silviculture at Silkeborg state forest had a strong saying in these decisions and district and the private district of Hvidkilde). Ph.d.- they were not always in compliance with the thesis, The Royal Veterinary and Agricultural University, Copenhagen, 347 pp. (submitted). opinion of the local state forester. The private Driftsplankontoret, Skov- og Naturstyrelsen (Forest forester of course also had to consider the Management Planning, Danish Forest and Nature economic aspect and secure the passing on Agency) of the estate from one generation to the next. Forest management plans from Silkeborg state This continuity of ownership within the family forest district (1840, 1861, 1885, 1895, 1905, was often a very important issue to the private 1935, and 1950). owner. It did not keep private foresters from The archive at the estate of Hvidkilde trying out new species; as a matter of fact Forest management plans from Hvidkilde forest they often were the first to introduce new district (1862, 1911, 1926, and 1949). species in forestry, only they did not put 2. Published everything at stake by growing just a few Aaby, Bent 1985: Norddjurslands exotic species. landskabsudvikling gennem 7000 år. (The As explained before, Danish forestry landscape change of Northern Djursland through 7000 years). Fortidsminder 1985. Antikvariske experienced a lot of changes in the period of studier 7. Miljøministeriet, Fredningsstyrelsen, pp. the study, similar to what happened in other 60-83. European countries. This is the main reason Fritzbøger, Bo 1992: Danske skove 1500-1800 – for the difference between the expected and en landskabshistorisk undersøgelse (Danish the realised tree species composition at the forests 1500-1800 – an investigation of landscape two forest districts. Obviously, a lot of history). Landbohistorisk Selskab, 345 pp. uncertainty is inherent in planning for such a Fritzbøger, Bo 1995: Nordamerikanske træfrø- long period and soon foresters realised that leverancer til Danmark o. 1800 (North American detailed long-term planning did not serve any Supply of Tree Seeds to Denmark c. 1800). Dansk purpose and it was given up. Dendrologisk Årsskrift. Bind XIII, pp. 7-43. Fritzbøger, Bo 1997: Nåletræ i Danmark. Et bidrag til skov- og havebrugets historie ca. 1700-1830 References (Conifers in Denmark. A Contribution to the History 1. Unpublished of Forestry and c. 1700-1830). Fritzbøger, Bo 2001: Slide from teaching material Historisk Tidsskrift, nr. 2, pp. 252-274. in Forest and Landscape History. The Royal Lange, Johan 1959-61: Ordbog over Danmarks Veterinary and Agricultural University, Denmark. plantenavne (Dictionary of the Danish plant Serup, Helle: Ordnet skovbrug i Danmark 1800- names). Bind I-III. Ejnar Munksgaards Forlag, 1950 - planlægning og dyrkning på Silkeborg København. Statsskovdistrikt og Hvidkilde Skovdistrikt Nielsen, P. Chr. 1978: Fremmede træarter i (Organised forestry in Denmark 1800-1950 – Danmark indtil omkring år 1800 (Foreign Tree

76 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

Species in Denmark until c. 1800). Dansk Spiecker, Heinrich; Jörg Hansen; Emil Klimo; Jens Dendrologisk Årsskrift. Bind V, pp. 7-45. Peter Skovsgaard, Hubert Sterba & Konstatin von Jørgensen, E. Laumann & P. Chr. Nielsen 1963: Teuffel 2004: Norway spruce conversion – options Nordsjællands skove gennem 200 år. Den Gram- and consequences. European Forest Institute Langeske forstordning (The Forests of North Research Report 18. Leiden, Boston, 269 pp. Zealand Through 200 years. The Gram-Langen Statistisk Departement 1925: Skovbruget i Dan- Forest Plan). Direktoratet for Statsskovbruget og mark i 1923 (Forestry in Denmark 1923). Den Kgl. Veterinær- og Landbohøjskole, Forlaget Statistiske Meddelelser, 4. rk., 74. bind, Rhodos, 176 pp. København, 110 pp. Larsen, P.H. & Johannsen, V.K. 2002: Skove og Statistisk Departement Statistisk Aarbog 1934 plantager 2000 (Forests and plantations 2000). (Statistical yearbook 1934). København, 260 pp. Danmarks Statistik; Skov & Landskab, Skov- og Statistisk Departement 1951: Statistisk Årbog 1951 Naturstyrelsen, 171 pp. (Statistical yearbook 1951). København, 308 pp. Møller; Carl Mar: 1977: Vore skovtræarter og deres Statistisk Departement 1954: Skove og Plantager dyrkning (Our forest tree species and their silvi- 1951 (Forests and plantations 1951). Statistiske culture). Dansk Skovforening, København, 522 pp. Meddelelser, 4. række, 154. bind, 3. hæfte, Odgaard, Bent 1985: Kulturlandskabets historie i København, 150 pp. Vestjylland (The history of the cultural landscape in Syrach-Larsen, C. 1928: Fremmede Naaletræers Western Jutland). Fortidsminder 1985. Indførelse i danske Haver efter 1779 (The Antikvariske studier 7. Miljøministeriet, introduction of foreign conifers in Danish gardens Fredningsstyrelsen, pp. 48-59. after 1779). Årsskrift for Den Kongelige Veterinær- og Landbohøjskole, pp. 91-118.

Helle Serup Forest & Landscape, the Royal Veterinary and Agricultural University, Rolighedsvej 23, 1958 Frederiksberg C, Denmark, Tel: +45 3528 1817, E-mail: [email protected]

News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 77

WÄLDER ALS TEIL DER KULTURLAND- SCHAFT: UBER WALDFLÄCHENVERÄNDERUNGEN IM 19. JAHR- HUNDERT AM BEISPIEL DES LANDES THÜRINGEN

Methodische Grundlagen bei Welche Auswirkungen die angedeutete Untersuchungen zu Wald- geschichtliche Entwicklung auf die Veränder- flächenveränderungen in ung von Flächennutzungsarten in größeren Thüringen Gebieten, so auch in Thüringen, hatte, lässt Das 19. Jahrhundert zählt zu den turbulenten sich aus Statistiken nicht belegen. Wenn Epochen der deutschen Geschichte. Es ist diese überhaupt von einzelnen Staaten oder geprägt von politischen, wirtschaftlichen und Gebieten vorhanden sind, lassen sie sich sozialen Umwälzungen. Der Französischen aufgrund der Lückenhaftigkeit und Unter- Revolution folgten in Deutschland Reformen schiedlichkeit nicht zusammenfügen. Eine und auf die bürgerliche Revolution das Reich Reichsstatistik gibt es seit 1878, sie hatte Bismarcks. Die Industrielle Revolution brachte jedoch noch keine einheitliche Begriffsbe- tief greifende Veränderungen der wirtschaft- stimmung vom Wald. Erst ab 1883 setzten mit lichen und sozialen Verhältnisse mit der Bodenbenutzungserhebung statistische verbundener Bevölkerungsbewegung und. forstwirtschaftliche Ermittlungen ein. Bevölkerungswachstum. Am Ende des Unter- Diese Umstände und Bedingungen führten vor suchungszeitraumes bestand das Wilhelm- 50 Jahren in den Eberswalder forstlichen inische Kaiserreich, das nach dem ersten Forschungseinrichtungen auf Initiative von Weltkrieg aufhörte zu bestehen. Im 19. Jahr- RICHTER dazu, dass die Waldflächen von hundert gab es noch keinen thüringischen altem Kartenmaterial aus der Zeit um 1780 mit Gesamtstaat. Erst 1920 vereinten sich das den Waldflächen auf den Einheitsblättern vom Großherzogtum Sachsen-Weimar-Eisenach, Deutschen Reich von 1937 im Maßstab die Herzogtümer Sachsen-Meiningen, 1: 100.000 verglichen wurde. Sachsen-Gotha, Sachsen-Altenburg und die Auf der Basis dieser großmaßstäblichen Fürstentümer Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt, Arbeitskarten sind so neue Karten für das Schwarzburg-Sondershausen, Reuß ältere Gebiet der DDR, der heutigen 5 Bundesländer und Reuß jüngere Linie durch einen Gemein- Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Brandenburg, schaftsvertrag zum Freistaat Thüringen. Ver- Sachsen-Anhalt, Sachsen und Thüringen, mischt blieb dieser weiterhin mit mehreren entstanden, auf der die Waldflächen zusehen preußischen Gebietsteilen. sind, die nach 1780 aufgeforstet wurden, die auch noch 1937 Waldflächen waren und die

78 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

einst Wald trugen, zwischenzeitlich aber Waldbestand auf, doch dort, wo die bunt gerodet wurden.. Mit Hilfe der zusammenge- gemischten Rodungs- und Aufforstungs- fassten Karten der 5 Länder im Maßstab flächen konzentriert auftreten bieten sich für 1:.500 000 war es mir durch mathematisch derartige Komplexe weitere historische statistische Auswertung möglich mittels Untersuchungen an. Zur verbalen Auswertung voraus festgelegten Punkten auf einem Gitter- dienten Karten der einzelnen Länder im netz für die Fläche der 5 Länder insgesamt Maßstab 1: 300 000. Leider sind diese Zahlenwerte zu gewinnen. Danach hat sich Arbeiten noch unveröffentlicht geblieben. Da auf der 10,8 Millionen ha großen Territorial- ich selbst das Land Thüringen bearbeitete, will fläche Ostdeutschlands die Waldfläche ich die dortigen Waldflächenveränderungen zwischen 1780 und 1937 von 25,6% auf im 19. Jahrhundert kurz vorstellen. 27,6% vergrößert, also um 2%. Allein 21% der Waldfläche von 1937 erwiesen sich als nach Einflüsse auf die Waldver- 1780 neu aufgeforstete Flächen. Während für breitung in Thüringen bis die Länder Sachsen und Brandenburg fast zum Ende des 18. Jahr- zeitgleiche alte einheitliche Landesaufnahmen hunderts, Hintergründe. vom Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts benutzt Natürliche Gegebenheiten und menschliche werden konnten, existierte aufgrund der Einflussnahme haben die Waldverbreitung territorialen Zersplitterung Thüringens kein beeinflusst. Bereits in mehreren zusammenhängendes Kartenwerk. 24 Dissertationen (BEATE 1920, LEONHARDT Kartenwerke und Einzelkarten aus 1928/29 und EINBECK 1929) sind die zahlreichen Thüringer Archiven und Ursachen der Waldverbreitung in Thüringen Bibliotheken, aber auch aus Berlin, Dresden untersucht worden. Sie stellten fest, dass 4 und Marburg, mussten für nicht weniger als 88 Faktoren, nämlich der Boden, das Klima, das Einzelgebieten des Thüringer Territoriums Relief sowie die Wohnplatzentfernung, zur zum Kartenvergleich herangezogen werden. heutigen Waldverbreitung von 33% geführt Weitere Probleme ergaben sich bei der hätten. Die dicht bewaldeten Gebirgszüge, Erarbeitung von Erläuterungen der erstellten insbesondere der Thüringer Wald, blieben bis Karten durch die ehemalige politische zum Jahre 1000 siedlungsleer. Nach Gliederung und auch durch die große SCHLÜTER ist Thüringen - mit Ausnahme der Verschiedenartigkeiten der natürlichen und Flusstäler, den Gebieten im Osten um wirtschaftlichen Verhältnisse in den oft auch Altenburg und in der Mitte nördlich von noch getrennt liegenden Gebietsteilen der Arnstadt und Gotha – vor den großen einzelnen Staaten. Auf der großräumigen Siedlungsperioden, die bis etwa 1300 nach Gesamtdarstellung der 5 Länder weisen die Christi angesetzt werden, durchgängig mit Waldflächen zum größten Teil alten Wald bestockt gewesen. Nun wurde der Wald News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 79

zur landwirtschaftlichen Bodennutzung von des Jahrhunderts verstärkt in die Städte über. Landstrichen mit günstigen Standortver- Besonders in Ostthüringen, wo sich guter hältnissen sowie durch übermäßige Waldaus- Boden mit vielseitigen Erwerbszweigen beute von Gewerben und Industriezweigen vereinigt, kam es zu einer verhältnismäßig zurückgedrängt. Steigender Holzbedarf und hohen Volksdichte. planloses Wirtschaften im Wald ließen die Die Landwirtschaft, an die höhere An- Furcht vor Holzmangel aufkommen, so dass forderungen als bisher gestellt wurden, strebte Landesherren und Waldbesitzer mit ersten nach Erweiterung der genutzten Fläche und Anordnungen gegen Rodungen im Interesse wandelte sich, nach dem Entstehen einer ihrer Rechte und Einnahmen vorgingen. Nach selbständigen Landwirtschaftswissenschaft in den großen Rodungsperioden veränderten der Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts, durch die sich nunmehr die Waldflächen örtlich durch Forderung nach Produktionssteigerung (u. a. Zu- oder Abnahme der Bevölkerung, durch Einführung der Kartoffel, des Kleeanbaues, Kriege, Seuchen und Wüstungen. Die und des künstlichen Düngers). In den Waldausdehnung insgesamt blieb jedoch Gebirgslandschaften wurde jedoch durch die annähernd bis zum 19. Jahrhundert unver- natürlichen Bedingungen den Ausdehnungs- ändert, bis Bevölkerungszunahme, Agrar- bestrebungen der Landwirtschaft Grenzen reformen und Industrialisierung wieder in ver- gesetzt. In höheren Lagen erschien der stärktem Maße auf die Verbreitung des Getreideanbau wegen der ungünstigen Waldes einwirkten. klimatischen Verhältnisse unrentabel. Hute- flächen blieben nach Einführung der Änderungen der Waldver- Stallfütterung und durch Verbesserung der breitung im 19. Jahrhundert Wiesenkultur brach liegen. in Thüringen, Gründe. Die Forstwirtschaft nutzte, begünstigt durch Die Waldflächenveränderungen im 19. Jahr- die Verbreitung forstwissenschaftlicher Er- hundert sind besonders eng verbunden mit kenntnisse und durch die Herausbildung einer der Bevölkerungszunahme und der straffen Verwaltungsorganisation diese Bevölkerungsbewegung, mit der Geschichte produktionslosen Flächen der Landwirtschaft. der Landwirtschaft und der modernen Zum Teil konnte sie auch von geringwertigen Forstwirtschaft, mit gebietsrechtlichen Be- Äckern Besitz ergreifen, deren Eigentümer die stimmungen, mit der Industrialisierung und Arbeit in der Industrie vorzogen. damit auch mit dem Handel und Verkehr. Wie Gefördert wurde die Abwanderung durch die überall in Deutschland setzte auch in Entstehung von fabrikmäßigen Großbetrieben Thüringen im 19. Jahrhundert ein rascher überall in Thüringen, die die Manufaktur und Bevölkerungszuwachs ein. Die überschüssige Hausindustrie – besonders des Thüringer ländliche Bevölkerung siedelte seit der Mitte Waldes – durch die Anwendung von Kraft-

80 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

und Arbeitsmaschinen und chemische sind dies 2 Rodungsgebiete „Gera-Altenburg“ Prozesse ersetzten. Hinzu kam die Standort- mit 4 Rodungskomplexen und die „Windleite“ verschiebung der Industrie von den Wäldern nördlich von Sondershausen. Die 5 zu den Kohlevorkommen Ostthüringens. Eine Aufforstungsgebiete liegen bei „Arnstadt- Beschleunigung erfuhr die Industrialisierung Weimar-Jena“ mit 4 Aufforstungskomplexen, durch neue Verkehrsmittel im 19. Jahrhundert, bei „Eisenach-Mihla“, bei „Meiningen- insbesondere durch die Eisenbahn. Schalkau“ mit 2 Komplexen sowie im Im Allgemeinen kann über die Entwicklung „Staugebiet der Saale“ und bei „Allstedt“. des Waldbildes im 19. Jahrhundert gesagt Sämtliche ausgeschiedenen Rodungs- und werden, dass das Handeln der Menschen Aufforstungsgebiete treten im Thüringer einmal bestimmt wurde von der Möglichkeit, Hügelland auf und dem gemäß auch in dem gute mit Wald bestockten Boden für die entsprechenden Klimagebiet. Nach forstlichen ackerbauliche Nutzung zu roden, zum Wuchsgebieten sind die Rodungen dem anderen landwirtschaftlich untaugliche Böden Sächsisch-Thüringischen Lößhügelland (6) aufzuforsten. Dass dieses im Großen für zuzuordnen. Die Aufforstungen fanden Thüringen zutrifft, bestätigt die Häufung von dagegen im Ostthüringischen (5), Ober- Rodungsflächen im ostthüringischen Löß- fränkischen (13), Südthüringischen (11) und gebiet, das neben der Keuper- und Mitteldeutschen (3) Trias-Hügelland statt. Tertiärlandschaft den größten Ackerbauanteil  Aufforstungsgebiete besitzt. Die Aufforstungsflächen befinden sich Rodungsgebiete dagegen fast ausschließlich in landwirt- schaftlich ungünstigen Muschelkalkgebieten in Mittel- und Westthüringen. Die größeren Waldflächen des Thüringer Waldes, des Frankenwaldes und im Thüringer Vogtland haben sich im 19. Jahrhundert nicht wesentlich verändert. Im Flachland und in den Niederungen waren die Rodungen vor dem untersuchten Zeitraum abgeschlossen. Das gehäufte Auftreten von Rodungen in Zur Feststellung, in wie weit die dargelegten bestimmten Landstrichen ist auf eine allgemeingültigen Faktoren im 19. Jahr- Komplexwirkung zurückzuführen. Beein- hundert die Waldflächenveränderungen in flussend waren im Wesentlichen gute, für den Thüringen beeinflussten, wurden im Ackerbau nutzbare Böden, Entwicklung von Speziellen die Landstriche, in denen Industrie und Bergbau, Bevölkerungsanstieg Rodungs- und Aufforstungsflächen gehäuft und einzelne gebietsrechtliche Bestimmung- festzustellen sind, eingehender untersucht. Es en. Insgesamt sind die Rodungen in den News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 81

Flächen der Rodungsgebiete vorwiegend auf man bedenkt, dass nach Angaben der braunen oder rostfarbenen Waldböden mit- thüringischen Landesuntersuchungen der bestimmend waren die Bodenarten wie von der Gesamtfläche des Lösböden, lehmiger Sand, sandiger Lehm und Landes Thüringen nur 20% einnimmt. Dem- Lehm sowie die Anbaumöglichkeit gute entsprechend sind die Aufforstungen vor- Getreideböden mit der Leitkultur Getreide. wiegend im Bereich der natürlichen Waldge- Besonders hervorzuheben ist, dass die sellschaften der Kalkbuchenwälder ausgeführt Gebiete zum Teil als Wohnflächen schon sehr worden. Im Gegensatz zu den Rodungs- frühzeitig waldfrei gewesen sind und im gebieten waren die Aufforstungsgebiete in Untersuchungszeitraum auch keine größeren früheren Jahrhunderten mit Wald bestockt. zusammenhängenden Waldgebiete mehr Die weitere Ausdehnung der Siedlungsräume aufweisen. Die Industrialisierung des 19. über die Täler hinaus sowie später verbreitete Jahrhunderts, insbesondere der Braunkohle- Schafhaltung, Streunutzung, Übernutzung und tagebau bei Altenburg sowie die Textil- Umgestaltung der Südhänge der Muschelkalk- industrie in Gera, und die überdurchschnitt- berge für den Anbau von Wein gaben der liche Bevölkerungszunahme und –dichte, aber Landschaft bis zum Beginn des Unter- auch der hohe Prozentsatz an kleinem suchungszeitraumes ein anderes Gepräge. Privatwaldbesitz, für den kein Rodungsverbot Besonders auf den Wellenkalkböden, die eine und Aufforstungsgebot bestand, waren andauernde Beschirmung verlangen, hatte die weitere Bestimmungsgründe für die Aus- unmittelbare atmosphärische Einwirkung in führung der hauptsächlichsten Rodungen in den ebenen und südlichen Lagen eine Er- Thüringen während des 19. Jahrhunderts. hitzung, Austrocknung und Bodenabtragung Eine ähnliche Komplexwirkung, die für zur Folge. In den frischeren, nördlichen setzte Rodungen maßgebend war, ist bei den dagegen ein starker Graswuchs ein. Ein Aufforstungen während des Untersuchungs- Wiedervordringen des Waldes in Form von zeitraumes in Thüringen nicht festzustellen. Anpflanzungen und Saat, insbesondere durch Der bestimmende Faktor für das Einsetzen Nadelholz, konnte für den Untersuchungs- der Aufforstungstätigkeit waren die zeitraum nachgewiesen werden. geologischen Verhältnisse. Fast aus- Bedeutende Thüringer Forstwirte wie Gottlob schließlich wurden in Thüringen die Auf- KÖNIG, Carl GREBE und andere wollten forstungen in der Muschelkalklandschaft durch Nadelholzerstaufforstungen den ausgeführt, die durch ihre Oberflächengestalt späteren Laubholzanbau vorbereiten. Bei den und Bodenart den Landbau erschwert. Nur bei Aufforstungen handelt es sich zumeist um alte etwa 4% der Fläche der Aufforstungsgebiete Schaftriften auf geringen, flachgründigen, liegen andere geologische Verhältnisse vor. steinigen und trocknen Wellenkalkböden an Noch schärfer tritt dieser Faktor hervor, wenn mehr oder weniger nackten und steilen

82 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

Hängen, sowie um geringe Ackerböden auf im Allgemeinen ergebende Bild nicht beein- steinigen, flachgründigen oder schweren trächtigt. tonigen Stellen des oberen . Zum Ausdörren neigen vom oberen Muschel- Nutzung und Bedeutung von kalk die Hänge des mittleren und Trochiten- Untersuchungen zu Wald- kalkes. Auf Wellenkalkböden wurde als flächenveränderungen Pionier die Schwarzkiefer und als Hauptbaum- Welche praktische Bedeutung diese art insbesondere Nadelhölzer angebaut, im Untersuchungen und Feststellungen haben Bereich des oberen Muschelkalks als Pionier zeigte bereits die Nutzung von Details der die Weißerle und auf besseren Böden auch vorliegenden Karten durch die als Hauptbaumarten Laubholz. Standorterkundung, die Vegetationskunde, die

Im 20. Jahrhundert sind diese Aufforstungen Forsteinrichtung und die Landeskunde. Sie fortgesetzt worden. So war der gesamte können aber auch Hinweise geben für Waldanteil zu dieser Zeit besonders hoch auf Projekte des Naturschutzes, der Biotoppflege, den im Sommer durch dürregefährdeten der Landnutzung und der Landschafts- flachgründigen Steilhängen des unteren gestaltung, für die Wirtschaftsgeographie und Muschelkalks, gering dagegen auf dem schließlich die Raumplanung. Das Bundes- mittleren Muschelkalk und den deutsche- wie auch das Thüringer Waldgesetz Nodoseschichten des oberen Muschelkalks. beinhalten gesetzliche Rahmenbedingungen Der für die Ackernutzung ungünstige für die Waldvermehrung durch Erstauf- Böschungsfaktor spielte hierbei eine große forstungen. Ein Landesprogramm bildet die Rolle. Die Hauptflächen des thüringischen Grundlagen für die Übereinstimmung des Muschelkalks liegen höher als 300 m NN. gesellschaftlichen Interesses an ökologischer Manche Gebiete fallen in den Bereich Sanierung und optimaler Flächennutzung negativer Niederschlagsanomalien. landwirtschaftlich nicht mehr genutzter Flächen. So erhöhte sich, unterstützt durch Aus diesem Rahmen fallen lediglich die zwei Fördermittel, zwischen 1992 und 1997 der kleinsten Aufforstungskomplexe heraus, in Waldanteil in Thüringen um mehr als 2000 ha denen aus rein lokalbedingten Gründen gegenüber weit geringeren Flächenabgängen. aufgeforstet wurde. Einmal ist es das Auf Grund der zunehmenden landes-, agrar- Wassereinzugsgebiet der benachbarten und forstpolitischen sowie landesplanerischen Saaletalsperre und zum anderen eine Bedeutung bleiben Erstaufforstungen ausgedehnte vormalige Hutefläche eines weiterhin erklärtes Ziel der Thüringer bereits seit dem 12. Jahrhundert bestehenden Landesregierung. fürstlichen Gestüts bei Allstädt in Schon seit 2 ½ Jahrhunderten wird bereits Nordthüringen. Hierdurch wird jedoch das sich von der Forstwirtschaft gemäß den News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 83

Erfordernissen der jeweiligen Zeit auf die Bodennutzungsarten hat der Wald ökologisch Bedeutung der Waldflächenausdehnung den höchsten Stellenwert. Hinzu kommen hingewiesen. 1764 forderte der Begründer der noch die Nutz- und Erholungsfunktionen, die ersten forstlichen Lehrstätte in Deutschland, er auch unter dem Blickwinkel der Hans Dietrich von ZANTHIER - ein Nachhaltigkeit zu erfüllen hat.

Wegbereiter unserer modernen Forst- wirtschaft, dass „man das richtige Verhältnis Zu seinen „Worten für die Erhaltung der zwischen Wald und Feld suchen muss, das Wälder und Bäume“ erhielt 1840 Gottlob man zur Wirtschaft eines Landes nötig hat“. KÖNIG viel Beifall von den Teilnehmern der Vorausschauend war auch im Zusammen- Versammlung deutscher Land- und Forstwirte hang mit Waldflächenveränderungen das in Brünn: „Wo Wälder und Bäume Wirken des Thüringer Forstmannes Dr. verschwinden, tritt Dürre und Öde an ihre Gottlob KÖNIG, der von der Forstgeschichte Stelle. Der Fall des ersten Baumes war zu den Klassikern des 19. Jahrhundert gezählt bekanntlich der Anfang, aber der Fall des wird. Bereits ab 1815 erstellte er Gutachten letzten ist ebenso gewiss auch das Ende der und machte Vorschläge auf dem weitgehend Zivilisation. Zwischen diesen zwei Grenz- entwaldeten Plateau der thüringischen Hohen punkten des Völkerlebens bewegen wir uns. Rhön Flurholz anzubauen, Windschutzstreifen Die Zeit des letzten liegt in unserer Hand.“ und Wälder anzulegen. Dadurch sollten die

Weiden und Felder der bedauernswert verarmten Bevölkerung geschützt, verbessert Quellen und gleichzeitig dem künftigen Holzbedürfnis Richter, A., Esser, H., Schwartz, E.: Rechnung getragen werden. Daneben Waldverbreitung in Thüringen und Sachsen- befürwortete er auch allgemein Acker- und Anhalt. Abschlußbericht zur Forschungsarbeit im Ödlandaufforstungen als Sparbüchse für Institut für Forstwissenschaften (einschließlich private Grundbesitzer. Vorschläge von Kartenmaterial). Unveröffentlicht, Eberswalde 1956. Historischer Fundus der Fachhochschule Baumpflanzungen zur verbesserten Eberswalde. Gestaltung der Kulturlandschaft und des Richter, A: Zur Entwicklung der Waldverbreitung im Klimas machte er auch für die Residenzstadt Gebiet der DDR während der letzten 150 Jahre. Weimar und bei Eisenach sogar durch Archiv Forstwesen. Bd. 6, H. 11/12, S. 802-810. Gestaltung einer Naherholungslandschaft. 1957. Der Wald ist ein Spiegelbild der Gesellschaft, Schauer, W.: Untersuchung zur Waldflächen- der Kulturen. Die Funktionen, die er erfüllen veränderung im Bereich des Großblattes Templin- muss, sind gegenüber denen im 19. Schwedt-Freienwalde während der Zeit von 1780- Jahrhundert bedeutend gewachsen und 1937. Archiv Forstwesen, Bd. 15, H. 1, S. 3-25. weltweit in der Diskussion. Von den 1966.

84 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

Schwartz, E.: Über die Veränderungen der Wald- Naturschutz und Umwelt: Wald und Forstwirt- flächenausdehnung zwischen 1780 und 1937 auf schaft in Thüringen. Erfurt 1999. dem Territorium der DDR. Voluntary papers 18th Thüringer Ministerium für Landwirtschaft, IUFRO World Congress 1986 und Beiträge für. die Naturschutz und Umwelt: Unser Wald schreibt Forstwirtschaft Bd. 21, H. 4, S. 184 u. Microfiche grüne Zahlen, eine Sozialbilanz der Wälder 1987. Thüringens. Erfurt 1999. Schwartz, E.: Untersuchung zur Waldflächen- veränderung in Thüringen. Manuskript unveröffent Ekkehard Schwartz licht, 1956/1957. Historischer Fundus der Templinerstr. 1, Fachhochschule Eberswalde. 16227 Eberswalde, Deutschland, e-mail: [email protected] Schwartz, E.: Zur Geschichte der Schutzpflanzungen und des Flurholzanbaues in der nordöstlichen Hohen Rhön. Archiv f. Forstwesen Bd. 11, H.11, S.1230-1248. 1962. Schwartz, E.: Gottlob König, ein Leben für Wald und Landschaft. 392 S. Erfurt 1999.

Thüringer Ministerium für Landwirtschaft,

Photo: SCHWARZ News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 85

IN SEARCH OF VANISHED BROAD-LEAVED FORESTS IN THE VOSGES MOUNTAINS

Introduction The Vosges massif is one when, and how they were converted into conifer plantations. The Vosges massif is one of France’s most heavily wooded areas. As in many Central European mountain forests, landscapes are The remnants of a once dominated by artificial, pure softwood stands. common landscape feature Concerns about soil conditions, water quality, Situated in the north-east of France (figure 1), landscape quality, resistance to winds and the Vosges mountains have a dense forest invasive bark insects, have led scientists and cover (over 60%) which has been increasing foresters to endeavour a restoration to eco- continuously for the last two Centuries. This logical equilibrium through an adequate paper will focus on ancient forests, defined as management, and the promotion of softwood wooded areas that already existed in the 16th, species. Such an action towards sustainable 17th, and 18th centuries, before the start of management is inconceivable without the large-scale plantations. Present-day forests acquisition of a good knowledge on what can be deciduous, mixed, or coniferous these forests looked like before they were forests, but monospecific fir, spruce, or converted into monospecific tree cultures, on sometimes beech stands dominate in most of what theses forests could look like today had the region. It is reckoned since more than 150 natural processes been preserved. This years that deciduous species have been knowledge can be reached through several expelled from many areas in recent Centuries, methods: palynology, anthracology, or but this process is not well documented yet. referring to present-day natural woodlands, for Present-day fir and spruce stands on south- instance. facing slopes are afflicted with serious health In the Vosges Mountains written archives offer problems revealed by defoliation and bark the most interesting information on 18th beetles attacks. On many sites, so many dead Century landscapes. This paper deals with trees are scattered among their surviving mountain oak woods, called rapailles, which neighbours that they can not be felled and covered large areas before the 1820s, but cleaned at the desirable time: the blue-green have since been converted, for the most part, forests of the Vosges Mountains are too often to pine and spruce artificial stands. We tried to dotted with red and grey. Wherever these locate and characterize the few remnants of conifer stands are the result of plantations, it these oak mountain stands, to trace them may be judicious to return the forest to a back in archives and to understand why, closer-to-nature condition; but this implies

86 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

good information on past landscapes and survived in poor health conditions since the practices, and especially on vanished broad- 2003 drought. These oak stands always leaved stands, which could provide a good occupy steep, rocky south-facing slopes with basis for an appropriate ecological low water holding capacity. It is difficult to tell management. whether they are strictly associated with these This paper intends to focus on mountain oak ecological conditions, or if other oak stands stands, a very common feature in 18th situated on more fertile sites were converted Century landscapes according to archives. into plantations, while the conversion proved Present-day oak woods are very scarce, impossible on more rocky terrain. reduced to a few small patches.

Figure 1. Map of the study area

They are dominated by sessile oak ( Quercus An investigation on archives petraea ); other species include whitebeam We endeavoured to investigate archives in (Sorbus aria ) and birch ( Betula pendula ). order to identify these oak stands in 18th Some spruce and fir trees are scattered Century landscapes. Very soon, it appeared among hardwood species, but they seem to that a particular type of document, until now be on the verge of their potential living somewhat neglected, provided most useful conditions, since many of them have died, or information. Our main source of information, News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 87

registres de martelages, are registers into in coppice-with-standards, 308170 trees felled which foresters had to record all markings in coppice-with-standards and 190605 trees (martelages), day after day and tree by tree. felled as selection cuttings. As regards They were held by royal foresters of Central deciduous forests, usually managed as a France from the 16th century on, and much coppice with standards, the information later in the Vosges Mountains: the oldest such consists of documents relating to our study area date the date and place of the marking; back to 1716. Thus we have at our disposal the acreage of the felling area: interesting documents revealing all forest dimensioned drawings, which can be harvests, with their geographical situation, in used for cartography (figure 2) ; several defined areas of the Vosges massif. - the number and species of trees To this day, very few experts have tried to chosen and marked to materialize the limits of explore this considerable bulk of archives. In the felling area ; 1984, the historian Andrée Corvol issued an - the number, species, and category of exciting and much praised pioneer study in reserve trees. This last element is particularly Burgundy; registres de martelages thus interesting since standards are distributed into proved to be a very promising source for four age categories: from the youngest to the historians, and helped to assess the oldest, baliveaux, modernes, anciens, vieilles conditions and effects of the implementation écorces . The distribution of standards into of the 1669 ordinance, which ruled French these four categories will be used as a means forestry during 150 years (Corvol 1984). to appreciate stands structure after However, in more recent periods, no harvesting. Unfortunately, the composition of significant specialized work has been carried the underwood is not known except for short out on that matter, at least in France. descriptions. Mountain forestry before the 1820s remains hardly known. Our study intends to use these registers with the methods of historical geography, focusing on spatial and temporal frameworks. Most of our data originate from an almost continuous series of such registers, held by the high foresters of the Duke of Lorraine and the King of France in the city of

Saint-Dié, between 1748 and 1791.

Data gathered from available registres de martelages is composed of 1859 felling areas Figure 2: A felling area in a 18th Century register

88 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

Extent, nature and perception it is associated with some beech, hornbeam, of rapailles in the 18 th and many heliophile species. It is very often Century mixed with a more or less important proportion The first result of the investigation was that of conifer trees (both spruce and fir): 386 mountain oak stands did extend on a much felling areas out of 795 include some conifers. larger scale than today: 795 felling areas These oak stands are always managed as could be considered as oak-dominated coppice-with-standards with a rotation of 15 to mountain stands. Their total surface area 40 years. The reserve is deficient compared amounts to 2981 hectares and certainly with legislation, especially as concerns the represents only a small proportion of the total oldest categories of standards. These forests area of oak stands. are described as poor, sparsely occupied by Among reserve trees, we note a very heavy small, gnarled trees. The descriptions also domination of oaks (97 %). But reserve trees mention the strong presence of heather are chosen by foresters, and thus can not be (Calluna vulgaris ). Figure 3 shows part of the considered as indicative of the forest species forests of Badonviller according to the composition. More interesting are the trees information provided by the registres de chosen to indicate the limits of the felling martelages, as an example of possible uses of areas. Oak represents a proportion of 86,9 % ; written archives. The successive felling areas

Figure 3. Two different forest types in the western part of the forests of Badonviller in 1755-1766 News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 89

have been located thanks to the previously common feature in 18th Century landscapes mentioned dimensioned drawings. The forests of the Vosges Mountains; archives provide can be divided into two well-distinguished good information on their species types. We note on the north-facing slope composition, stands structure, and location. moderately rich stands dominated by beech, Most interesting for us is the usage, with scattered conifers, while on the south- perception and evolution of these oak stands. facing slope, the stands are much poorer and As regards how these forests were perceived, dominated by oak: these are the rapailles we we must note that foresters almost were looking for. Their position seems systematically use pejorative words. The essentially determined by topography. small, crooked trees of oak rapailles only provided fuelwood, and thus little income Conclusion compared to the nearby high stands of spruce Oak-dominated forests thus appear as a very and fir trees. It is no wonder that foresters had a severe perception of rapailles and attempted Figure 4 : The varied landscapes of the north- to convert them into conifer plantations as eastern part of the forests of Badonviller in 1755- soon as the 1820s. This activity completed 1773. contemporary attempts to eliminate broad-

90 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

leaved species from mixed forests: conifer HUSSON J.-P. 1991. Les hommes et la forêt en trees brought the most income and thus Lorraine. Paris, Bonneton, 318 p. deserved to be protected and supported JOHANN E. AGNOLETTI M. AXELSSON A.-L. BÜRGI, M. ÖSTLUND L. ROCHEL X. SCHMIDT against the competition of other species. This U.E. SCHULER A. SKOVSGAARD J.P. study shows how written archives, however WINIWARTER V. 2004. History of secondary incomplete and imperfect, can help to spruce forests in Europe. In SPIECKER H. et al. understand the recent evolution of forests in Norway spruce conversion, options and France. As a source for reconstructing past consequences. European Forest Institute forest landscapes (at a finer scale than Research Reports, 18, p. 25-62. paleoecology), they can help to assess ROCHEL X. 2004. Gestion forestière et paysages alterations in tree-species composition, and dans les Vosges d’après les registres de provide a basis for an ecological restoration of martelages du XVIIe siècle. Essai de many man-made, fragile forests. biogéographie historique. Thesis in Geography, université de Nancy 2, 607 p. References

CORVOL A. 1984. L’Homme et l’arbre sous Xavier Rochel l’Ancien Régime. Paris : Economica, 1984, 757 p. Département de géographie, CORVOL A. (dir.) 2001. Le sapin : enjeux anciens, Université de Nancy 2, France enjeux actuels. Paris : l'Harmattan, 394 p. [email protected] ,

FRUHAUF C. 1980. Forêt et société. De la forêt paysanne à la forêt capitaliste en pays de Sault sous l’Ancien Régime (vers 1670-1791). Paris : C.N.R.S. 302 p.

News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 91

FOREST CULTURE AND FOREST HISTORY DON’T CORRELATE WITH LATITUDE: COMPARING THE MEDITERRANEAN AND CENTRAL EUROPEAN REGIONS

It is a common opinion that Mediterranean than in the Mediterranean? In a few words: do landscapes are the result of thousands of forest history and forest culture really correlate years of deforestations and human misusing with latitude? We believe that most people of natural resources. As a consequence, would answer all these questions with “yes”. these ecosystems are degraded and of low Desertification in Southern Europe is a topic ecological value. Especially forests had to associated with this pessimistic view and any continuously suffer under peasants’ assarts. It measures taken to correct desertification are is also believed that Mediterranean societies appreciated by the public. The most popular “dislike forests” and don’t possess any forest measure is without doubt afforestation. culture. We frequently heard these and similar Planting trees is the Spanish way of fighting statements from people from Central against the expansion of the desert. European as well as from Mediterranean Nevertheless, the results of ecological and countries. This widely held opinion is shared geomorphological research carried out during by members of the academic world too. For the last decades contradict the degraded instance, the vision of the Mediterranean character attributed to the Mediterranean region as “the best and most tragic example of region. Actually, these ecosystems are how mankind can ruin its own means of characterized by high biodiversity levels, high existence through nature depletion” presented vegetation dynamic after abandonment of by the German ecologist Heinrich Walter traditional peasants’ activities, low erosion (1968) is still being approved by many rates, etc. (see for example González researchers (personal observations). This Bernáldez, 1990, Blondel et al., 1999). We pessimistic view of Mediterranean landscapes think that anthropogenic pressure on the implies that the relationship between people Mediterranean environment was similar to that and forests changes in accordance with a on the Central European one. The pessimistic North-South geographical gradient, being view is, in fact, a cultural construct elaborated more sustainable in the North. One can ask in 18th and 19th century Central Europe and oneself: has extensive deforestation been a bases exclusively upon prejudices. In order to management practice typically only of farmers evaluate this popular perception of from Southern Europe? Did people take more Mediterranean landscapes we compared care of natural resources in Central Europe forest culture and forest history in Central

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Europe and the Mediterranean area. We England “woods tend to have survived on carried out our work at two different scales: sites that were of little use for anything else”. from a global perspective (environmental We wonder about the different interpretation history of both regions) and from a local one of English and Mediterranean woodlands (traditional use of woodlands as an indicator made by Oliver Rackham. Observing carefully of forest culture). In the case of the the track slopes which cross pollarded and Mediterranean region we specially focussed coppiced Holm oak ( Quercus rotundifolia ) on Almería, a mountainous province (8.774 woodlands in the mountain ranges of Almería km2) in South Eastern Spain, the most arid we saw many trees growing not only on rock zone in Europe (250-350 mm of average but on earthy soils too. So, in former times annual precipitation in 75 % of the territory). gentle soils might have been forested just like in prehistoric England. Deforesting the Mediterran- In contrast, John McNeill (1992) and many ean region and Central other authors argue that important Europe environmental changes, including deforest- The view of the Mediterranean mountains as ation and soil erosion, occurred in the Medi- “denuded and sterile as a consequence of terranean mountains as a consequence of deforestation” (Pfister, 1990) has been socioeconomic transformations during the last challenged by several authors. For instance, 250 years. Therewith, the question of the Greeks and Romans are traditionally blamed natural or anthropogenic background of the for ruining the forests (“Greeks and Romans erosion events that occurred in the past still lacked any forest culture, but instead remains unresolved and promises further possessed a highly developed communication debate in the future (Williams, 2003). culture”; this statement was heard by one of However, our research in Almería confirms us at a workshop on forest culture in October some of McNeill’s conclusions. Shrublands 2003). But according to Williams (2003), are the type of vegetation which is “deforestation [in antiquity] was probably less characteristic of the landscape in South- severe than has been thought”. Additionally, Eastern Spain nowadays. Historical Rackham and Grove (2003) emphasise that documents, place-names, palaeoecological Mediterranean trees and woodlands are information and field work allowed us to found, principally, on stony soils and that in demonstrate the recent origin of these former times the forest area would not have ecosystems (García Latorre et al., 2001, been much bigger than nowadays. Thus, the 2002). Until the beginning of the 19th century, effects that human action had on different tree species as well as plant Mediterranean ecosystems have been communities which cannot be found or are exaggerated. Rackham (1980) stated that in extremely scarce currently (formations of News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 93

strawberry trees Arbutus unedo , cork oak existence of these forests. We wonder woodlands Quercus suber , etc.) characterized whether they ever have visited the region. even the most arid zones in our research The formation of Central and Western area. So, for instance, 50.000 wild olive trees European landscapes was not less turbulent (Olea europaea sylvetris ) were in the 16th than the development of Mediterranean ones. Century documented in the lowlands of Níjar. Though the extensive spread of agricultural In the basin of Vera these trees were big lands began later north of the , it reached enough for being used for the construction of spectacular dimensions. Between the 11th fishing boots (17th century). Many of these and 14th Centuries Central Europe tripled its places probably looked like a savanna. The population (Russel, 1978). This demographic presence of pine forests on the coast allowed growth was accompanied by the most 16th century pirates to take cover (including impressive economic event which has ever even their ships) (García Latorre et al., 2002). occurred (Duby, 1978), namely, “one of the Spectacular erosion events that occurred great deforestation episodes in the world” (the during the last 500 years coincided with the age of land reclamation , Williams, 2003). growth of the Spanish population (settled Indeed scholars have not exaggerated. Taking down in the region after the expulsion of the into account that at least 2 ha of land per Islamic communities at the end of the 16th capita were required to support the Medieval century) and the extraordinary expansion of European population (Williams, 2003), it is agricultural lands and mining. Current quite evident that such a demographic matorrals, which contain an enormous increase must have had profound effects on biodiversity, developed basically during the the ecosystems. Interestingly, different 20th century, as a consequence of the authors made similar estimations about the abandonment of traditional agricultural percentages of cleared forest land in different activities. parts of Europe. A little more than half of the Nowadays it is possible to find isolated trees forest cover disappeared within 500 years in and woodlots from the arid lowlands to the France (between AD 800 and 1300, highest mountains in Almería, as relicts of a Bechmann, 1990). Between the 7th and 19th past in which the landscape certainly looked centuries 63% of the forest surface was different. In the mountain ranges we still have cleared in Germany (Bork et al., 1998). In 19th even woodlands; this is the case of the century Austria forested land amounted to 30- widespread Aleppo pine (Pinus halepensis) 35% of the estimated original forest cover forests in Los Vélez (in the North of the (Kral, 1994). England is a special case. In the province; these forests have been year AD 1086 only 15% of the land area documented since the Middle Ages). Grove (probably an over-estimate) was covered by and Rackham (2001) questioned the woodlands (Rackham, 1980). In general

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terms, Central Western Europe lost at least The demographic take-off in 18th-19th century half of its forest habitats (Firbas, 1949; Europe (population increase of 90% between Williams, 2003). Thousands of place names 1750-1850) subjected the remaining remind us of this story (for example, woodlands again to intensive use. This Ottenschlag, Gschwendt, Reutgraben and population increase, successfully faced by the many others in Waldviertel , in the North of agricultural revolution (development of Austria, refer to the clearing carried out by measures which improved the carrying colonizing peasants). capacity of agro-ecosystems), did not involve Not surprisingly, at the beginning of the 14th the clearing of forests, but their over- century symptoms of a demographic, exploitation (Pfister, 1990). Consequently, economic and ecological crisis can be found remaining woodlands feature subtle human in Central Europe (Rösener, 1991). influences, like alterations of their ecosystemic Agricultural fields had expanded even to the functioning (Glatzel, 1989) and changes in the less favourable sites. The consequences were tree composition. According to Kral (1992) the soil erosion and a decrease in soil productivity proportion of coniferous trees in Austria’s (Rösener, 1991). Bork et al. (1998) estimated forests increased by 17% during the last 1000 very high erosion rates in historical times in years. Germany. For instance, this parameter Can we elucidate the comparative importance reached a value of 24 t/ha/yr in the of the human impact on both the Wolfschlucht in der Märkischen Schweiz (East Mediterranean and the Central European of Berlin) during two periods (AD1210-1350 regions at the end of the Ancient Régime ? and 1670-1800). From about 1500 to 1750 The scarcity and irregularity of precipitation Europe’s population grew again by about 60 (and not institutional or cultural incompetence, million people, what “undoubtedly made as has been repeated ad nauseam) prevented agricultural expansion the single greatest the development of the 19th century factor in the decrease of woodland and forest” agricultural revolution in Mediterranean (Williams, 2003). countries (Pujol et al., 2001). The population In some European regions mining contri- grew there as well, but much less than in buted to the radical changing of the landscape Central and Western Europe. This growth too. The Harzgebirge in Germany was was, to some extend, a consequence of the originally characterized by mixed deciduous expansion of the agricultural surface, which in forests. But some centuries of charcoal Spain almost doubled between 1800 and burners supplying the smelting works with 1900 (Pujol et al. 2001). Given the lower fuels led to the substitution of these forests by productivity of Mediterranean agro- Norway Spruce (Picea abies) stands (see ecosystems in comparison with Central Hillebrecht, 1986 for more details). European ones, the surface per capita needed News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 95

to support the population was bigger in the evidences of long lasting management. Table South. Anyway, since population density was 1 gives an overview of the traditional use of 31 lower in Mediterranean countries (e.g., species in Almería. We gathered the towards 1900 Germany’s population was information in historical documents, by almost three times as high as the Spanish interviewing old peasants and doing field one) the level of anthropogenic pressure on work. Further research will modify and nature might have been quite similar North complete this summarizing table. and South of the Pyrenees. Actually, the During the centuries trees and scrubs have situation was probably even more favourable provided Almerians with fodder for their in the South. Mediterranean mountains animals, fruits, fuel wood and wood for retained natural or almost natural habitats until constructions. Many of these trees are very a short time ago. For instance, in the middle of old, constitute historic and cultural elements of the 19th century the German botanist Moritz the landscape and serve as habitat for Willkomm (1986) described some of the black different animal species (see figures 1 and 2). pine ( Pinus nigra salzmanni ) forests in the In Cabo de Gata, the most arid zone of Sierra de Cuenca (Central Spain) as old- Europe, the branches of the Mastic tree growth. (Pistacia lentiscus ) were cut and given to In spite of the importance traditionally as fodder. The same was made with the attached to the deforestation of Central Maple ( Acer granatense ) on the steep slopes Europe (for example, Darby, 1956), the of Sierra Nevada at 2000 m high (García complexity and diversity of methods Latorre et al., 2000). Every Holm oak is developed by peasants for the management pollarded (in Almería talado) and in the of forests should equally be considered mountains coppiced stands of this species (Watkins et al., 1998). We will refer to these containing many ancient stools are frequent. practices of use, in general, with the term In some areas of Sierra Nevada and Sierra de forest culture. Park-like woodlands, coppices, Filabres the landscape is characterized by pollarded and shredded trees are typical pollarded Holm oaks (several centuries-old) at Central European expressions of these a height of 1700 m. They appear isolated or traditions. Are these forms of woodland and grouped in park-like stands. Old pollarded tree management present in the Holm oaks are used by the Green Wood- Mediterranean lands? pecker ( Picus viridis ) for nesting in these semiarid mountains. Along the water courses Mediterranean forest culture shredded Black poplars ( Populus nigra ) are From the arid lowlands of Almería to the common. ( Ulmus minor ) were coppiced and shredded (in wadis close to the Desert of highest mountains of the province it is Tabernas or in the arid Sierra de Alhamilla). possible to find trees and scrubs which feature

96 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

Poplars, ( Salix sp .) and Tramarisk B: trees ( Tamarix sp .) were traditionally planted at the bottom of ravines in order to protect the agricultural terraces from flooding. Park-like woodlands (in Spanish known as dehesas) can be found in Almería too, for example, in Sierra Nevada or in Los Vélez (North of the Province). These and other traditional systems of woodland and tree management are present all around the Mediterranean Basin. C.: Thanks to the amiability of the Maltese ecologists Darrin Stevens and Edwin

Lanfranco, one of us visited two copes containing centuries-old pollarded and coppiced Holm oaks ( Quercus ilex ) on Malta. Interviewed peasants have known a world, in which woodlands and trees were, basically, possessed by municipal authorities or other land owners. But before the 19th century desamortizaciones (the Spanish version of the enclosure acts) these woodlands and trees were part of the commons. La Dehesa is a

Holm oak woodland close to Tahal (in Sierra de Filabres). Figure 1 : A: Two Mastic Trees in Cabo de Gata. A: Some of the terminal branches of the big scrub on the right have been repeatedly cut. B: Pollarded Mastic Tree in Cabo de Gata; close to it grow several cacti (Opuntia sp.). C: Shredded European Hackberry (Celtis australis) in Sierra de Alhamilla (at 960 m height). Pollarded, coppiced and shredded trees growing on the borders of fields and terraces are frequent in the cultural landscape of Almería’s mountain ranges.

Page 97: table 1 An overview of the traditional management and use of trees and woodlands in Almería. Abbreviations: fo, field observation; i, interview; hd, historical document

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Kind of tree and woodland management Utilisation Pollarding Shred Copp Tree Fire- Constr Observations and Species /Tala ding ice felling wood Fodder Fruits uction sources

Acer granatense x x x x x fo; i Acer monspesulanum x x x i

Castanea sativa x x x ? x x fo; i fo; i; construction of Celtis australis x x x x x traditional tools

Ceratonia siliqua x ? x x fo; i Crataegus monogyna x x x fo; i

Ficus carica x x x fo; i; leafs used as fodder Fraxinus angustifolia x x x fo

Juglans regia x x x x fo; i Juniperus thurifera x x x fo; i; hd

Lonicera arborea x x x x fo Olea europaea hd; construction of fishing sylvestris x x x x x boats; grafting olive trees hd; gathering; cones Pinus pinaster x x ? used for heating stoves

Pinus nigra hd; cutting of lateral salzmanni x x branches

Pinus halepensis x x x hd

Pinus pinea x x x hd; i

Pistacia lentiscus x x x x x fo; i; hd

Populus alba x x x x x x i fo; i; hd; planted for Populus nigra x x x x x x x protecting fields at the bottom of ravines

Prunus avium ? ? x i

Punica granatum x x ? x fo Quercus rotundifolia x x x x x x x fo; i; hd

Quercus faginea x x x ? x x x fo; i hd; cork used for making Quercus suber x ? fishing implements

Qercus coccifera x x x x fo; i fo; planted for protecting fields at the bottom of Salix sp. x x x x x x ravines; construction of traditional tools fo; i; used in popular Sambucus nigra x x x mythology

Sorbus aria x x x x fo

Sorbus domestica x x x x fo; i fo; i; planted for protecting Tamarix sp. x x x fields at the bottom ot ravines

Ulmus minor x x x x fo; i

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A document from the 18th century reports Therefore, forest culture is not an exclusive about the collective and sustainable manage- feature of wet European countries. It is quite ment of this forest. Later, as population clear that forest culture and forest history don’t increased, it was used for agricultural pur- correlate with latitude. If so, why are poses too. Nowadays, stone-walled terraces Mediterranean landscapes perceived as being can be found among the pollarded and more degraded than Central European ones? coppiced oaks. What is the origin of the catastrophic In this first part of our work we presented interpretation of Mediterranean environmental evidence that contradicts the popular history? pessimistic view about Mediterranean landscapes. If the reader had shared that vision, we hope we have made her/him to Figure 2 : Holm oak woodland in Sierra Nevada, at reconsider it. Southern peasants cleared the 1670 m height. This forest shows two different forests extensively and Central European structures: park-like woodland and coppice. We found a small plain on the slope with numerous ones did just the same (although they started pieces of charcoal on its surface. Most probably, a later). Additionally, woodlands have been charcoal kiln was installed here in former times . managed in both regions in a very similar way. News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 99

The Central European con- (Quézel, 1985; Blondel et al., 1999), the quest of the Mediterranean nature of these countries is still perceived as lands degraded and affected by desertification The term degradation is frequently used for processes. referring to a landscape without specifying 18th and 19th century Central European what one exactly means with this word (Grove travellers, accustomed to their green nature, et al., 2001). Apart from a scientific discussion were deeply impressed by the brown and of this term, every environmentalist would yellowish colours of many Mediterranean regard any process whereby humans destroy landscapes. Their dryness and harsh nature as degradative (e. g., deforestation, the appearance did not correspond to the extinction of animal species, etc.). Taking this pleasing image created by Western European into account, Atlantic and Central European painters who had always framed Greek countries like England, Germany or France mythological scenes in the typical landscape could have been considered as of the English or French countryside. environmentally degraded at the end of the Additionally, there was a sharp contrast Middle Ages. Most of their forests had been between the glorious and idealized past of the cleared or intensively exploited and many Mediterranean countries and their then state. animal species had become extinct (Becker, Consequently, some travellers concluded that 1989; Aybes et al., 1995; Williams, 2003). In environmental disasters had happened since contrast, many semiarid places in Almería Classical times (Grove et al., 2001). This was exhibited a variety of wooded landscapes at the birth of the pessimistic view. It is, in fact, a that time and brown bears ( Ursus arctos ), consequence of the economic, politic and wolfs ( Canis lupus signatus ) etc. (extinct cultural hegemony of Central and Western species in most Western Atlantic European Europe that this interpretation has prevailed countries) were still common animals. Even through the centuries. And the original basis specimens of the last historic populations of of this leadership was a high productive the “encebra” ( Equus hydruntinus ) an extinct agriculture, a prerequisite for the industrial equid, galloped in the North of the province revolution. The agricultural revolution (whose (García Latorre et al., 2002). technical expression was the so-called Norfolk Nevertheless, it was travellers and intellect- system or mixed farming ) began in the uals from North-Western and Central Europe Netherlands in the 17th century and expanded who judged Mediterranean lands as to Atlantic Europe in the 18th and 19th environmentally degraded (Grove et al., centuries. In the Mediterranean countries the 2001). The situation has not changed. Despite improvements achieved by this new agri- the fact that Mediterranean lands show the culture were prevented by scarce and highest levels of biodiversity in Europe irregular precipitations (Pujol et al., 2001).

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Scholars have traditionally used social, done in the German forests (Casals, 1996). economic and political factors for explaining Paradoxically, forest inventories carried out in the economic delay of the South. The failure the 18th century by the Spanish War Navy to increase crop yields paralleled the failure to don’t support the idea that environmental keep nature in its pristine and, supposedly, degradation was a generalised situation. At more productive state (that of the good old that time, the mountains in South Eastern times of the Romans and Greeks). Both Spain were covered by hundreds of failures had the same roots: the misuse and/or thousands of trees (García Latorre et al., destruction of natural resources (especially 1995). Anyway, in the middle of the 19th forests) by mankind. Mediterranean century the study and practice of forestry was intellectuals and scholars, intimidated by the introduced in Spain. The “importers” of this economic success and the scientific advances discipline had studied it in Germany, with of Northern countries, have accepted the Heinrich Cotta (1763-1844), and brought the pessimistic view as well as many other ideological background of forestry with them interpretations made in the North. Nobody (for instance, the perception of the cultural thought that the Central European and landscape as degraded and the necessity for Mediterranean environments are actually its “rational” management). This ideology is different and their appearance, functioning today still shared by Spanish (and other and agricultural chances and achievements Mediterranean) foresters. are therefore not comparable. Another factor contributing to the perception of Starting from this background, a complexity of Mediterranean lands as degraded was the factors contributed to strengthen the roots of development of phytosociology at the end of the pessimistic view through the last 250 the 19th and the beginning of the 20th years. During the 18th and 19th centuries the century. Its interpretation of vegetation emerging Spanish capitalist society was dynamics as a lineal succession of well- interested in the privatisation of the commons defined plant assemblages into a balanced and other collectively owned lands. An climax shows influences of Herbert Spencer argument frequently used in favour of (“the premier social Darwinist”), the Judaeo- privatisation was the “bad” state of the Christian idea of Eden and balanced nature, commons and the conviction that private the Cartesian dualism (mankind separated ownership and the market would be the most from nature) (Blumler, 1996) and the adequate frame for the healthy management predictable reality of Newton and Laplace of natural resources. The Scientists of the (García Latorre et al., 2002). The world Enlightment were close to these beliefs and perception of this discipline matched with the demanded a rational and scientific approach “restoring spirit” of Spanish foresters who to the use of nature, as it had begun to be immediately embraced it. They would support News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 101

the development of the “degraded stages” of Concerning their origin, Mediterranean Spanish vegetation to “a more natural state”, landscapes, with their dominant brown and i.e. forest. yellowish colours and low vegetation cover, The perception of the landscape is an issue don’t differ much from Central European ones. that goes beyond academic discussion. Our Both have been deeply transformed as a ideas about nature can be considered as result of centuries of anthropogenic “ecological agents” (Worster, 1988) that influences. However, their particular influence the management of natural functioning (precipitation regime, vegetation resources. The outlined background has in- dynamic, productivity, etc.) makes them fluenced the environmental policy of Mediter- probably not directly comparable. ranean countries like Spain until nowadays. Finally, we want to emphasize that this simple Between 1940 and 1983 3,5 millions of and stupid question of appearance and hectares were afforested by the Spanish colours (which led people coming from the administration. The result has been the green and rich side of the continent to emergence of an immense surface covered by perceive the Mediterranean landscapes not as extremely dense pine stands. different but as degraded) has probably The conviction that desertification is a true played a major role in the emergence of the problem in the European Mediterranean area pessimistic view. We should be aware of the constitutes another recent expression of the fact that the appearance of a landscape has pessimistic view. In the case of Spain, the nothing to do with its functioning (Nassauer, administration has made the fight against the 1992). More research and environmental “expansion of the desert” one of its major education are urgently required in order to environmental objectives. Anyway, recent develop adequate management systems for research is questioning this idea (González the Southern European lands. Bernáldez, 1990; Grove et al., 2001). Fighting against desertification and restoring degraded Acknowledgements ecosystems were two of the several objectives We are indebted to all the peasants who have of the European Union subsidies for shared with us their knowledge about the afforesting abandonment fields during the traditional use of trees and woodlands. Pedro nineties. In Almería, local politicians referred López Acosta contributed with his comments to these subsidies as the “green revolution” to complete table 1. Pedro, Francisco Ortíz which would change the semiarid landscapes. Ibáñez, Sebastián Cruz Siles and Juan José And they were not wrong. The application of Cejudo Sánchez have accompanied us on these subsidies led to the destruction of more many trips doing field work. Erwin Heine than 20.000 hectares of shrublands (the same helped us with the scanning of the drawings. has been observed in other provinces). Our most sincere thanks to them all.

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Bibliography García Latorre, J., García Latorre, J. 2000. El árbol de las altas cumbres de Granada y Almería. Aybes, C., Yalden, D.W. 1995. Placename Ecología e historia del Arce de Sierra Nevada. evidence for the former distribution and status of Quercus, 168: 22-27. wolves and beavers in Britain. Mammal Review, 25 (4): 201-227. García Latorre, J., Sánchez Picón, A., García Bechmann, R. 1990. Trees and man. The forest in Latorre, J. 2001. The man-made desert. Effects of the Middle Ages. Paragon House, New York. economic and demographic growth on the Becker, C. 1989. Die Nutzung von Tieren im ecosystems of arid Southeastern Spain. Mittelalter zwischen Elbe und Oder. In: B. Environmental History, 6 (1): 75-94. Hermann (Ed.), Umwelt in der Geschichte, 7-25. García Latorre, J., García Latorre, J. 2002. Los Kleine Vandenhoeck-Reihe, Göttingen. bosques del Sureste árido y el “forestal Blondel, J., Aronson, J. 1999. Biology and wildlife ”. In: J. Charco (ed.), La regeneración of the Mediterranean Region. Oxford University natural del bosque Mediterráneo en la Península Press, Oxford. Ibérica, 171-196. Arba, Ministerio de Medio Blumler, M. A. 1996. Ecology, evolutionary theory Ambiente, Madrid. and agricultural origins. In: D. R. Harris (Ed.), The Glatzel, G. 1989. Internal proton generation in origins and spread of agriculture and pastoralism forest ecosystems as influenced by historic land in Eurasia, 25-50. UCL Press, London. use and modern forestry. In. B. Ulrich (Ed.), Bork, H-R. et al 1998. Landschaftsentwicklung in International Congress on forest decline research: Mitteleuropa: Wirkungen des Menschen auf state of knowledge and perspectives, 335-349. Landschaften. Klett-Perthes, Stuttgart. Lake Constance, Federal Republic of Germany. Casals, V. 1996. Los ingenieros de montes en la González Bernáldez, F. 1990. Consideraciones España contemporánea: 1848-1936. Ediciones del ecológico-políticas acerca de la conservación y Serbal, Barcelona. regeneración de la cubierta vegetal en España. Darby, H. C. 1956. The clearing of the woodland in Ecología (Fuera de Serie), 1: 439-445. Europe. In: w. L. Thomas (Ed.), Man’s role in Grove, A. T., Rackham, O. 2001. The nature of changing the face of the earth, 183-216. University Mediterranean Europe: an ecological history. Yale of Chicago Press, Chicago. University Press. Duby, G. 1978. Die Landwirtschaft des Mittelalters 900 – 1500. In: Cipolla, C. et al. (Eds.), Hillebrecht, M.-L. 1986. Eine mittelalterliche Europäische Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 111-140. Energiekrise. In: H. Hermann (Ed.), Mensch und Fischer, Stuttgart. Umwelt im Mittelalter, 275-286. Deutsche Verlags- Firbas, F. 1949. Spät- und nacheiszeitliche Anstalt, Stuttgart. Waldgeschichte Mitteleuropas nördlich der Alpen. Jürgen, H. 1989. Mittelalterliche Eingriffe in Band 1 G. Fischer Verlag, Jena. Naturräume des Voralpenlandes. In: B. Herrmann García Latorre, J., García Latorre, J. 1995. El (Ed.), Umwelt in der Geschichte, 63-76. Kleine bosque y el agua en zonas áridas: los recursos Vandenhoeck-Reihe, Göttingen. naturales del sureste ibérico. Paralelo 37°, 17: 81- Kral, F. 1994. Der Wald im Spiegel der 97 Waldgeschichte. In: Österreichs Wald. Vom Urwald News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 103

zur Waldwirtschaft, 11-40. Österreichischer Willkomm, M. 1896. Grundzüge der Forstverein, Wien. Pflanzenverbreitung auf der iberischen Halbinsel. McNeill, J. 1992. The mountains of the Verlag von Wilhelm Engelmann, Leipzig. Mediterranean world. An environmental history. Worster, D. 1988. Doing environmental history. In: Cambridge University Press. D. Worster (Ed.), The end of the earth. Nassauer, J. I. 1992. The appearance of ecological Perspectives on modern environmental history, systems as a matter of policy. Landscape Ecology, 289-307. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 6 (4): 239-250. Pfister, C. 1990. The early loss of ecological stability in an agrarian region. In: P. Brimblecombe and P. Pfister (Eds.), The silent countdown. Essays in European environmental history, 37-55. Jesús García Latorre Springer-Verlag, Berlin. c/o Federal Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, Environment and Water Management, Pujol, J. et al. 2001. El pozo de todos los males. International Environmental Affairs (Division V/9), Sobre el atraso de la agricultura española Stubenbastei 5, A-1010 Vienna, contemporánea. Crítica, Barcelona. E-Mail: [email protected] Quézel, P. 1985. Definition of the Mediterranean region and the origin of its flora. In: C. Gómez Juan García Latorre Campo (Ed.), Plants conservation in the Association for Landscape Research in Arid Mediterranean area, 9-24. Dr. W. Junk Publishers, Zones, C/González Garbín, 16, 04001 Almería, Dordrecht. Spain. Rackham, O. 1980. Ancient woodland: its history, E-mail: [email protected] vegetation and uses in England. Edward Arnold. Russel, J. C. 1978. Die Bevölkerung Europas 500-

1500. In: C. M. Cipolla et al. (Ed.), Europäische Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 13-43. Fischer, Stuttgart. Walter, H. 1968. Die Vegetation der Erde in

ökophysiologischer Betrachtung. Bd. II: Die gemäßigten und arktischen Zonen. G. Fischer, Stuttgart.

Wattkings, C., Kirby, K. J. 1998. Introduction: historical ecology and European woodland. In: K. J. Kirby and C. Watkins (Eds.), The ecological history of European forests, ix-xv. CAB International, Wallingford. Rösener, W. 1991. Bauern im Mittelalter. C. H.

Beck, München. Williams, M. 2003. Deforesting the earth. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago.

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Photo: BMLFUW/ForstKultur – L. HÖLDERL, Rohr News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 105

MANAGEMENT HISTORY

HISTORISCHE BEWIRTSCHAFTUNGS- FORMEN

Photo: BMLFUW/ForstKultur – L. HÖLDERL, Rohr

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CHANGING MANAGEMENT OF WOODLAND IN SHERWOOD FOREST IN THE 20 TH CENTURY

This paper examines, using a range of aesthetics. Game still plays a role on the sources including estate archives, field survey estate, but is now restricted to roughly four and oral history, changes in woodland shoots per annum. As in 1900, timber management in Sherwood Forest in the management now is primarily concerned with twentieth century. These changes are related consolidating existing plantations following the to broad national policy and economic trends, extensive planting regime of the 1960s and and to local land ownership factors. The 1970s. Public recreation has become Thoresby Estate in north Nottinghamshire is concentrated on the County Park established used as a case study. The landscape of by the County Council in the Birklands. The Sherwood Forest has been extolled by visitors most novel function is that of nature and tourists since the eighteenth century. conservation and the restoration of a cultural Commentators have emphasized different landscape. The ancient oak woods and facets such as the picturesque ancient oaks, remnant heath land are now seen as of the historical romance of the Royal Forest and European importance by ecologists and their the mythic associations with Robin Hood. This future management is taking the form of the paper uncovers the dynamic nature of this reintroduction of grazing and the removal of landscape during the twentieth century. coniferous plantations. Indeed a new Rather than being a slowly changing landscape, one very similar to that celebrated woodland landscape it has undergone by the forester W H Whellens in 1914, is being revolutionary changes. This transformation created through the reintroduction of ancient has come about through interventions by land land management practices. agents and landowners in response to changing social, economic and government policy pressures. Key factors have been the Charles Watkins cessation of grazing and the planned School of Geography, University of Nottingham, replacement of large areas of oak and birch Nottingham NG7 2RD, UK; email: woodland with Scots and Corsican pine trees. [email protected]

The woodland landscape has continued to be used for a variety of purposes over the century. In 1900 these principally comprised game, timber, grazing and landscape News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 107

THE CULTURAL HISTORY OF ‘KLADERA’ IN ZAGORI AREA OF PINDOS MOUNTAIN, NW GREECE

Abstract identify how the landscape may have responded to it. The paper concludes by Wooded and forested landscapes in the Greek uplands underwent significant changes considering the implications of these during the 20th century mainly due to processes for future woodland conservation depopulation and the abandonment of management. traditional management practices. Historically, in the Zagori area of Pindos Mountains, NW Introduction Greece, woodlands were managed in order to The cultural landscape of ‘kladera’ used to provide fuel, food and building materials for be widely abundant in Zagori, an area of the people and their animals. In particular, up until Pindos Mountains in North West Greece, and the Second World War a fundamental role of was developed by the old management small plots of private and communal woods practice of pollarding or shredding trees for was to provide leaf fodder for feeding producing leaf fodder. Long lasting and goats during the winter. These woods transformations of such distinctive features of were therefore perceived by locals as one of forests in mountainous Mediterranean their most valuable possessions. The landscapes are emphasised in relation to distribution of these small wood-plots, or biological diversity values and their ‘kladera’, in the wider area of each village connections to particular forest management territory, varied with the patterns of area practices (Fabbio, et al. 2003; Zavala and Oria suitable for cultivation and consequently 1995). This paper places the landscape of depended on the exact topography. As a ‘kladera’ within this wider debate concerning result the surroundings of each village were the role and preservation of ecologically valu- almost exclusively composed by a mosaic of ed landscape mosaics. Indeed, recent dis- cultivated areas juxtaposed with plots of cussions about nature and landscape conser- pollarded woods. Although almost every vation highlight the importance of traditional wooded area had been thoroughly pollarded management practices for the survival of such in the past, today only few remnants of old cultural landscapes. ‘Kladera’ can therefore pollarded and shredded trees stand in the serve as a useful instance for the preservation landscape as witnesses of this former use. of the character of the mountainous landscape Through the study of archival documents and of NW Greece and at the same time inform oral accounts, this paper seeks to define the the broader argument that the management of cultural significance of this practice and certain features should become central in

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nature conservation programmes and the management practices which related endeavouring to preserve historical forms of to it were maintained by the close interaction landscape (Rackham 1988; Moreno 1990; of a long-term administrative structure and a Hæggstrom 1998). highly efficient system for utilising the Rural economies that developed in the Medi- available resources at any given time. The terranean mountainous areas and survived diversification of functions of this landscape until the present day suggest that an intensive and its visual variation were highly valued by but careful utilisation of whole landscapes local populations. Even so, this mosaic supported local human and animal maintained ecological functions that have populations. Amongst other resources, trees rarely been explored and are therefore very constituted an exceptionally important source. little understood consequently; often they Woodlands were managed in order to provide have been ignored by current conservation fuel, food and building materials for people and forest management strategies (Scarascia- and their animals while they were Mugnozza, et al. 2000). systematically grazed by sheep and goats The aim of this paper is to explore the (Halstead 1998; Forbes 2000; Saratsi 2003). cultural history of the landscape of ‘kladera’ Apparently, management practices diversified that was abundant in the Pindos Mountains up according to the different social groups, which until the Second World War and changing historically lived in the area. In contrast to the attitudes to this management practice. The that relocated during the winter in importance of this former practice and the order to provide the necessary food for their social changes that signified its decline, are animals, people residing in villages on the investigated through the study of archival mountains had to bring food into storage for written information, oral history and on site feeding the animals during the winter landscape observations. These findings were (Halstead 1990; Arapoglou 1994). In generated during research carried out on particular, up until the Second World War the landscape history in the area between 1999 fundamental role of small plots of private and and 2002, and amongst other issues, communal woods was to provide leaf fodder underlined the association between the for the sheep and goats that were kept practice of pollarding and different forms of indoors. The practice of leaf fodder cutting wooded landscape. The concern here is to produced a distinctive type of landscape deepen understanding of the dynamics that where either plots of trees were juxtaposed radically changed this productive yet with cultivated fields, pollarded trees were preserved landscape; dynamics that worked aligned to the field borders or in other cases, at the expense of ‘what was rare or beautiful whole slopes were covered by shredded and or had meaning’ (Rackham and Moody 1996: pollarded trees. It was a productive landscape 210). News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 109

Tree formations that provided Areas that described as ‘all kladera’ were the the leaf fodder roughest slopes around the villages where it The whole region of Zagori is characterised by was impossible to open fields a widely varied relief. It is well forested in places with deciduous and evergreen forest species whilst large areas are covered with lower wooded vegetation typical of the Mediterranean environment. The practice of leaf fodder collection was widely abundant in the area until the Second World War. This becomes clear through the study of archival Plate 1: documents and oral accounts, but it is also Fields with previously pollarded oak trees visible through the remnants of the practice on Source: photo taken by the author, March 1999. the trees. Walking within wooded areas next to the remnants of the old terraced walls, one can observe many old pollarded or shredded trees. These comprise three main categories: individual trees in lines on the field borders or by the terrace walls (Plate 1); small wooded plots, ‘kladera’, which were interchanged with cultivated fields (Plate 2); and larger wooded Pl ate 2: ‘Kladera’ between cultivated fields slopes that were consisted exclusively by Source: photo taken by the author, July 2001.

‘kladera’ (Plate 3). They were formed in these patterns because people either protected the little seedlings, which by chance germinated at the field borders, or maintained small pieces of woodland next to their fields in order to ensure leaf fodder for their animals. In most cases because the fields were on the slopes it was not possible to transform all of it Plate 3: into a flat area and use it for cultivation so Slopes covered by ‘kladera’ today Source: photo taken by the author, September small pieces of land were left as they were. 2000. On these small pieces of land trees were left to grow and managed to provide the leaf The distribution of these small wood-plots, fodder. On the slopes kladera could be mixed ‘kladera’, in the wider area of each village with cultivated fields or vineyards (Figure 1). territory varied with the patterns of area

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suitable for cultivation and consequently these wooded areas against soil erosion at depended on the exact topography. In the top of the fields. practice, the diverse utilisation of the Oaks were the most wanted trees for landscape to harmonize with the peculiarities collecting leaf fodder for the winter so ‘kladera’ of the relief produced a mosaic where were almost exclusively filled in by them. Eight cultivated land was interchanged with wooded oak species 5 can be found in the area and areas. It seems that this particular mosaic-like while their presence varied from place to landscape was very common and pollarding place leaf fodder from almost all of them was was such an old management practice that used for feeding animals. people thought of ‘kladera’ as an integral part of the landscape. The following indicative account was offered by a woman born in 1909. ‘The slopes were made like that since their creation. They were the same as I remember them. We did not fence them; the kladero was on the top and on Figure 1: Slope covered by ‘kladera’ between cultivated fields the bottom was the vineyard or the field. Source: Diagram drawn by the author based on Kladero was a division [...]. They were descriptions given by the interviewees and field observations. between, ‘avastagaioi’ as we call them. But a piece of kladero was a plot full of trees, there This part that is on a slope, by the fields is was no space between them no matter if there called ‘avastagas’. It means the part of land was someone’s field on the other side. For that rises higher from the field [...] ‘Avastagas’ instance, this open field was all mine […] and was not cultivated; it had only trees. Oaks.’ An kladera between them ‘avastagaioi’ that important element of the oaks is that they divided the area [...] The upper vineyard is keep their leaves on the branches when they yours, the lower [is] mine.’ become dry and so could be stored better 6.

The word ‘avastagas’ that was used here by 5 the old lady was frequently employed by local Quercus petraea, Quercus frainetto, Quercus pedunculiflora, Quercus robur, Quercus aegilops, people to describe the steep wooded area Quercus ilex, Quercus cerris, Quercus pubescens and Quercus coccifera between the fields. I have not found the word 6 Other species such as Acer campestre, Carpinus ‘avastagas’ as such either in modern or older betulus or Ostrya carpinifolia were more palatable to goats but they did not keep their leaves when dictionaries but it probably derives from the they dry out so they were not used for cutting word ‘avastagos’ which can mean ‘not fodder intended for storage but only for fresh fodder in spring. Even the most palatable species removable’; possibly because people were for fresh leaf fodder according to people was considered to be the flowered branches of the unable to transform these areas. This can also species Tilia alba but apart of the ability to give be indicative of the physical role played by only fresh fodder, the species was not very common in the region. News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 111

But not all the oaks species were of the same introduced by foresters. When speaking about value. Quercus petraea was considered better kladera people usually referred to old big trees because it was more palatable than other which they did not want to grow taller as the species, and keeps its leaves better during the following accounts indicate: winter. Unfortunately, it was difficult to be ‘We cut fodder from trees that had already found because it is not very common in the grown tall; we found them like that big trees.’ area and thus its stands were the most ‘These big ones were from older times. Those protected. trees were kept by people to cut the leaf

The technique of pollarding trees was not fodder. They cut it for the goats.’ the same everywhere and respondents’ In addition, accounts laid emphasis on the fact opinions differ from place to place. In most of that people used to maintain small plots of the villages all the branches of the trees were ‘kladera’ in several locations so they could cut cut; but in others they used to leave the top fodder each year from a different one and wait branches so that the tree could grow taller. until the foliage was grown enough to be cut The interval between two cuttings of the same again. Special care was also given to the right trees also varied between different accounts time of collection as this was closely connect- ranging from one to four years. ed with the palatability and the nutritional The diversity between the opinions about the value of the leaf fodder. The length of the right practice perhaps is related to the environ- period varied yearly depending on climatic mental variability of the area and different conditions, but never went beyond the end of management perspectives. One could argue September, with the optimum time being that different opinions about the right time August. between two cuttings of the same tree were As mentioned above, individual trees, mainly generated because of variations in availability oaks ( Quercus sp. ) could also be kept at the of trees that gave the leaf fodder. That would field borders and were used for the same perhaps be the case for villages where there reason. The role and the significance of these were fewer woodlands around the village, but trees differ from village to village as micro- it seems unlikely for others where the area climate and local topography created different around was adequately wooded. environments, which could be exploited to The practice of leaving the top branches of the various degrees. trees is also characterised by variation between the different accounts. However, The social role of ‘kladera’ where that was recorded without being In Zagori, individuals who remained in the associated with the desire for the trees to villages throughout the year were called grow taller appears to be the result of an early ‘locals’; a social group constituting the native twentieth century management practice population who owned the land. They lived by

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cultivating cereals, garden vegetables and carried on by the local councils. As the fruit trees as well as keeping small numbers of following account signifies, these property animals 7 domestically. These animals used to rights were maintained throughout the years graze the areas around a village’s territory. In according to ‘customs and manners’: search of sufficient amounts of food over the ‘[H]ere was the cultivable property. All the different seasons small scale movements properties, according to ‘customs and were practiced but for the winter period manners’ [had] three metres … pay attention animals were kept indoors (Saratsi 2003). For … what I describe was like that in the old that reason people had to bring enough food times. Let’s say this square was the field; you into storage during the summer to ensure that have rights to three metres further where the their animals would survive during the winter. slope could not be ploughed.’ ‘Kladera’ then became an integral part of the Even where whole slopes were managed for household economy: everyone used to own leaf fodder they were divided in small private the ‘kladera’; next to the cultivated fields’ plots: (Interview 16). Because of their great ‘Behind Pano Vitsa, there is an area which is importance as a source of leaf fodder, overlooking Vicos gorge. It is a big area [all ‘kladera’ were never used for providing wood ‘kladera’]… […] These ‘kladera’ belonged to for fuel except dead wood or very old trees the upper neighbourhood. They were very that could no longer provide leaf fodder of precise and everyone owned a strip of land. good quality and quantity: The communal law that was applied by the ‘This small piece of wood was meant for leaf local council of each village also took fodder. The area was out of bounds to any measurements regarding the careful use of other exploitation. Neither fuel wood nor the woods more generally. For example, leaf timber, neither uprooting nor anything else fodder cutting and woodcutting on the whole was allowed. On that depended the life of were forbidden during the winter and fresh family’s livestock. Without the ‘kladero’ the fodder was cut and brought to feed the goats wintering of the animal would be impossible’ only under special occasions. As the following (Grispos 1952: 202). document 8 suggests, the communal law Therefore, these woods were perceived by provided not only the seasonal, but also the locals as one of their most valuable proportional, license of leaf fodder cutting: possessions. The implication of ‘kladera’ for ‘Fodder cutting and ‘zalikia 9’ and ‘loads 10 ’ are each household is indicated by the fact that 8 these plots of uncultivated landscape were Clause 10, action 1st by the Communal Council of Papigo in 5th July 1915 also protected by property rights that were 9 Zaliki in singular and zalikia in plural was a bundle of cut brush that a woman could carry on her back. It was a common practice in the area for 7 Mainly goats but also some sheep and one or two women to bring back home on their shoulders cut cattle were necessarily kept by each household. fodder or hay. Forbes, H. (1998: 23) drawing the News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 113

strictly forbidden during the winter. For the were promoted by people to ‘kladera’. Some weak or newborn or sheep however, only differences in the way woods are mentioned in the lower branches can be cut or the sidelong the old documents perhaps signify different branches of non fruit trees. That fodder can be ways of using these areas. There are many as much as one person can carry with his documents as the above one, where ‘kladera’ hands and that [can happen] only once per are clearly mentioned. However, the words day.’ which were used in documents to describe the Although the area was governed by a high same piece of land over different periods often level of administrative autonomy, up until the changed. This is probably connected with 1913 Zagori was under the Ottoman rule. changing attitudes to these wooded plots over According to the Ottoman law, people could the years. use these small woods and their assignment was confirmed with the issue of title deeds. Changing attitudes to wood The owner could use, inherit, sell or give, management these woods, as dowry. There are numerous documents that refer to purchases, The self-ruled societies that existed in the inheritance and of course, disputes associated area gradually fell away, collapsing eventually with these areas. The following document is through their attachment to the Greek state in one of many in which kladera were the early twentieth century. Under the new mentioned: socio-political system the village communities ‘Because I am in a need to pay my debt … I were instruments orientated by the State. The put my vineyard up for auction … this vineyard interdependent relationship which had was given as dowry to me and comes with developed through thousands of years some area (‘topos’) around it and kladero, between mountain populations and their which are mine as well’. forests was radically altered with the 1850 September 8th Koukouli legitimacy introduced by the New Greek State, It is difficult to come to a clear conclusion both through changes in land ownership whether kladera were special areas where status and through different perceptions trees, which gave good quality leaf fodder, regarding the utilisation and management of were growing and, therefore, these areas forested areas. The Greek state characterised all the forested areas as national resources and was not prepared to leave these areas example from an area in south Greece claims that these bundles could weigh up to 30 – 40 kg but in under the management of the locals: my opinion that is subject to the species the branches have been cut from. ‘[D]espite the conventional obligations the 10 By ‘loads’ here mean the full load a donkey or a mule could carry. Forbes (ibid, p: 23) gives for a Greek State had towards the villagers and donkey the full load is about 50 kg and 100 kg for Communities, it was not prepared to the mule.

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recognise as private the ‘baltalikia’ 11 , the invisible due to landscape change so that field ‘kouria’ 12 and the common forest lands borders were difficult to identify. The situation previously owned by the people and is illustrated by this account that was given by communities. Instead, these areas were the Manager of the Forest office: classified as ‘questionable’ and the state ‘[W]hen the Greek State came here it said: vindicated its rights on them’ ‘Gentlemen, if you own forest plots, fields in (Grispos 1953: 366). the forest, grazing areas etc you can have In general, the principles of the Ottoman Law them recognised’. […] Some individuals, and concerning the private forests were retained, the village communities, recognised them and with some minor changes from the Greek they have the certifications. Others you see, State, until 1963. Because of the plethora of because they did not understand what was unclear cases, the High Court then decided going on, or because of any other reason, or that the rights on forests and on other wooded because they did not have strong enough areas, which were the result of natural evidence, did not manage to get them. Notice regeneration, were to be proved solely by the that, what applies to the forests does not possession of deeds (Mertzios 1996). The apply to the fields. In order to have a field Greek state did not recognise as legal many recognised, a deed is enough. Here [in the of the deeds and in other cases did not accept case of the forest] you need to have the the rights without deeds. In terms of private recognition of the Ministry of Agriculture or the woods, although the law changed many times, juridical decision; […]. However, some such few of them were recognised for several forest plots that were indeed private remained reasons. Firstly, many of the deeds were lost unrecognised. while the area passed through several periods Although one cannot disregard the subjectivity of war and instability. Secondly, because of of the opinions of the Forest Office chairman, the lack of a proper Land Registry, the the above account came from the State’s identification of the different plots of land was representative. As such, it reveals the based on landscape features that marked the intentions of the State during all those years to borders and were mentioned in old control the management of the wooded areas. documents. These, with the passage of years Today, after several changes to the law and intensive natural regeneration, gradually concerning forested areas the management disappeared. Even where such markers decisions, from the commercial utilisation of remained in place, they became almost the communal forest to the specification of which trees people could cut for personal use,

11 Baltaliki is Turkish word that refers to common remained under the authority of the Forest forest for wood and timber cutting 12 The word Kouria (in plural) usually refers to Office. Furthermore, permission of the Forest small plots of private forests. Kouri (in singular) is Office is needed for any other utilisation of equal to the local dialect with kladero News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 115

these areas such as grazing or wood and lines by the field borders, was radically fodder cutting, a fact that discourages people transformed. The trees grew bigger, the from their use. particular shape given to them by pollarding Of course, the irreversible people’s movement altered and former fields were covered by from the mountains to the cities especially natural regeneration, resulting in the loss of after the Second World War meant that most the regional characteristics of the landscape. agricultural activities were abandoned in the Today, one has to go very close and even to area and amongst those, leaf fodder be an expert in order to discover their collection. However, a section of the previous use. The elderly people in the area remaining population 13 maintained the old see the qualitative difference. According to management practices in the area but the them the landscape has not only changed but legitimate presence of the Forest Office in any has become less appealing: such activity in wooded areas made people ‘All the trees were tidy then. Then were not feel excluded from lands they used these thin [trees] like today that block the way historically. and you cannot pass through.’ ‘The landscape was different then; it is Conclusion different now. Then the fields made it look The close investigation of historical beautiful. There were the trees, as you documents, landscape features and oral mentioned [pollarded]; we used to pollard accounts reveals that many of the practices them. You could see the trees pollarded; you which underlined the development of the could see all these around… you had another landscape in Zagori declined dramatically over sense [of the landscape].’ 20th century. Continuous demographic During the 20th century the management of all changes, changes in the administrative wooded areas gradually passed under the system at a national level, as well as changes administration of the Forest Offices and all the to the law concerning forested areas resulted woods are now utilised as commercial forests in people gradually abandoning the practice of for providing timber and fuel wood. As pollarding trees. Thus, the landscape of elsewhere in Europe pollarding for collection ‘kladera’, whether it consisted of wooded plots of leaf fodder has often been considered as a interchanged by fields, slopes covered by practice benefiting only a small population of pollarded trees or individual old pollards in locals with limited economic interest (Petit and Watkins 2003). Despite the current

13 management, forests are seen as ‘pristine’ In 1930s the social group of the nomads Sarakatsani, was given citizen rights and they ‘natural’ environments, which should be established in the area replacing part of the population without continuing the practices of the expanded and the practice of pollarding has previously productive system (see Saratsi 2000: been often assumed as destructive for the 267 – 276)

116 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

‘natural’ forest growth. Therefore, pollarding rot-holes in which water collects, and specific has never been amongst the recommended lichens on old dry bark under overhangs. [It] is management techniques by foresters. specially important for organisms requiring Moreover, the practice was never regarded as more than one habitat, such as hole-nesting valuable for nature and landscape birds (e.g. hoopoe Upupa epops), or birds that conservation and consequently the function of feed in the open and nest in trees (e.g. these trees in relation to the wider landscape cinereous vulture, Aegypious monachus) or was never measured. Current forest insects that require dead wood and a nectar management seems to ignore the impact of source at different stages of their life cycles. traditional management practices on the The study of the mountainous landscape of environment and decisions on nature Zagori reveals that there was a long-standing conservation disregard the role of certain relationship between local communities and landscape features. their environment, which included a system of The prevailing perception is that the forest is continuous land management and control. coming back and the area is turning into its Thus the capacity of managing such cultural natural form. However, the opposite opinion is landscapes will require the application of both held by the aged local population who argue cultural and scientific knowledge. Together that the area was previously more diverse in with oral history there is adequate knowledge plant and animal species. The importance of contained in old documents that could be this ecosystem composed from used to fill the gap about local culture’s between pollards has been recognised in relationship with the surrounding environment. countries of North Europe where such areas Conservation agencies could consult such are as (Hæggstrom 1998: 33) puts it ‘located sources of information for obtaining ideas in natures reserves and more as outdoor about the special management of the local museums than as genuine pollard meadows’. environment. For the ecological role of a similar ecosystem,

(Rackham 1998: 21), states: ‘[it] is an important habitat, especially where it References combines grassland and ancient trees. It Arapoglou, M. (1994). I Orines Kinotites tis Borias includes some of the best examples of old Pindou Today [The Mountainous Societies of North grasslands. Ancient trees are a specific Pindos Today]. I Orines Kinotites tis Borias Pindou habitat, or assemblages of habitats, for a [The Mountainous societies of North Pindos]. B. multitude of creatures. Every old pollard is an Nitsiakos. Athens, Plethron: 151 - 193. ecosystem in itself, with bats roosting in Fabbio, G., M. Merlo, et al. (2003). "Silvicultural hollow branches, specific invertebrates in Management in Maintaining Biodiversity and heartwood rooted by different fungi, others in Resistance of Forests in Europe - The News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 117

Mediterranean Region." Journal of Environmental Present and Future. D. Moe. Cambridge, Management 67(1): 67 - 76. Cambridge University Press: 53-77.

Forbes, H. (2000). Landscape Exploitation via Rackham, O. (1998). Savanna in Europe. The Pastoralism: Examining the 'Landscape Ecological History of European Forests. C. Degradation' versus Sustainable Economy Debate Watkins. Wallingford, CAB International: 1 - 24. in the Post- Mediaeval Southern Argolid. Rackham, O. and J. Moody (1996). The Making of Landscape and Land Use in Postglacial Greece. P. the Cretan Landscape. Manchester, Manchester Halstead. Sheffield, Sheffield Academic Press. University Press. Archaeology 3: 95 -109. Saratsi, E. (2003). Landscape History and

Grispos, P. (1952). "To Kouri stin Epiros [The Traditional Management Practices in the Pindos 'kouri' in Epiros]." Epirotiki Estia 1: 129-203 & Mountains of Northwest Greece c1880 - 2000. 1296-299. Unpublished PhD Thesis, School of Geography. Nottingham, University of Nottingham. Grispos, P. (1953). "Ta Dasi tis Epirou [The Scarascia-Mugnozza, G., H. Oswald, et al. (2000). Forests in Epiros]." Epirotiki Estia 2: 363 - 368. "Forests of the Mediterranean Region: Gaps in Hæggstrom, C.-A. (1998). Pollard Meadows: Knowledge and Research Needs." Forest Ecology Multiple Use of Human-made Nature. The and Management 132(1): 97 - 109. Ecological History of European Forests. C. Zavala, M. A. and J. A. Oria (1995). "Preserving Watkins. Wallingford, CAB International: 33 -43. Biological Diversity in Managed Forests: a meeting Halstead, P. (1990). "Present to Past in the point for ecology and forestry." Landscape and Pindos: specialisation and diversification in Urban Planning 31(1 - 3): 363 - 378. mountain economies." Rivista di Liguri 56: 61-80.

Halstead, P. (1998). "Ask the Fellows who Lop the Hay: Leaf-Fodder in the Mountains of Northwest Eirini Saratsi Greece." Rural History 9(2): 211 - 234. Mertzios, A. (1996). "Nomiki Meleti peri Dason sto University of Athens, Greece E-mail: [email protected] Zagori [Study about Legal Aspects regarding the Forests in Zagori]." To Zagori mas [Our Zagori] 217 & 218: 6 - 7 & 6.

Moreno, D. (1990). Dal Documento al Terreno: Storia e Archeologia dei sistemi agro-silvo- pastorali. Bologna, Societa Editrice II Mulino.

Petit, S. and C. Watkins (2003). "Pollarding Trees:

Changing Attitudes to a Traditional Land

Management Practice in Britain 1600 - 1900." Rural History 14(2): 157 - 176.

Rackham, O. (1988). Trees and Woodland in a Crowded Landscape - The Cultural Landscape of the British Isles. The Cultural Landscape - Past,

118 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

Photo: SCHIMA News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 119

WOODLAND MANAGEMENT AND STATE REGULATION IN SOUTH-WESTERN GERMANY, CA 1500 - 1700

It is generally recognized that the ‘long six- the Duchy of Württemberg follows a typical, if teenth century’ of population expansion and somewhat pioneering pattern, beginning at the increased governmental ambition was a key end of the fifteenth century and culminating in period in the development of territorial forest the woodland law of 1614, tracing a long administrations, forest laws, and the century of population expansion and an regulation of woodland in central Europe increasingly vigorous central government. The (Mantel, 1980). However, despite this subsequent catastrophic Thirty Years War recognition and a number of excellent between 1618 and 1648 saw the population monographs on the forest history of the drop by nearly two-thirds in this region. This German speaking lands in recent years was followed by a period of slow recovery and (Schenk, 1996; Ernst, 2000; Schmidt, 2003; the further development of the power of the Selter, 1995; Grewe, 2000), the two centuries absolutist state, although innovation in before the eighteenth century remain curiously regulation relating to woodland was con- under-researched. Neither the imperatives spicuously absent until the early eighteenth behind legislation, nor the impact of the laws, century. The story of the woodland over these have been examined in any great detail. 14 As centuries is essentially one of continuity, will be demonstrated here, this is not for lack despite institutional innovation. This under- of sources (Schenk, 1999). This study will lines the need for studies ‘on the ground’ to utilize records from the Duchy of Württemberg assess the true impact of legislative and in south-west Germany (Map One) to illustrate forestry practice (Warde, 2005). Despite in- both a key period in the establishing of state corporating part of the , Würt- regulation of woodland in central Europe, and temberg was largely a land of small towns, also the possibility of reconstructing woodland nucleated villages, three-field cereal agri- environments and their management from a culture, and extensive viniculture. The area range of historical sources. The development selected for more detailed study is absolutely of regulation and woodland management in typical of Württemberg in this regard: the forestry district (Forstamt) of Leonberg to the

14 This text is a summary of parts of a forthcoming north-west of Stuttgart between the volume on wood and woodlands in Württemberg during and the eastern reaches of the Black Forest the early modern period. For all references to archival and secondary sources the reader is referred to that (See Maps One and Two). volume. (Warde, 2005).

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Map 1. South-West Germany North in the sixteenth century Speyer M iles 0 10 20 30 40

Stuttgart W ürttemberg Strasbourg Lorraine Tübingen U lm B lack Forest

Freiburg

C onstance

Basel The Swiss Confederation

North Map 2. The Forstamt Leonberg in the sixteenth century

Klein Ingersheim Bietigheim Ingersheim Bissingen Bennin gen Dürrmenz Beihingen Vaihingen En z Tamm Grossglattbach Aurich Hoheneck Eglosheim Pulverdingen Markgroeningen Asperg Harteneck Nussdorf Riet Ossweil Iptingen Hochdorf Möglingen Pflugfelden Eberdingen Neckargröningen h ms Mönsheim ac Hemmingen e Aldingen uz b Gl re Heimerdingen Münchingen K Stammheim Weissach Schoeckingen Zazenhausen Hirschlanden Flacht a r W Zuffenhausen e c k u e rm Ditzingen N Muenster Höfingen Weilimdorf Gebersheim Rutesheim Feuerbach Leonberg Gerlingen Hausen Eltingen Malmstal STUTTGART N Malmsheim a Münklingen g Renningen o Moettlingen Heslach ld Bruderhaus Otte nbronn Weil der Stadt

Althengstett Kilometres

00.01 0.02 0.03 0.04 0.05 0.06 0.07 0.08

News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 121

It contained around a tenth of the Duchy’s However, the woodlands clearly allowed much inhabitants (about 30 000 inhabitants in 1600), space for grazing. In an almost and provided about a tenth of the income of comprehensive 1682 survey no less than 74 the ducal forestry administration. We should per cent of the woodland was recorded as note that regions closer to denser populations being subject to rights, against a mere provided far more revenue to the forest ad- 7 per cent explicitly being barred from pasture. ministration in Württemberg in the sixteenth In 1700 the region contained around 5 000 and seventeenth centuries than more remote, cows and at least three times as many sheep. less densely populated and heavily forested It is probable that around the same number areas, even where these last were famously subsisted in the region a century earlier: stints exploited for rafting and wood export. Wood- were set determining the maximum size of land covered around a fifth of the east of the village herds in the 1550s. The stints were not Forstamt Leonberg, and a third of the west, set at this time to maintain an ecological and was about 15 000 hectares in extent. This balance, but rather to resolve a series of area changed relatively little from the late disputes over the pasture rights of fifteenth century until the late eighteenth transhumant ducally-owned sheep flocks, centuries. We can be fairly sure that nearly 60 though the numbers may also have per cent of the woodlands were owned and represented a compromise among villagers directly managed by village or town com- and townspeople to limit pressure on their munes. Just fewer than 40 per cent were common lands. While there was some flexi- under some form of state control after the bility in the stints established, livestock Reformation, directly owned by the Duke or by numbers, insofar as we have evidence, secularized monasteries, and just over a tenth appear to have remained remarkably stable were in the hands of private owners or the thereafter, excepting periods of warfare. At 3 nobility. hectares of woodland per cow, and about one hectare per sheep, only grazed some of the The agro-forestry regime time, the effect on woodlands is unlikely to The woodlands of the region were subject to have been catastrophic. an agro-forestry regime typical of much of In addition to livestock, there were also the Europe, where pasture played a significant game – primarily wild boar and – that role in the woodlands. Some form of coppicing grazed in the woodlands. If the figures pro- was prevalent, and underwood that was vided by forest officials are even remotely largely coppiced supplied 70 per cent of wood accurate, at the end of the sixteenth century, felled in the region as late as the nineteenth in the 1670s, and again by the 1720s, there was probably one stag for every sixty hectares century and probably around 90 per cent in of woodland, one wild boar for every thirty the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

122 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

hectares, and an unknown number of deer. north and east of this line the viticulture region These numbers dipped during wartime. These of the lower Neckar and is wooded probably did have local effects, as the town of primarily by deciduous species with a high Leonberg for example complained in the proportion of oak. Beech is also common, with 1720s that its woodland was ‘almost ruined by lesser numbers of elm, ash and lime. To the the game and nothing more will grow of young south and west of this line, oak and beech still trees.’ Tax reports from 1727 similarly predominate, but with a stronger represent- attributed the barren condition of woodlands to ation of coniferous trees the further west one the presence of wild boar eating the young goes. shoots and allowing no more saplings to grow. The woodland survey of 1583 highlighted oak But it was rare to acknowledge that the much as the most ubiquitous species. Coniferous more extensive grazing of domesticated live- trees were recorded nearly exclusively to the stock also played a role. Peasants resented west of that line which still traverses the both the damage game did to their crops, and region today. Beech was also almost ex- the corvée labour performed during ducal clusively found to the south and west of this hunting, although the costs of both of these line, also in the region where it is most pre- appear generally to have been greatly valent today, and was rare as mature timber. exaggerated in their petitions. Coppicing of underwood probably accounts for the scarcity of beech. The limitation of Species composition, age birch to higher elevations and the west of the structure and forms of region may be explained by its tendency to exploitation out-compete other species on poorer soils. This regime gave a distinct and enduring form Aspen that is far more demanding of well- to the woodland. While we are dependent on drained, acidic soils is found in the extreme contemporary surveys and possibly laconic for north-east or south-west, although isolated information on woodland stands, these can be patches exist elsewhere. Hazel is to be found cross-checked against other contemporary everywhere aside from the keuper hills of the sources. Detailed account books record the south-east. species of trees either deliberately cut for sale, or removed as the result of rot, wind- The survey and account book data underlines and storm-damage, in ducally-owned the centrality of underwood in the harvesting woodlands. These records can be compared of the woodlands. Only three-fifths of the area with extensive surveys of all local woodlands of woodland recorded in 1583 contained any taken in 1523, 1556, 1583 and 1682, as well mature timber, and in both 1583 and the more as information contained in court cases. reliably-measured survey of 1682, only 13-15 Today the Forstamt can be split in two. To the per cent of the woodland area is recorded as News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 123 having any great quantity of timber suitable for The rate of exploitation and building. its influence on the wood- lands We cannot work out anything like a reliable Wood consumption rates are difficult to age structure for these woodlands, but it is calculate and varied across regions and clear that the region’s woodland was according to income. Nevertheless, it is predominately open, young stands of oak and possible to identify a range for domestic other underwood, with a scattering of mature firewood consumption, which seems to have trees primarily in the form of staddles and been between 1 and 1.6 m3 per capita per standards. Despite population collapse bet- year in pre-industrial north-west and central ween 1583 and 1682 due to the Thirty Years Europe. The district’s demand for firewood War, woodland structure appears virtually may have outstripped local supply as early as unchanged in these two surveys. This sug- the 1540s and certainly by the end of the gests that grazing patterns, and possibly the century. Firewood had to be imported, a trade felling of timber during the conflict and for that was already quite extensive in the 1580s. post-war reconstruction, had a greater role in Similarly, building timber was being imported the maintenance of woodland form than from at least 1541 and probably much earlier; demand-driven wood-cutting that operated as the huge oak timbers used for the construction a function of population size. In other words, of Markgröningen’s town hall in 1477, for in the long-term overall woodland structure example, were imports. was not determined by the ebb and flow of Increasingly from the 1550s onwards villagers Malthusian pressures on resources. expressed fears in court records and petitions about the future supply of wood. Similarly tax Village communes, the institutions that directly records in the 1720s, when the population owned the largest share of the woodland, was creeping back towards the early seem generally to have coppiced on sixteen- seventeenth century level, described the year cycles across the Forstamt. Other condition of nearly every communally-owned woodlands had relatively long cutting cycles, woodland as ‘rather bad.’ Late sixteenth though as one might expect stands with a century town and village building regulations predominance of hazel, alder and aspen were increasingly stipulated the use of stone and cut more frequently than oak or beech. It is prohibited the use of wood for certain tasks, likely that cutting practices were to some and the decades around 1600 saw strong degree explained as a response to the market price rises, even relative to basic subsistence for firewood. Regions of comparatively high goods. By the early eighteenth century the prices region for underwood in the north-east situation in many localities was again severe. of the cut on shorter cycles. By 1730, tax returns in the district speak of

124 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

communal woodlands having only a handful of section entitled 'Fire- and building-wood' mature trees, usually oak, perhaps complained of 'the great shortage of wood for supplemented with beech, birch or fir. fuel and building.' District and communal Heimerdingen’s woodland, for example, was officials were ordered to make ordinances for ‘entirely declined’, and apparently had only their woodlands in consultation with foresters. about 20 oak trees, some 25 hectares of Such preambles are absolutely typical of the birchwood and otherwise hazel and other period and must be viewed with some scrub in an area of 275 hectares! scepticism. It is likely that the nascence of

Conditions were better in state-owned forests. such regulation has more to do with the state This was not because they were much better taking on responsibility for the regulation of managed, although there were greater efforts important resources rather than any to encourage mature trees, but because there impending ecological, fiscal or economic was less grazing and woodcutting pressure. In crisis. Many other aspects of the rural 1679-80, a year of comparatively high felling, economy were legislated for and regulated at one timber tree was felled per four hectares of much the same time. A first forest ordinance woodland. It is unlikely that more than 1% of of 1540 would be followed, expanded and the total area of state woodland was ever refined in 1552, 1567 and 1614, all these exploited for underwood in any given year. preceded by a period of petitioning from local Given this, were the state woodlands used communities as well as consultation with wholly systematically (which, of course, they foresters (Reyscher). While the ordinance of were not), they would always have a stock at 1614 was much larger than that of 1540, the least a century old. Nevertheless, state basics of the forestry regime that would woodlands nowhere enjoyed the density of endure until the early nineteenth century were stock to supply large amounts of timber for laid down in that first ordinance. Coupes were even quite minor building projects. Yet real to be systematically laid out and coppiced for building needs in the region cannot ever have firewood, and cut right back to the ground, exceeded a handful of thousand trees per rather than leaving a projecting stump. These annum across the period from approximately had to be protected from grazing animals, and 15 000 hectares. Expressions of concern that indeed grazing only permitted again with the shortages and the level of imports indicate approval of the forester, though with the how low stocking densities of mature timber length of protection or coppicing cycle must have been. determined as appropriate to each locality. Woodcutting should not begin before Regulation and its impact St.Edigius' day (1st September), to prevent The first inclusion of a passage on wood in damage to the tree during the growth period, state regulation came in 1495. Already, this and felled wood should be cleared out of the News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 125

coupes by the end of March. For each 'coupe' However, as the greater part of income came (which seems here to imply a morgen, or from wood sales, and there were always 0.3316 hectares), sixteen staddles were to be alternative sources of this wood available to left. Thinning of stands of pine trees and birch the consumer, it seems likely that this rise trees was encouraged. The laws spoke the reflects increased effective demand from a language of good and prudent husbandry growing population unable to meet supplies rather than improvement. Subsequent from communal woodlands. The promulgation measures would also encourage the planting of the laws themselves was probably not of trees, and further limitations on the use of driven by any revenue-raising concerns. certain species. It is one thing to promulgate laws, another to There is little clear evidence that the implement them. Ducal laws were followed implementation of laws made much difference reasonably rigorously in those woodlands to the long-term trends in ducal income from directly owned by the duke, about 15 per cent the forests, possibly with the exception of of the district’s woodlands. They were also 1540. Certainly the period of very rapid growth quite rigorously enforced in the area near the in income both in nominal and real terms falls forester’s seat of residence and along the between the 1540s and 1560s (see Figure frequently trodden route to Stuttgart. Beyond One). this, compliance was sporadic and especially

Figure 1: Ducal Income form Forest, Figure1522 1. Ducal1699 Income from Forests, 1522-1699

45000 700000

40000 600000

35000

500000 30000 Nominal Income

400000 25000 Fl. Silver Income 20000

300000 Grams of silver

15000 200000

10000

100000 5000

0 0 1522 1532 1542 1552 1562 1572 1582 1592 1602 1612 1622 1632 1642 1652 1662 1672 1682 1692

126 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

bad in those areas along rivers with collapsed dramatically after the 1580s, for consequently had rather easy access to example (see Figure Two). Wood was cheap imported timber. There is no sign of a generally much more important as an income more general resentment at either the source to communes than it was to the ducal existence of a forest administration or the government. claim of the state to legislate for the condition

Figure 2. Wood sales from Leonberg Woodland, 1580-1632

450

400

350

300

250

Klafter 200

150

100

50

0 1580 1582 1584 1586 1588 1590 1592 1594 1596 1598 1600 1602 1604 1606 1608 1610 1612 1614 1616 1618 1620 1622 1624 1626 1628 1630 1632 Year of all woodlands. However, villagers routinely For the state government, forest income ignored rules that they did not consider represented only around 3-4% of total relevant. Village communes and municipal revenue from the 1550s, with a brief peak of authorities promulgated their own ‘wood 6-7% in the early seventeenth century. ordinances’ and bye-laws for the management Revenue from the forest rose very rapidly of common property. These did not derive between the 1530s and early 1550s, peaking from the forest laws that communal officials in real terms in 1560. In nominal terms were in any case supposed to implement. revenue rose slowly thereafter until the first Woodlands often provided a significant share decade of the seventeenth century, collapsing of the income of village communes and town during the Thirty Years War and recovering governments. There are some signs here of a slowly from the mid-1660s. decline in yields towards the end of the sixteenth century; Leonberg’s wood sales News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 127

Conclusions: yields and woodlands. The greatest shortages lay in the ecological balance centre of the region and in the north and east In parts of the district by 1600 yields from of the Forstamt, a picture that concurs entirely woodland were clearly rather poor, and were with contemporary reports. On this basis, so again in the early eighteenth century. This then, only a minority of the settlements can be is also suggested by rising wood prices in the considered potentially ‘closed’ communities by late sixteenth century, when population, due 1600. Village authorities were faced with the to repeated outbreaks of plague, was fairly choice of either keeping the amount of wood static. By 1727, the range of annual average allocated per household low, forcing everyone increment implied had sunk to 2-4 m3 of solid to buy additional wood, or alternatively being timber per hectare in communal woodlands. 15 more generous but excluding some from But despite great fluctuation in its parts, access to it altogether. One can see why including catastrophes visiting upon the settlements were keen to implement rules that human populations, the woodland world forbade the export of wood, straw or dung preserved a remarkable degree of stability. from their Markungen, and in some cases We can attempt to build up an overall even barred its sale within communities. ecological ‘balance’ of wood for around 1600, Communities maintained, where possible, a for which there are population estimates for communally-owned wood used for free grants the entire region. This is at the heart of the of wood to the propertied, and for sales, along period where firewood prices appear to have with extensive grazing in the woodland that been rising fairly rapidly and the importation of also transferred biomass to fertilize the fields. all kinds of wood was reaching a large scale. I About two-thirds of communities could operate have taken a reasonably generous estimate of to some degree in this fashion. Yet this 3 m3 per hectare each year being produced in apparently village-based ‘territorial’ strategy is all woodlands, and assumed generously again in part illusory, because if we treat the that it was efficiently used. If we then estimate ‘territory’ as the village territory it is clear in a (low) per capita annual consumption figure many cases that biomass flows were crossing of 1 m3, an assessment of likely flows within its jurisdictional boundaries to a major extent or between settlements can be made. On this long before 1600. The local strategy of basis, only a minority of settlements (41 %) restricting and conserving was hedged by an could have satisfied even their firewood needs economy of importing wood from elsewhere to from distributing the product of communal such an extent that it seems unreasonable ever to talk of subsistent or autarkic communities when it came to supplies of fuel 15 This is calculated by comparing the annual income per morgen assessed for taxation or building material. Some of this wood was purchases with the local value of cordwood to produce an annual notional cordwood yield.

128 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

obtained by transfers internal to the region, At the beginning of the period there were but much was imported. already two well-established ecologies of In 1600 it seems reasonable to suppose that wood use, but they were two symbiotic some 10 000 m3 of wood was being removed ecologies. The territory of the village, its from the rafting trade down the Enz, and being common fields and woodland, circumscribed used as fuel, construction timber and vineyard one. The other was comprised of shifting stakes. To this, to get a ‘real’ picture of wider trade links between the villages of the resource flows, we should add another 6 000 region and beyond. Trade required sale of the m3 embodied in materials such as iron, glass largely agricultural products that were and salt. All told the local ecology had to pay sustained by the management of the village out at the very least 11 000 fl. to avoid having land and transfer of biomass from the to produce more wood locally (and, of course, woodland to the field via grazing. In turn, the to import the iron and salt to be processed). rewards of trade brought salt, iron, wood and This could have been obtained by exporting other products to the villages and small towns about 3 200 hectolitres of wine, or the net of central Württemberg. This system appears output of over a quarter of the region’s to have been very stable locally in the two vineyards. 16 centuries under observation. Its cost to the It made sense. A hectare of vineyard region, of at the very least 11 000 fl., may produced far and away more income than a seem low when set against a probable hectare of woodland, so it was undoubtedly regional income of around one million gulden worth tearing down the trees and staking out per annum in the early eighteenth century, or the vines, even if one generated more a tax bill (much of which stayed in the region) demand for wood in doing so. In this regard of 45 – 60 000 fl.. More telling perhaps is the the repeated attempts of the authorities to fact that around 1600 approximately 6 700 inhibit, by and large, the expansion of hectares might have been needed to produce vineyards into the woodland was misplaced. all of the wood embodied in imports to the Vineyards were more productive than Forstamt, half again the actual woodland woodland and wine could be transported at far area. 17 Such a local transformation was less cost than wood, so why not produce wine perhaps not impossible to imagine, but why do and buy in wood or products which used large so when it was clearly cheaper to buy the quantities of wood in their making? material from elsewhere?

16 The taxation assessments of the eighteenth century took costs of cultivation as being two-thirds 17 On the assumption of around 20 000 m3 being of the value of production, implying in this case the imported (50% from wood, 25% from iron, 15% net return of 480 hectares, if they are to be from glass, and the rest from salt and believed miscellaneous goods such as ceramics. News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 129

The dependency on the outside world was landschaften in Mainfranken und Nordhessen. almost invisible at the local level because the Stuttgart, Steiner. very point of much of the trade was to keep Schenk, W., (ed.), (1999) Aufbau und Auswertung things the same within the village territory, and “langer Reihen” zur Erforschung von historischen Waldzuständen und –entwicklungen. Tübingen, avoid the radical reconfiguration of local Geographisches Insititut der Üniversität Tübingen. relations that would have been required Schmidt, U.E., (2003) Der Wald in Deutschland im without the ability to import and export. The 18. und 19. Jahrhundert. Saarbrücken, CONTE. trading system was already in place in the late Selter, B., (1995) Waldnutzung und ländliche medieval period, and thus was not a creation Gesellschaft : landwirtschaftlicher 'Nährwald' und of pressure on resources at a regional level neue Holzökonomie im Sauerland des 18. und 19. during the sixteenth century. However, Jahrhunderts. Paderborn, Schöningh. because of the extraordinary cost of Warde, P., (2005) Ecology, economy and state transporting wood overland, rafting became formation in early modern Germany. Cambridge, an increasingly attractive source of raw Cambridge material when wood prices began to rise. Equally, the terms of trade and the ability to import via water from regions where wood Paul Warde was extremely cheap provided no incentive to radically alter the local system of agro-forestry Pembroke College, University of Cambridge, Cambridge CB2 IRF, UK; combining grazing and wood production. E-mail: [email protected]

References

Ernst, C., (2000) Den Wald entwicklen. Ein Politik- und Konfliktfeld in Hunsrück und Eifel im 18.

Jahrhundert. Munich, Oldenbourg. Grewe, B.-S., (2000) Der versperrte Wald. Vorindustrieller Waldressourcenmangel am Beispiel der bayerischen Rheinpfalz (1814-1870. Dissertation, University of Trier. Mantel, K., (1980) Forstgeschichte des 16. Jahrhunderts unter dem Einfluss der Forstordnungen und Noe Meurers. Hamburg,

Parey.

Schenk, W., (1996) Waldnutzung, Waldzustand und regionale Entwicklung in vorindustrieller Zeit im mittleren Deutschland: historisch-geogra- phische Beiträge zur Erforschung von Kultur-

130 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

ABSOLUTIST LANDSCAPES SHAPING WOODLANDS AND MANAGING WILDLIFE FOR THE REQUIREMENTS OF BAROQUE HUNTING CULTURE. THE EXAMPLE OF 17 TH AND 18 TH CENTURY BAVARIAN ELECTORS

Recently, increasing scientific interest is enjoying their natural environment 19 . Hunting dedicated to the history of hunting and a does not only influence wildlife populations. It growing number of scholars are taking the also plays a role in the development of central role into consideration that hunting ecosystems and cultural landscapes. In early plays in the historical relationship between modern European societies people lived and man and his natural environment. 18 In fact, ran their economy in a much more direct hunting is one of the oldest forms of man’s use of natural resources. And – as it was an important leisure time activity of the nobility game hunt over centuries – it may be seen as one

p zer res rtili enc cultural root of the phenomenon that men are , fe wildlife e, ce fert sen ilize pre r tion n nu tri u tri nu t ti n r o i n o t i i t presence o i r n t fertilizer u n 18 See: Philippe Salvadori, La chasse sous l’Ancien Régime (Paris 1996), Werner Rösener, Geschichte der Jagd. Kultur, Gesellschaft und Jagdwesen im hunting wildgame of nutrition,skin, otherproducts preserve wasteland Wandel der Zeit (Düsseldorf / Zürich 2004). The (game park, pheasant garden) German historian Charlotte Tacke is working on a t

im e

c b i comparatist study on the development of the game t e

c r

a r hunt and society’s attitude towards nature in p

p

r agricultural Germany and Italy in the late 19th and 20th e

s

e acreage (arable land, r

n woodland e z c meadow, pasture i l centuries, see Charlotte Tacke, Jagd und e i t , land, breach, garden) r f e e f

r ,

t gesellschaftliches Naturverständnis. i e l i c z n e e r s Nationalsozialismus und italienischer Faschismus e r n presence n p u o i t t n r i o i fertilizer ti im Vergleich, announcement of a presentation at n n t r ri u i t t s u t o u ri u n e . t ti n r o n c e n i t t d i e o the „Zentrum für vergleichende Geschichte s n r , e t t i l l t livestock Europas“ at Free Universtiy Berlin December 16th a e r , b x e o ti b u le r nutrition, kinetic im f ,t 2002, cited from: www.fu-berlin- ib n r energy, skin, io e rit fat wool etc. ut / o il n de/zvge/frame/coll0203.htm [web site visited April etc. 24th 2004]. Her colleague Bernhard Gißibl does man research for a PhD project on “Hunting, Environmentalism and Popular Images of African Wildlife in Germany 1884-1945.” See www.iu- bremen.de/directory/faculty/32736/ [web site visited April 24th 2004]. The doctoral thesis of the author of this article dedicates one chapter to an Figure 1: socioecologic constellation of early environmental history approach to early modern modern game hunt elite’s hunting; see: Martin Knoll, Umwelt – Herrschaft – Gesellschaft. Die landesherrliche Jagd Kurbayerns im 18. Jahrhundert (St. 19 Joachim Radkau, Natur und Macht. Eine Katharinen 2004), pp. 341-384 Weltgeschichte der Umwelt (Munich 2000), p. 68. News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 131

contact to their natural environment than it is These parks were part of a specific cultural the case nowadays. Under these conditions landscape that had been designed for hunting different sections of landscape (like woodland, purpose. open land, arable land, pastureland etc.) and Robert Delort and Francois Walter point out the different forms of land use (forest culture, that in the Old Regime a sophisticated legal agriculture etc.) were overlapping in many system of forest hunting- and fishing laws tried aspects. Early modern elite’s hunting was part to assure that the usufruct of woodlands, of a complex socio-ecologic functional con- lakes and rivers and the dominion of nature in text. This context may be clarified if our view general were concentrated on a group of is guided by a model that distinguishes privileged members of society. 22 At the top of different parts of landscape and different the hierarchy stood the king and in the old agents operating there (see figure 1). “Reich” the territorial princes who claimed the highest authority in hunting issues. At the The one part of landscape that is described as courts of these monarchs a specific kind of hunting preserve is the one which will be of hunting culture was generated that functioned special interest in this article. Under early as an indispensable part of courtly ceremony modern conditions game preserves were big and everyday life. Impressing by its splendour areas enclosed by wooden fences, where and puzzling because of it’s dealing with wildlife was kept for hunting purpose and natural, economic and social resources – i. e. where other forms of land use were partially or with nature, people and animals in other totally abolished. Especially the technique of words – the courtly hunting culture has coursing, which became popular at the courts already attracted considerable scientific of European monarchs and princes during the interest and is a popular topic of historical 17th and 18th century, required this type of exhibitions 23 . In 1705, while his own country preserve 20 . Hunting parks could not only was occupied by foreign troupes the Bavarian enclose different types of landscape and Elector Max Emanuel (1679-1726) stayed in vegetation but also agricultural acreage and Brussels. From there he wrote a letter to his even settlements – and therefore cause

21 severe conflicts with the local population . 22 Robert Delort / Francois Walter, Histoire de l’environnement européen (Paris 2001), p. 84. For Old Regime hunting see also: Hans-Wilhelm 20 Susan Richter, „Der kurfürstliche Parforce-Park Eckardt, Herrschaftliche Jagd, bäuerliche Not und in Käfertal,“ Die Lust am Jagen. Jagdsitten und bürgerliche Kritik. Zur Geschichte der fürstlichen Jagdfeste am kurpfälzischen Hof im 18. und bürgerlichen Jagdprivilegien vornehmlich im Jahrhundert (Ubstadt-Weiher 1999), pp. 43-54; südwestdeutschen Raum (Göttingen 1976). Salvadori, Chasse, pp. 209-215. 23 The most recent German exhibition dedicated to 21 Joachim Allmann, Der Wald in der frühen the topic was shown in spring 2004 at the German Neuzeit. Eine mentalitäts- und sozialgeschichtliche Historical Museum Berlin, catalogue: Gerhard Untersuchung am Beispiel des Pfälzer Raumes Quaas ed., Hofjagd. Aus den Sammlungen des 1500-1800 (Berlin 1989), pp. 239-245; Knoll, Deutschen Historischen Museums Umwelt, pp. 84-88. (Wolfratshausen 2002).

132 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

mistress Countess Arco using the following life of the court when staying in Munich or words: “What I need are country houses, nearby Nymphenburg could only be gardens, and forests, and chases, furniture guaranteed by a sophisticated system of and things like that; for the rest I am not hunting infrastructure maintained near the sensible, I do not even react on it.” 24 From residence town. The article will concentrate on Max Emanuel’s statement as well as from the this regional focus. fact that his son, the Elector and short-time- Due to its attractive setting the castle of emperor Karl Albrecht (1726-1745) shot Starnberg was a summer residence that pheasants even from the window of his already had been visited frequently by the bedroom in Nymphenburg castle 25 a lot can be Bavarian dukes of the 16th century. It was learned about the tight coherence between situated not far from Munich, ashore the lake nature, culture and hunting in the monarchical of Starnberg and surrounded by woodlands life. In Max Emanuel’s hunting diary it is with huge game populations. Under the reign documented that the Elector within ten and a of duke Albrecht V. (1550-1579) there is the half years between June 1715 and December starting point of building leisure ships in 1725 killed 39,715 animals. 26 Among others Venetian style. 27 The ship building reached its there are listed 349 male stags, 1013 roe height when under Elector Ferdinand Maria’s deer, 2435 wild boar, 2042 hares, 325 herons, (1651-1679) reign in the years 1662-1664 the but also 14,585 starlings. The broad variety of “Bucentauro” was built – a splendously hunted species included squirrels and fallow equipped copy of the Venice state ship that deer as well as magpie and vulture. The offered place for 500 passengers 28 . What is Elector practised hunting on 132 days of the the connection between these ships and the year 1717, 172 days in 1725. The Electors Electoral hunting practice? They were used and with them considerable parts of the for the so called “Wasserjagden” , some kind courtly society regularly travelled throughout of amphibious hunting festivities where wild the territory for hunting trips. But the important game was forced into the lake and killed role hunting played in ceremony and everyday there. This kind of hunting practice can be documented at the lake since the early 17th

24 Max Emanuel to Countess Arco, Brussels century. Hunting in this context never was an January 4th 1705, Bavarian General State Archive Munich, Kasten schwarz 8289. Translation: Samuel Klingensmith, The Utility of Splendor. Ceremony, Social Life and Architecture at the 27 Heidrun Kurz, Barocke Prunk- und Lustschiffe Court of Bavaria 1600-1800 (Chicago 1993), p. XV am kurfürstlichen Hof zu München (Munich 1993), / M. K. pp. 20-21. 25 Hunting Diary of Elector Karl Albrecht for the year 1736, Bavarian General State Archive 28 Several paintings of the „Bucentauro“ are Munich, HR I Fasz. 187 Nr. 27, fol. 116v. published in Gerhard Schober, Prunkschiffe auf 26 Hunting Diary of Elector Max Emanuel for the dem Starnberger See (Munich 1982). years 1715-1725, Bavarian General State Archive Munich, HR I Fasz. 187 Nr. 27. News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 133

that only a few years after finishing the “Bucentauro” a small game preserve was erected ashore near Possenhofen castle, where red deer was kept especially for these events. Living wild game was transported to the preserve even over long distance. The delivery of living male stags from the alpine regions of the administrative districts Weilheim and Hohenschwangau is re- ported. 29 The history of this preserve is a first example to show the interferences to the regional woodlands and wildlife caused by the ambitious hunting culture.

The fence which measured 2866 m was built of palisades (see figure 2). 30

The timber was taken from the nearby forests. Only a few years after having finished the fence in 1668 the local authorities faced serious problems in organizing the timber

necessary for maintaining the wooden construction. Several times the fence had to be repaired. Figure 2: Plan of the Possenhofen hunting- preserve ashore the lake of Starnberg, late 17th Finally, in 1677, 6000 further palisades were century, Bavarian General State Archive Munich, Plansammlung 20422. The lakefront is situated at needed, but it was not possible to take any the bottom of the drawing more timber from the regional forests. As a letter written by the Starnberg authorities isolated activity; it was part of a several day proves, a paradox situation had arosen: just long baroque dramaturgy that combined performances of theatre and opera with dinners, coach trips and fireworks etc. During 29 the 17th and 18th centuries solemnities at the Alois Mitterwieser, „Das Jagdschloss Starnberg und die Tiergärten bei Possenhofen und Berg,“ Bavarian court or visits of foreign monarchs Festschrift für Georg Leidinger zum 60. Geburtstag am 30.12.1930 (Munich 1930), pp. 187-193, here: could hardly do without the chase on the lake p. 193. 30 of Starnberg . So it was not mere accident For further information on the project see: Knoll, Umwelt, pp. 76-81.

134 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

Figure 3: Map of the Electoral hunting park near Munich, 1734, Bavarian State Archive Munich, Kartensammlung 181. consumption of the contemporary construction of the leisure ships on the lake, influenced the the princely hunting park had led to an situation. overexploitation of the nearby forests and – as One may be surprised that only a few years the writer mentions – in consequence these after the failure of the Possenhofen project forests lost their quality as habitat for the Elector Max Emanuel , who had established a princely wildlife. 31 In 1681 the park was given coursing crew at the Bavarian court, ordered up. The records documenting this case the erection of infrastructure that was of a provide information’s on the amount of timber considerably bigger dimension. He introduced needed for the project and where it was taken an innovation in hunting technique that from. Additionally the discussion between became characteristic for the court’s festivities various officials of the Electoral administration on the lake of Starnberg in the following in concern of the problems is documented. decades: One single stag that had been The analysis of further administrative records coursed before was forced into the lake by the like account books, correspondence, reports pack of hounds and did his final struggle for etc. from different local authorities could give life watched by the members of the court 32 the opportunity to analyze the interferences assembled on the leisure ships. with the regional woodlands and give Max Emanuel also had ordered to build the evidence how other factors, such as the wood infrastructure necessary for these events. In

31 Letter of the local Electoral administration 32 This kind of amphibious hunting finals is („Pfleggericht“) Starnberg to Elector Ferdinand documented on several of the above mentioned Maria, Starnberg 1677 July 5th, Bavarian General paintings of Nikolaus Stuber and Ignaz State Archive Munich, GL Fasz. 3798 Nr. 84. Biedermann, published in Schober, Prunkschiffe. News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 135

1715 a huge coursing park was finished that ment of the prince’s garden architecture. 35 In combined former hunting parks and pheasant fact, baroque garden architecture like it was gardens and connected them with the realized in Nymphen-burg no longer woodlands of Forstenried forests. separated the castle’s gardens from their A map of the year 1734 shows the dimensions environment. Optical axes and belts of (see figure 3). In 1715 the park covered a woodlands connected them to the surrounding surface of approximately 4633 hectares; the landscapes 36 . length of its outer border was five German In recent historical research more and more miles, approximately 37 km. 33 Several villages scepticism has arosen in the value of the and their arable land were now situated within absolutism paradigm for explaining early the fence. The forest had been made modern European ruling practice. 37 Studying accessible by a system of alleys, star shaped the 17th and 18th century architecture of aisles and pathways. In 1716 the complex castles, gardens and channels as well as the was connected with the lake of Starnberg by a splendours hunting techniques however gives fenced corridor to make possible the above the impression that a programme of absolute mentioned hunting finals. A considerable part power was indeed communicated by the of the landscape near the residence town was rulers and that dominating and structuring shaped for the court’s hunting culture like it is nature was a medium for them to documented in the paintings of Peter Jacob communicate this. Princely architecture Horemans 34 , Ignaz Biedermann or Nikolaus touched the borders of the technical Stuber. possibilities – be it by means of elaborate trick Foreign visitors were impressed by the fountains, artificial canals or self-supporting dimensions of the park, and Rainer Beck vaults. It restructured the space that was points out that the system of star shaped meant to be dominated to a space that clearly aisles and multicrossing pathways made the was dominated. 38 Scenic morphologic woodlands look like a monumental enlarge- 35 Rainer Beck, Ebersberg oder das Ende der Wildnis. Eine Landschaftsgeschichte (Munich 2003), p. 140. 36 Cornelia Jöchner, Die ‚schöne Ordnung’ und der 33 Franz X. Kriegelsteiner, Der Forstenrieder Park Hof. Geometrische Gartenkunst in Dresden und im Wandel der Zeiten (Munich 1987), p. 15. anderen deutschen Residenzen (Weimar 2001), 34 The painter Peter Jacob Horemans (1700-1776) pp. 68-71. who was born in Antwerpen but spent a major part 37 Nicholas Henshall, The Myth of Absolutism. of his life in Munich, produced many paintings for Change and Continuity in Early Modern European the Bavarian Electors. He also painted pictures Monarchy (London 1992); Henshall provoqued a showing the Bavarian court in hunting sceneries. vivid discussion; see: Ronald G. Asch / Heinz The paintings are situated in the “Amalienburg”, Duchhardt edts., Der Absolutismus – ein Mythos? one of the garden houses in the park of Strukturwandel monarchischer Herrschaft in West- Nymphenburg castle in Munich. For Horemans und Mitteleuropa ( 1996). see: Johann Georg Prinz v. Hohenzollern, Peter 38 See Heidrun Kurz, Barocke Prunk- und Jakob Horemans (1700-1776). Kurbayerischer Lustschiffe am kurfürstlichen Hof zu München Hofmaler (Munich 1974). (Munich 1993), pp. 241-260. In the political life of

136 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

conditions and physical postulates were hunting to optimal observation and replaced by an artificial formation and accessibility of the premises were an arrangement. Absolute power over a country ostensible means of a system of alleys, wasn’t limited to the power over the people, pathways and radial aisles. Sure enough the also the country in a precise physical sense roots of star shaped division of space and had to be – at least when it formed a part of route planning in the history of architecture court life – submitted to the sovereign’s will. can be traced much earlier and without This in turn was meant to be a signal to the practical use for hunting. This is also true for domineered subjects. The domestication of landscape and urban planning in the Italian nature therefore was engaged as a medium Renaissance of the 15th century and for the for a programme of dominion and star shaped arrangement of alleys and paths communicated a claim to absolute power 39 . in Italian and French garden planning, and Now it seems legitimate by all means, to put also for street-, urban-, and stronghold- this thesis to test also in a princely sphere, planning in various European countries in the which on one hand is in such immediate early 17th century 40 . In the process of this contact to nature, and on the other hand was development the mere scenery-forming of such importance to the self-conception and principle of order was completed by the lifestyle of the sovereign as was hunting. integration of architecture at the intersection of Namely coursing and the appendant artifice of pathways. The reception of such ensembles landscaping in this context deserve another of landscape architecture for the hunt at moment of consideration. German courts has to be seen in connection The character of coursing as extensively and with the establishment of coursing. It was mobile exercised hunting technique, was in coursing that, contrary to the hunting methods need of special arrangements within the practised so far, asked for long-lasting and hunting ground. The demands of this way of 40 Albrecht Graf Egloffstein, “Jagd und Architektur,” Die Jägerey im 18. Jahrhundert the Bavarian Elector Max Emanuel (1679-1726) ( 1991), pp. 187-212, here 201-202; Kurz sees an interrelation between the periods of Hans Eugen Pappenheim, „Die Ursprünge einer the prince’s building activities and his political radialen Jagdanlage bei Fürstenried und ihre projects. Weiterbildung in höfischen Forstbauten der Zeit,“ 39 Louis de Rouvoy Duc de Saint Simon (1675- Zeitschrift für bayerische Landesgeschichte 1755) who was a political adversary and critic of 11(1938), pp. 222-231, here 222-223; for the the French king Louis XIV critizised in his memoirs affinity of the barock elite culture to geometric also the garden architecture of Versailles: “It was a order in garden architecture see: Jöchner, Die pleasure to the king to tyrannize nature and to schöne Ordnung, and Gernot Heiss, „Die Liebe tame it with the help of art and money […] One des Fürsten zur Geometrie. Adelserziehung und feels disgusted by the force that is exerted upon die Wertschätzung der höfischen Gesellschaft für nature everywhere.” cited from Norbert Elias, Die Symmetrie und Regelmäßigkeit,“ Peter J. Burgard Höfische Gesellschaft (Neuwied / Berlin 1969), p. ed., Barock. Neue Sichtweisen einer Epoche 338. Transl. M. K. Elias emphasizes the tight (Vienna 2001), pp. 101-119, and Henning connection between system of rule, garden Eichberg, „Geometrie als barocke architecture and the perception of nature which is Verhaltensnorm,“ Zeitschrift für historische visible in the statement of St. Simon. Forschung 4 (1977), pp. 17-50. News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 137

ordering formation of the landscape. But a The environmental impact of the baroque merely technical explanation with the mobility hunting culture was not limited to the and visibility required by this technique of extraction of wild game and the shaping of hunting would not reach far enough. Earlier landscapes by multicrossing pathways. One the court had gone hunting in more or less material aspect has not yet sufficiently been “naturally” formed areas, that had been taken into consideration by historical research. segmented only temporarily by cloth or nets; As it can be studied in the above mentioned but now parts of the landscape had to go example of a hunting preserve near Possen- through changes into a landscape especially hofen, considerable amounts of timber were designed for hunting, a scenery of princely necessary to build and maintain the hunting presence. While the staged death of hundreds infrastructure. Wooden fences were erected of animals during the German “Eingestellte both to enclose hunting parks and game Jagd” embodied princely power, this was preserves and to protect agricultural acreage reached in the case of coursing already against wildlife. In a period when the fear of without the act of hunting, but was symbolized getting short in the central resource wood was by the control over the geometrically discussed as an important socioeconomic organised landscape. Philippe Salvadori issue, contemporaries clearly recognized the analyses the example of the forest of interrelation between elite’s hunting culture Compiègne that had been made accessible and wood consumption. Simon Rottmanner for hunting by star-shaped aisles and (1740-1813), prominent Bavarian promoter of polygonal systems of pathways by the French agricultural and forestal innovations, critizised: kings since Francois I. In 1763 the network of “I know well that they suggest fences as a roads and paths of multiple sizes reached an method to prevent damage caused by wild approximate total length of 1600 km. game. But these fences have to be built very Salvadori characterizes the landscape which high, very strong and very narrow and they had been shaped in this way as “une have to be maintained over years, so that they démonstration géometrique de la puissance cause exhaustion of forests and other costs. du roi sur la nature.” – a geometrical […] One other forester ordered the con- demonstration of ruler’s power over the struction of a fence made of planks. One can nature 41 . easily imagine how many timber and money was spent on this. As the woodlands of this forester are in the worst condition, one may 41 Salvadori, Chasse, pp. 213-214. The fact that doubt that in one century one tree will grow as starshaped structuring of woodlands was no mere habit of continental ruling dynasties but also was has been cut into planks. […] Recently I have practised by English gentry may confirm Henshall’s scepticisim in the absolutism paradigma being adequate to characterize the ruling system of the and Natural World. Changing Attitudes in England continental monarchies. See: Keith Thomas, Man 1500-1800 (London / New York), pp. 207-210.

138 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

seen a coursing-garden being erected, which for hunting purpose one has to bear in mind was fenced in with the best young timber. This that many different fences had to be built and will hurt the nearby forest for centuries.” 42 maintained and that historical files provide Projects like the fence that was planned to plenty of evidence that the fences were protect the agricultural acreage of four villages frequently damaged by storm, rain, wild game, south of Munich that were situated inside the livestock and resisting peasants. Therefore big hunting park give the opportunity to constantly new timber was needed. analyze the mode of construction as well as A central question arising from the issues the dimensions of wood consumption. 43 In discussed in this article is what can be said 1798 the local Electoral forester calculated about the shape of woodlands and 7275 columns and the same amount of 6 m landscapes that were central locations of long horizontal poles for the erection of the rulers’ hunting infrastructure and practice. 14.8 km long fence. 44 In addition over 436,500 There are not too many historical records “Hanichel” (small trunks of young trees) providing reliable information about the con- should build the vertical cover of the fence. dition of the woodlands situation within the Using these results a projection can be made hunting park south of Munich. Many of them – for the material needs of the fence at the outer be it descriptions or be it forestal cartography border of the Forstenried Park which – are products of the late 18th century efforts measured approximately 37 km in 1715: to rationalize and economize forest use. One Accordingly more than 18,000 columns were example is the map of the Forstenried forest needed. Because of its durability oak was which was drawn in 1797 (see figures 4 and used for the columns. 1500 columns could be 5). 46 The map provides information on species made out of 40 big oak trees, as the Oberst- and shape of trees, open land and woodland jägermeister” (chief of the Electoral hunting and the quality of soils. There are two authority) Sigmund von Preysing calculated problems occurring when this map is used as in 1739 45 , so that 480 oaks had to be cut for a historical source for analyzing the park’s the 18,000 columns – additional material for interference with the local landscape: It is the horizontal construction not included. difficult to judge how far the author’s Judging the dimensions of wood consumption perspective influences the given information.

42 The main problem however is the documented Anon. (Simon Rottmanner), Nothwendige Kenntnisse und Erläuterungen des Forst- und Jagdwesens in Bayern (Munich 1780), translation: 46 The map is presented in the conference room of M. K. the Munich State Forest Office in Munich- 43 See Knoll, Umwelt, p. 88 Forstenried. Concerning the question of cultural 44 Calculation of the local Electoral forester Max heritage, the present structural reforms of forest Anton Jägerhuber, October 6th 1798, Bavarian administration in many German “Bundesländer” General State Archive, FA Fasz. 311 Nr. 794. bear the danger that when forest offices – 45 Sigmund v. Preysing to Elector Karl Albrecht, sometimes being situated at a location for Munich January 20th 1739, Bavarian General centuries – are closed, historical sources and State Archive FA Fasz. 404 Nr. 40. cultural knowledge about woodlands will be lost. News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 139

subject itself. Even within the park woodlands the territory. Also the transport boxes were were areas of multifunctional use. Therefore it maintained. is not easy to judge whether a certain shape of the forest is primarily caused by wild game, In the park’s region itself there are indirect livestock or human activity. indicators for a particularly high population Also in the case of wildlife management and density of wildlife maintained there: The the park’s supply with the wild game that was administrative districts where the park was needed for the elaborate courtly hunting situated played a major role within the techniques the information given by the documented conflicts around damage to the historical records is not sufficient for a precise agricultural production caused by wild game 49 . reconstruction of the circumstances. Inside Conflicts with the local population arose from the park’s fence sure enough authorities had the beginning of the park’s establishment. to face the problems of game populations With its development as a central location of living in enclosed areas: limited natural forage the princely hunt the peasants had to face a supplies, genetically impoverishment, high new dimension of forced labour they had not danger of infectious diseases etc. 47 been obliged to do before. 50 And the peasants How did the administrations handle these who lived within the parks border found problems in the parks? Did they realize the themselves being fenced in a landscape that specific causes? Is there any evidence of had been shaped without them having been problems with infectious diseases being trans- participated. ferred from the park’s game populations to livestock (or vice versa)? Concerning the Conclusion supply of the park with wild game from outside The princely hunting culture of German courts it is known that in the first decade after in the 17th and 18th century was part of a finishing the park’s fence a lot of living stags complex socioecologic constellation of were imported from abroad – be it from the overlapping and competing options in using franconian county of Brandenburg-Ansbach, natural resources and cultural landscapes. 48 be it from the bishopric Passau. .Additionally it is documented that the Electoral hunting Being an indispensable part of the ceremonial administration regularly catched red deer and life and courtly culture, hunting had various wild boar for the hunting park’s supply all over impacts on woodlands and other parts of landscape as well as on wildlife populations. Hunting under conditions of absolutist court 47 See Lutz Fenske, „Jagd und Jäger im früheren culture ment a domesticating and sub- Mittelalter. Aspekte ihres Verhältnisses,“ Werner Rösener ed. Jagd und höfische Kultur, pp. 29-93, here pp. 70-71. 49 Ibid., pp. 257-273. 48 See Knoll, Umwelt, pp. 93-97. 50 Ibid., pp. 206-208.

140 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

ordinating approach to the natural environ- maintained high wildlife stand and a high ment, which can clearly be proven as having degree of additional wood consumption Early been intentional. Woodlands were shaped by modern elite’s hunting left ambivalent traces in networks of multicrossing pathways, hunting woodlands as cultural heritage. On the one parks formed specialized types of cultural hand there are the contemporaries’ com- landscape for hunting purpose. The Bavarian plaints about princely hunting and hunting example could demonstrate, that a region infrastructure destroying woodlands. On the where ruler’s interests in hunting were other hand many recent types of woodland concentrated was not only influenced by the within or near former residence towns are shaping of landscape but also by an artificially relics of the monarchical hunting culture. .

Figure 4: Map of the Forstenried Forest near Munich, 1797, Munich State Forest Office

News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 141

Figure 5: Map of the Forstenried Forest near Martin Knoll Munich, 1797, Munich State Forest Office, detail: legend Lehrstuhl für Neuere Geschichte, Universität Regensburg, 93040 Regensburg, Deutschland,

E-mail:[email protected] regensburg.de

142 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF ONE OF THE FOREST VILLAGERS’ UTILIZATION RIGHTS FROM THE PUBLIC FORESTS IN TURKEY: SALE RIGHTS OF WOOD MATERIAL IN THE MARKET

Abstract various periods. Additionally, the impacts of The forest villagers’ life standard is in the application of this right to the management very poor condition in Turkey. Thus, the and protection of the forests and the relation- ship between forest and forest villagers are villagers who cannot meet their requirements investigated. Finally; the problems associated exactly begin to utilize from the forests illegally. Some legal rights are given to them with this subject is explained then the to lessen the pressure on the forests and to suggestions made. regulate the relationship between forests and villagers. These rights can be generalized as; Introduction taking fuel and industrial wood, seed and, fruit Some precautions had been taken to regulate from the forests and grazing animals in the the relationship between forests and villagers forest openings. who live in or nearby the public forests. One of One of the most important rights given these precautions is to give legal rights to the to the forest villagers is the sale right of wood forest villagers. These rights are taking material in the market. The forest villagers’ fuelwood, industrial wood, fruit and seed from sale right of wood material in the market which the forests and use for animal grazing. plays an important role in the relationship The utilization rights given to the forest between the forests and villagers and also has villagers from the public forests are been applied for 130 years is examined. investigated. These rights play important roles In this paper, first of all the population in forest-villager relations and it has also a structure and changes in the forest villages is long history of 130 year period. These rights discussed. Then, the historical process of had been changed many times by the forest related law is investigated in three periods law. which are the critical turning points of Turkish For this purpose, the population changes of Forestry and also political, economical, social forest villages in Turkey are examined. Then, and cultural structure. The periods are the regulations and laws related with these determined as 1870-1937, 1937-1980 and subjects are investigated periodically in after 1980. Then, the quantity of the wood historical process. Finally, the effects of legal material given to the villagers related with the rights related with wood material on public right of market sale is examined towards News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 143

forest management and forest-villagers been decreased year by year since 1980. relationship is also discussed. As seen in the Table 1 compared to the results of 1970 population census, the Forest Villagers’ Population population of forest villages severely in Turkey decreased in 2000 and the ratio of forest According to official data the population of villager population to total population was forest villagers was 8.856.000 between 1938 dropped from 1/5 in 1970 to 1/9 in 2000. and 1954 period. Also the ratio of this number According to ORKÖY (General Directorate of to total population of the country was %47. Forest and Villagers Relationship) data the Between 1954 -1958 the population of forest numbers of forest villages are approximately villagers increased 9.791.000 and its ratio was 20.000. Also, of these 3192 villages can’t be % 40. Additionally, in 1960 the forest villager’s developed in where they are located. population was 8.981.00 and its ratio became There are some factors which affect the %32 (ASMAZ, 1962). In an other resource it is structure of these forest villages. The most stressed that, the number of forest villages important one is urbanization. The effects of was 6.574 in 1945 and also its ratio in total urbanization in Turkey can be classified into number of villages was %19,3. This number unattractive, transporter-communication and and ratio increased 12.318 and %34,8 in attractive factors (KELE , 1997). 1960. (ÇA ĞLAR, 1979). The unattractive factors are unproductivity in According to population census, Turkey has arable lands, low agricultural income, and the become urbanized more than the ratio of %70 unbalanced distribution of land ownership, the in the last couple of decades. Actually, rural excessive disintegration of agricultural land population who live in or near the forests has and the mechanization in agriculture. The

Table 1

Total Forest In Forest Nearby Forest Turkey’s Villages Years Population Population Population Population Number Number Number (000) (000) (000) (000) 1970 7.456 3.449 8.547 4.505 16.003 7.954 35.605 1975 7.519 3.571 9.507 5.761 17.026 9.332 40.348 1980 7.519 3.851 10.049 6.310 17.568 10.161 44.737 1985 7.506 3.850 10.058 6.311 17.564 10.161 50.664 1990 7.406 3.247 11.656 5.575 19.062 8.822 56.473 1995 7.262 2.495 11.426 4.555 18.688 7.050 62.865 2000 7.326 2.529 12.249 4.850 19.577 7.379 65.757

Population Changes of Forest Villages (1970-2000) Resource: ORKÖY, 2001

144 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

transporter-communication factors are related The precautions related with the regulations of with the improvement in transportation and utilization were taken with this first legal communication opportunities. Increases in the arrangement. But it was thought that some number of automobiles, buses and lorries, negative reactions could be occurred during development in the road system, improvement the application of this legal arrangement. in education level, communication and Therefore, some rights were given to the information systems and not returning from people who were connected with forests. In where they immigrate to the villages can be other words, the forest villagers’ utilization indicated in this context. The most important rights began in 1870 (ÖZDÖNMEZ, 1973). points of the third factor (attractive factor) are The rights given to the forest villagers by this attractiveness of city centres and opportunities legal arrangement can be summarized as they offer residents. below: 1. The villages which didn’t have any coppice stands could cut trees from the The Utilization Rights of the forests without charge for their fuel wood and Forest Villagers from Public Forests and Sale Right of industrial wood need. Wood Material in the Markets 2. The villagers whose livelihood according Forest Related depended on wood and sawn log trade for a Law Legislated in Different long time could take these products from the Periods public forests freely to trade in the market. 3. In order to buy sawn log from the Periods examined below are the important forests these villagers had to cut first then turning points not only for Turkish Forestry but take them with a price determined by forest also for the political, economical, social and service. cultural transformations. These periods are The application of these utilization rights presented in three titles. accepted in first legal arrangement made

difficulties at forest-villagers relationship and 1870 - 1937 Period protection of forests. The irregularity of the There was no any legal arrangement utilization licenses and lack of efficiency in the regulating the utilization from forests until forest organization increased abuses in forest 1870 when the first written legal arrangement lands. Therefore the forests were damaged in was taken effect. Generally, the utilization large scales. from the forests was free before 1870. Then, in 1920 Government of Turkish Grand Especially; each person can utilize from the National Assembly was established. This public forests except for private forests government tried to save the country from the (TOYGAR, 1957, 1964). occupying forces and worked in forestry to News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 145

pacify the country and to meet the country’s law was made by the support of Prof. Dr. demands for forest resources. Bernhart. The utilization rights given to the Coppice Law (Law No: 39) was legislated to forest villages by Law No. 3116 can be solve the problems of utilization from forests in summarized as below: 1920. According to this law, 2 ha coppice area 1. The free utilization right from the was provided to each house of villages. But forests was banned as a principle. But only the law couldn’t accomplish these goals as one time sawn log was given to the expected. Because there wasn’t enough forest immigrants and survivors freely by the area nears the villages which were the holders Decision of Council of Ministers. of the right. Additionally, there weren’t enough 2. Sawn log was given to the villagers technical personnel to divide the forests to who live in or near the forests (max 5 km houses and, sufficient coppice forest area to away) for their vital need but they paid for this meet the villagers’ demands and also the wood quarter of its price list. And also it was borders of the forest villages hadn’t been forbidden to sell this given wood. It was established (ÖZDÖNMEZ et al., 1996). accepted to sell round sawn log to the This law which was not appropriate to villagers whose subsistence depended on principles of technical forestry had been forest products trade in the market and lived applied for three years. Then, “Law of the at the distance of more than 5 km to the Public Forests Use Rights of Villagers” (Law forests by auction in that only these villagers No. 484) was made in 1924. The utilization could participate rights of forest villagers from public forests 3. Roundwood was sold to the needy provided by first legal arrangement (year of villagers for their vital needs such as building 1870) was accepted again by this law house, hayloft and shed on condition to pay its (ÖZDÖNMEZ, 1973). But this law increased price list. Also, for the collective necessities of the amount of the holders who had the rights the villagers sawn log was given in return of to utilize wood material from forests. Forest paying harvesting and logging expenses. villagers, town’s people and urban people who It can be noticed in these rules that this law live in undeveloped towns and cities and rich limited the utilization rights from the forests landowners were defined as the holders of the and gave these rights only to forest villagers. right in Law No. 484. Naturally, the pressure But this law made some difficulties for forest of utilization right on the forests was increased villages, so distance between villages increas- by this law. ed from max. 5 km. to 10 km and also the payment ratio decreased from ¼ to 1/10 by 1937-1980 Period Law No 3444 legislated in 1938. The first Forest Law (Law No.3116) in Turkey A liberal economy concept became wide- was made in 1937 in the Atatürk’s period. This spread in 1950 after the multi-party system

146 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

realized in Turkey. In the first years of this Some different rules were decided but there period, industrialization was very rapid, and wasn’t any deep-seated change in this law. then it slowed down at the following years. In Turkey acceleration occurred in the The concentration on private enterprises establishment of particleboard industry approach influenced the forest industry sector. enterprises in 1970s. The number of The effects of these progresses did some new particleboard factories was 5 in 1974. It was arrangements related with the utilization right increased to 10 in 1976 and 30 in 1985. from the public forests in 1950 by the According to social, political, economical and legislated law (Law No. 5653). By this law, it technical developments which can be seen in was accepted that the forest villages who this numeric example increased the demand harvested and transported the wood to the for wood material. Because of this situation, storage area for forestry service could take the 34th article of the law no. 6831 was max. %25 of the industrial wood and %100 of changed and the law no. 1906 was accepted fuelwood and coal according to their prices. in 1975. Thus, the disagreements about the holders of The new arrangements accepted by Law No. market sale right of forest villagers was tried 1906 can be listed as below: to be solved. Then the Forest Law with no 6831 was made 1. Only the villagers and towns people in 1956 and previously made laws were was accepted in production activities by the abolished. 31st, 32nd, 33rd and 34th articles previous laws. But by this law cooperatives of of these laws were related with forest villages. forest villagers were accepted in the But the rule of this law wasn’t so much production activities. different from the previous laws. In 1973, the 34th article of law no 6831 was 2. The %60 of harvested industrial and changed by Law No. 1744. The new other wood materials and coal were given not arrangements of this law can be summarized only to the villagers who had right but also the as following: forest villagers’ cooperatives. • Money could be given to the villagers instead of round wood. 3. The %25 of sawn log and %100 of • The villagers who transported the other wood products could be sold to forest woods to inter-depot had the same rights like villagers’ cooperatives upon their request at who transported the woods from harvested the stocking areas to its cost value. area to the last depot. By these rules, some privileges were given to • The amount of the wood given to the the villagers except for auction principle. On villagers who worked in the harvesting the other had, the concept of wood products activities was decreased from %100 to %60. was enlarged by the expression of “other News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 147

wood products”. Thus, the given utilization article of the law no. 6831 was changed like a and sale rights were expanded. lot of articles of this law by Law No. 3373 After 1980 parallel to the social, economical and political After 1977, as a result of the interference of changes. The changes made by this law are the government with property and workforce listed below: market in national economy by using of public Veneer and peeling logs were given to the enterprises and investment preferences as a forest villagers’ cooperatives in addition to tool an economic crisis occurred in Turkey. sawn log as in reply to %25 of harvested Then, this situation was ended by wood material. Also if they wanted the price improvement of economic relations with difference of this would be paid. foreign countries in 1980. This period The price difference was calculated as; the consisted of the years which Turkey cancelled difference between general sale averages of importation handicaps and entered to the quantity of sold material with auction and the world property and finance market (YELDAN, general average of cost value. 2001). The allocation was paid to the workers who The 34th article of Law No. 6831 was worked in harvesting was raised from %2 to changed in 1982 by Law No. 2655. This law %10. limited the market sale right of forest villagers. By these changes, the utilization rights given This limitation was related with the number of to the forest villages and cooperatives were holders, the management type of the forests expanded. Thus, the forest service sacrificed (only coppice area), and the ratio of given more money than before. wood amount and the allocations. Also, the Finally, the 34th article was changed in 2000 name of the other wood material was changed by the Law No. 4570. Some new rights were again with industrial wood. This law given to forest villager’s cooperatives. The encouraged right holders to operate this wood stipulation for forest village cooperatives to material in their industrial enterprises. have industrial enterprise was cancelled. And Nevertheless, 34th article of law no 6831 was the selling price was regulated with respect to changed again in 1983 by Law No. 2896. different principles (AKESEN et al., 2002). According to this change, if the cooperative of As a summary, the 34th article had changed a forest villagers didn’t have appropriate few times in twenty years. enterprises or they preferred not to use their utilization rights, its price would be paid to The Effects of Legal Changes them instead (EK ĐZO ĞLU, 1989). to Forestry The two laws mentioned above had been The production structure of forest organization applied for five years. Finally, before the was changed, the income of forest general election which was held in 1987, 34th organization was decreased by the given

148 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

Sale of Fuelwood by General Directorate of Forestry

Fuelwood Given Sale of Villagers in the Market For Villagers’ Vital Total Market Need Years Quantity Ratio Quantity Ratio Quantity Ratio Quantity (Stere) (%) (Stere) (%) (Stere) (%) (Stere) 1975 3.247.630 18 3.172.259 17 11.833.660 65 18.253.549 1976 2.855.256 12 6.401.904 30 12.875.408 58 22.132.568 1977 2.307.607 12 6.170.059 32 10.983.461 56 19.461.127 1978 2.661.076 14 5.422.000 27 11.566.462 59 19.649.538 1979 1.434.682 7 6.370.788 32 11.745.911 61 19.551.381 1980 5.262.257 25 4.412.262 21 11.153.842 64 20.828.361 1981 4.471.264 22 3.588.054 17 12.110.354 61 20.169.670

Table 2 Resource: Ministry of Forestry data, 1980; OGM (General Directorate of Forestry) data, 1981

utilization rights to forest villagers according to in the market was 1.5 million steres and 25 forest law. million m3 in 1973 (Orman Bakanlı ğı,1976). It As a matter of fact, between 1960 and 1970, was also 3.1 million and 6.4 million steres in %83 of the round wood sale of forest service 1975 and 1976 respectively (Table 2). was made to free markets and the rest of it Nevertheless, between 1975-1981 the ratio of was given to forest villagers who were the the fuelwood given to the forest villagers holders of the right. On the other hand, %27 of related with market sale of General the fuelwood produced in public forests was Directorate of Forestry increased to %32 in sold to free market and %73 was given to some period (Table 2). After 1975, when the villagers to sale in the market and use for vital Law No. 1906 was accepted, much more needs (ÖZDÖNMEZ, 1973).In the following rights were given to Forest Villagers years, after 1973 when the 34th article was Cooperatives than those to the villagers as changed, amount of fuelwood given to the individual. Thus, cooperatives were villagers by General Directorate of Forestry encouraged. Then, the wood material which increased largely. For example, while the was given to the forest villagers and forest amount of the fuelwood given by General villagers’ cooperatives according to 34 th article Directorate of Forestry to the villagers to sell between 1990 -1997 is shown in the table 3. News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 149

The Wood Material Given According to 34th Article (1990-1997)

Years Total Production The Wood Material Given According to 34th Article (1000 m3-1000 stere) Fuelwood Industrial Fuelwood The Ratio Industrial The Ratio (stere) wood (m3) (stere) (1) (%) wood (m3) (%) 1990 12.145 6.581 2.191 18 178 2,7 1991 11.503 6.513 1.793 16 192 2,9 1992 11.146 6.697 2.207 20 157 2,3 1993 10.846 7.010 2.036 19 219 3,1 1994 8.379 6.712 1.881 22 230 3,4 1995 9.538 8.046 2.187 23 322 4,0 1996 10.402 7.528 2.264 22 299 3,9 1997 9.246 6.974 2.152 23 262 3,7

Table 3 Resource: Orman Bakanlı ğı, 1998 (1) Forest Villagers and Cooperatives of Forest Villagers

It can be seen in the Table 3 that, the ratio of Moreover, 755.000 $ was given to the the fuelwood given to the villagers according cooperatives as price difference (Orman to 34th article to the total fuelwood sale raised Bakanlı ğı, 1998). to %23. However, the amount of industrial As a result, it can be said that the utilization wood given to the cooperatives was generally rights have been in favour of forest villagers less than fuelwood. and forestry organization has been in self- We can explain this situation by using sacrifice. economic values of the forest organization sacrifice. For example, in 1997 2.152.484 Conclusion and Suggestions stere fuelwood was given and its economic As it was mentioned till here, the 34th article value was 10 million $. Also, in the same year had changed repeatedly for many times. 262.169 m3 industrial wood was sold to These rights except for some of them cooperatives at the price of %25 of its cost expanded the limit of utilization. and economic contribution of this to the Some negative effects occurred over the villagers was 3,46 million $. forests as a result of the utilization rights. As it

150 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”

can be seen in the Table 1, the negative economic situation of forest villages will be effects arise when the population of forest improved” is mentioned in these programs. villagers increases. This population always On the other hand, besides these changes in demands some utilization rights from the the legal arrangements, the organizational forests. Thus, these demands prevent structure of Forestry Administration was continuity of the forest services, and connected in 2003. The Ministry of Forestry establishment of systematic and rational was connected with Ministry of Environment. forestry. Also, it affects forest-villagers This is the third time the structure and name relationship. of the forestry organization was changed in Certainly, it can be said that the changes in the last 30 years. 34th article have a role in presenting the need The suggestions related with this subject can of forest industry. Cooperatives and forest be listed as below: villagers who have sale right of wood material The forests were sold to the forest villagers, became attractive for forest industry traders and contractors to endow treasure enterprises on small scales. between 1870-1937 by first legal arrangement Moreover, it destroys the forests to give fuel and the related arrangements. The forests and industrial woods especially before general given to the traders and contactors for long and local elections. and short terms were damaged .Similar to this On the other hand, there is a rapid and application, giving 2 hectares area to the irregular urbanization in Turkey like other villages formed great inconveniencies. The developing countries. Also, the migration from methods related with utilization rights tested in the forest villages has different properties in the past were completed with negative effects. different regions of Turkey. It is estimated that Similar application shouldn’t be done in the situation will continue in the following 2000s. years and this will cause the problems related The continuity of forests in many regions was with the continuity of forest activities and the risked by the application of giving fuelwood to utilization of forest villagers from the forests. trading and vital need related with Law No. In addition, today forest cooperatives 1906 between 1975 and 1982 years. Lessons generally work in wood production activities must be taken from these applications and but there hasn’t been any change in work similar legal arrangements should be kept diversity in cooperative activities for 20 years. away. Furthermore, the aims and important The duties of the technical personnel should approaches related with development of forest be determined certainly and also, their work villages have not taken place in the area shouldn’t be changed frequently. governments’ and political parties’ programs. Because these technical personnel execute Only the expression such as “the socio- the applications related with utilization rights News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 151 of forest villages and they are always in References contact with villagers. The organization of AKESEN, A.; EK ĐZO ĞLU; YURDAKUL, S.; 2002 Ministry of Forestry should be maintained as :Orman Köylerini Kalkındırma Kooperatiflerinin long as possible. Sorunları ve Çözüm Yolları (The Problems of Forest Villagers’ Cooperatives and Suggestions). Fuelwood problem should be treated by 1. Ormancılık Kooperatifler Sempozyumu .p.75. government, substitute goods should became 22-23 March 2002 Kastamonu. ASMAZ, H.; 1962: Memleketimizde Halen Yakıt widespread, appropriate settlement politics Olarak Kullanılan Odunun Đstihsal Miktarı ve should be applied to decrease the reaction of Gelecekteki Đmkanları Türkiye’de Yakıt Problemi ve forest villagers when the utilization rights are Hal Çareleri (The Quantity of Usage of Fuelwood limited. Some of the fuelwood and industrial and its Future- The Fuel Problem and Solutions in wood material used by forest product industry Turkey). Türkiye Tabiatını Koruma Cemiyeti are the material given to the forest villagers Yayınları Issue :7, Do ğu Matbaacılık, Ankara. according to market sale rights. Thus, the ÇA ĞLAR, Y.;1979: Türkiye’de Ormancılık Politikası inventory of these materials should be taken (Dün)-(Forest Politics in Turkey (Past)). Çağ periodically. By using this inventories the need Matbaası, Ankara. of forest industries should be determined and EK ĐZO ĞLU, A.; 1989: Ormandan Yararlanma Haklarından Biri Olan Köylü Pazar Satı ları information should be gotten related with (Market Sale Right of Forest Villagers: One of the these industries. Workforce plan should be Utilization Rights). Đ.Ü. Orman Fakültesi Dergisi, done for the regions where the forestry Series A, Volume 39, Number 1, Đstanbul. activities are intensive. Moreover, while KELE , R.; 1997 : Kentle me Politikası preparing this plan supply and demand of (Urbanization Politics). Đmge Yayınevi. Ankara. workforce should be taken into account for the ORKÖY, 2001:Orman ve Köy Đli kileri Genel residential district where the population Müdürlü ğü 1999-2001 Yıllık Faaliyetleri (Annual increases and decreases. The works related Reports of General Directorate of Forest-Relation with cooperatives which are attached Between 1999-2001). Ankara. importance in the legal arrangements should ORMAN BAKANLI ĞI, 1976: Orman Bakanlı ğı Çalı maları ( Workings of Ministry of Forestry). be concentrated on. Series No. 6, Volume No. 21, Ankara.

ORMAN BAKANLI ĞI, 1998: Cumhuriyetimizin 75. Also, cooperatives should be supported by Yılında Ormancılı ğımız (Our Forestry in 75th Year credits and they should be monitored. of Our Republic). Ankara. Furthermore, education related with ÖZDÖNMEZ, M . 1973: Devlet Ormanlarından cooperative systems should be provided. This Köylülerin Faydalanma Hakları (The Utilization subject should take place in the governments, Rights of Forest Villagers from Public Forests). Đ.Ü. and political parties’ programs and the Orman Fakültesi Dergisi, Series B, Volume 22, applications should be observed. Number 2, Đstanbul.

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ÖZDÖNMEZ, M.; ĐSTANBULLU, T.; AKESEN, A.; YELDAN,E. 2001: Küreselle me Sürecinde EK ĐZO ĞLU, A.; 1996: Ormancılık Politikası (Forest Türkiye Ekonomisi (Turkish Economics in Politics). ISBN 975-404-429-5, Đ. Ü. Orman Globalization Process): Fakültesi Publishing No 435. Đstanbul. TOYGAR, S.; 1957: Orman Kanununda Đntifa Seçil YURDAKUL Hakkı Esasları (The Utilization Right Principles in and Forest Law) . Orman ve Av .Volume 3.Ankara. Prof. Dr. Abdi EK ĐZO ĞLU TOYGAR, S.; 1964: Eski ve Yeni Hükümlere Göre Istanbul University, Faculty of Forestry, Orman Anlamı ve Ormanların Mülkiyet Bakımından Department of Forest Policy and Administration, Đstanbul Üniversitesi Orman Fakültesi 34473 Bölünü ü (The Concept of Forest and Its Owner- Bahçeköy/ Đstanbul/TURKEY; E-mail: [email protected] ship Structure According to Old and New Arrange- ments) . T.B Orman Genel Müdürlü ğü Publishing .No. 370/107, Đstanbul.

Photo: SCHIMA

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INDIAN FORESTRY THROUGH THE AGES

Forest evidences show that the first land plant land below the swamps. The in India appeared about 4500 million years people of the Indus Civilization were ago. Genera and species gradually developed mostly agriculturists and had acquired and 350 million to 225 million years ago there sufficient knowledge about the plant life of the were dense forests in India. The area inhabited by them. In course of and men in India could not carry excavations at Harappa in 1946, remnants of out felling of trees, but men used four classes of timber have been recovered, stone axes to cut trees for construction of viz, Rosewood ( Dalbergia latifolia ), Ber houses (Upadhyaya, 1991). (Zizyphus spp .), Deodar ( Cedrus deodara ) Remnants of the fossilized trees recovered and Elm ( Ulmus spp ). (Chatterjee 1964). from the Rajmahal Hills in Bihar suggest that Further a prolific delineation of animals is to they are approximately 140 million years old. be seen on seals and other objects of the But the palaeobotanical evidences collected in Indus Valley Civilization. Although the West Bengal, have raised the antiquity of elephant and bull appear to be particularly Bengal forests. The petrified trunk of tall trees, popular, the rhinoceros, tiger, antelope, and a which were found in the Raneegunge flying eagle with snake in its 0claws have coalfield, near Asansol in West Bengal, have been designed. (Rawat 2003). been unanimously assigned by Evidences of wood samples collected from the palaeobotanists to be at least 250 million Indus Valley Civilization reveal dependence of years old (Chatterjee 1964). Thus with the the people in that period on wood as well as exception of Rajasthan and portions of their love for forests, but it is difficult to Punjab, the whole of this sub-continent was visualize a comprehensive forestry scene in covered with forests. the pre-Vedic period.

Indus Valley Civilization The Vedic Period About 3500 BC to 1500BC during the Indus In the Vedic Period, 1500 BC to 500 BC, with Valley Civilization, there are evidences that the advent of the Aryans in India forests were people used wood from forests. They used regarded as abodes of spiritual solace and the stout reeds, which grew in abundance in the concept of preserving forests and wild life marshy land near their settlements in Sind developed around the ‘ashrams’ (hermitages), and southern part of Punjab, as shroud, and of the sages. The forest-based ashrams for the manufacture of coffins they used rose propagated ‘Arayana Sanskriti’ or a forest wood that grew in abundance on the fertile culture and human understanding of the

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fundamental ecological utility of forest In the Rigveda there are references of some ecosystems and their economic importance, Himalayan birds also such as the falcon, which led to trees and animals being treated which was known as the Syena. Then there with veneration (Ibid). For the Vedic man the are references of the eagle (garud or suparna) mountain valleys are perennially great, and peafowl (mayur or sikhi). In the Rigveda it untouched by time, never lacking green trees is mentioned that there are 21 species of and vegetation, with their voices they have ‘mayur’ and some of them like the Himalayan caused heaven and earth to hear (Vannucci). pheasants, monal pheasant, koklas pheasant, Vedic people were one with nature. The most chir pheasant and the red jungle fowl are immediate worries of the Vedic man appear to confined only to the Himalayan region. Other be, as is natural, about food – its availability birds like the goose (rajhans), grey lag and quality, health, death, the number and (kadamb hansa), quail (vartika), owl (uluka) health of domestic animals, progeny and and the vulture (gridhra) have also been marriage, but throughout there was a constant mentioned. In the Rigveda there is also communion with nature. The importance given reference of some Himalayan species of to the tree and consequently to the forest is partridges and the common hill partridge. It is obvious (Ibid). In the Rigveda forests are stated that the partridges (vartika), have well described as ‘Aranyani’ or mother goddess developed bills and legs. Their wings are who takes care of wild life and ensures the rounded. They are swift runners and can fly a availability of food to man. The ‘ashrams’ and couple of hundred metres at a stretch. The forests and not the urban settlements, were food of the bird consists of grain, grass and recognized as the highest form of cultural weeds, seeds and tender shoots, but they evolution and every Indian in the last phase of also relish white ants and other insects his life called ‘Sanyas’ was supposed to pass (Ghildial and Sharma). in meditation in forests. Indian thought and culture flourished around the ‘ashrams’ in our Beginning of the Study of vibrant forests and provided the society with Indian Flora both intellectual guidance and material It is evident from the Rigveda and other Vedic sustenance. Living in the midst of trees, rivers works that the Aryans were careful observers and mountains, birds and beasts they of their environs as also of the flora and fauna. developed a way of life, which believed in the According to the Vedas( Thapa 2004) where co-existence and interdependence of all forms there are trees, there is forest, where there is of life (Rawat 2003). Leading a life of forest, there is rain, where there is rain, there retirement in a forest and practicing mysticism is water, where there is water there is life. To had undoubtedly helped them in acquiring utilize the forest wealth in the best possible knowledge of Indian plants. manner, the Aryans not only classified the News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 155

trees, keeping in view their character and Another famous epic of the period, Mahab- usefulness, but also their medical properties. harata written by Ved Vyas has mentioned In respect of forests, their main task was to and listed more than 100 trees and their sort out the fruit bearing trees, the flowering habitats. Their uses including their medicinal trees and the trees that could be used either values have also been detailed. Some of the as firewood and timber. All those trees of trees referred to are Vat ( Ficus benghalensis ), which the roots, fruit, bark, leaves, flowers or Vansh (Bambusa arundinacea ), Aamlak seeds could be utilized for the purpose of (Emblica officinalis ), Lakuch (Artocarpus preparation of medicines were carefully noted lakoocha ), Arni ( Premna integrifolia ), Ashok by them. They were also aware of the fact that (Saraca asoca ), Karmakar ( Pterospermiom in order to get the best out of the medicinal acerijelim ), Karanj ( Pongamia pinnata ), Aak plants, ( oshadhi), whatever had to be (Calotropis gigantean ) etc (Trivedi and collected from them, should be taken out, Agarwal, 1989). Mahabharata also mentions when the Venus (Oshadi- tarka) would be that trees are venerated as Gods (Ibid.). They shining in the eastern sky before sunrise. It were used for demarcating village boundaries was their firm belief that medicinal plants were and sacred groves were prominent in temple most effective during that period (Chatterjee complexes. Although forests were in aplenty 1964). during the period, the plantation of forests was in vogue. Also the causes of forest fires and The Epics its detrimental impact have been mentioned. During the period, 500 BC to 1st century BC, the famous Indian epic, Ramayana was Greek Accounts written by the sage Valmiki. The poet is The journals and memoirs of those who inspired to compose poetry for the first time in accompanied Alexander the great during his his life on witnessing the killing of a pair of expedition to India contain many interesting cranes in copulation by a member of a hunting comments on the life and environment of tribe. Such a killing was strictly against the India. Unfortunately these books have prevailing ethical code. disappeared. Before they were lost other The trees and shrubs mentioned in this authors, whose works survive including treatise are in a symbolic manner, Diodorus Siculus, used them extensively. He Ashwakarna ( Shorea robusta ), Kakubh has mentioned (Hughes 1993), “now India has (Terminalia arjuna ), Kadumb ( Anthocephalus many lofty mountains that abound in trees of chinensis ), Kumud ( Nymphaea novchali ), every variety including those that bear fruit. Kund ( Jasminum grandiflorum ), Madhvi The larger part of the country is well watered (Hiptage benghalensis ) etc. (Trivedi and and for this reason yields two crops each Bhatt, 1988). year, and it abounds in all kinds of animals.”

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Theophrastus credited, “those returning from during this period is given in Kautaliya’s India sent out by Alexander”, as his source of Arthashastra (321 BC), the Indica of information about the mangrove forest, an Megasthenes (305 BC) and Ashoka’s ecological community that was new to the inscriptions (275-236 BC). Kautaliya’s Greeks. He gave a fairly accurate description Arthashastra is a manual of the administrator. of this tidal association, including its periodic According to it there is definite information that flooding by salt water, and the unusual growth there was a Superintendent of Forest habit if the roots. (Ibid) Products, (Dwvedi 1980) who collected timber During the ancient period from about 3500 and other products of forests by employing BC, when the Chalcolithic people began to those who guarded productive forests. The settle at different places in the Indus Valley to duty of the Superintendent was not only to 600 BC there was absolutely no state control start productive works in forests, but also to fix over the forests and any person could utilize adequate fines and compensations to be forest land and forest products according to levied from those who caused any damage to his need. productive forests except in calamities. Then there was a Superintendent of Slaughter Forest Management during Houses (Kautaliya’s Arthashastra) whose duty the Reign of Chandra Gupta was to see that no person entrapped, killed or Maurya (321BC-298BC) molested deer, bisons, birds, fishes, Imperialism took birth in northern India with elephants, horses, bulls and asses which the accession of Bimbasara on the throne of were declared to be under state protection. Magadh in 543 BC. From the reign of Those who violated the above rule were to be Bimbasara up to 324 BC the measures punished with the first amercement. Butchers adopted by the rulers of Northern India were were not permitted to slaughter cattle, such as mostly for the purpose of defending their the calf, the bull or milk cow. During that respective kingdoms against foreign invasion period, people in India used to think of eight and, to a certain extent also for filling their forest divisions, which were obviously the exchequer. Forests during that period were more important ones and covered large areas. used for defensive purposes and also for As elephant is supposed to be the flag taking refuge against the enemy. But with the species where forests are vibrant and establishment of the Mauryan Imperialism in because elephants were found in all of them, 321 BC by Chandra Gupta Maurya, the they were styled as ‘Gaj Vanas’ or elephant forests came under the supervision of the forests, or in other words dense forests. state more effectively and a number of rules These were the Pracya Van, Kalinga Van, were framed for their proper organization. The Cedikarusa Van, Dasarna Van, Anagreya, information regarding forests and wild life News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 157

Aparanta Van, Aurastra Van and the members of his family spent a few weeks in Panchanda Van. hunting excursions, ‘Vihar Yatra’ (excursion There were three classes of forests in the for enjoyment). Mauryan Empire. They were specified as, (a) Reserved Forest which was subdivided into Accounts of Hiuen –Tsang two groups, (1) Reserved Forest for the King The next phase of chronicled history of forests and (2) Reserved Forest for the State, (b) and forestry in India can only be traced in the Royal Grants of Forests. The kings in ancient memoirs of the Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang times were expected to grant forest tracts to who visited India during 629AD to 645 AD. He eminent Brahmins or learned people which has mentioned the various types of forests like were not only meant for the practice of the Amra forest, the forests of the Asoka tree, meditation but also for disseminating religious and he has also given a vivid detail of knowledge. (c) Forests for the public, which animals. He has mentioned the deer, wolves, could only be used for hunting purpose. rhinoceros, black leopards, horses and Megasthenes came to the court of Chandra elephants, which he himself witnessed (Li and Gupt Maurya as the royal ambassador from Beal 1973). His memoirs also indicate that the court of the Greek King of Syria (Sinha amidst vibrant forests there were certain and Ray 1986). Megasthenes asserted that regions where the process of decimation and the Indian soil is very fertile; consequently it is felling of forests had started especially in the rich in growth and vegetation, which in turn N.W. region, Kashmir and Punjab, which were affords shelter to innumerable beasts and once forested according to Greek historians birds of all kinds (Kalota 1978). He has accompanying Alexander. The eastern region, mentioned the elephants, their bulk and according to Hiuen Tsang had dense forests longevity and the manner in which the in most parts of the country while in the elephants were caught. He has also referred southern region; forest areas were intervened to the horses, tigers, rhinoceros, apes by small habitations. Before the Muslim monkeys and wild asses etc. invasion in India, forests and wild life did enjoy During the reign of the Mauryan King Ashoka some protection through religious myths and the Great (273-232 BC) in his edict, certain sentiments and its preservation had become a species like the parrot the muddy goose, the part and parcel of the Indian culture and swan, the queen ant, the boneless fish, the gilt tradition. edge fish the tortoise the porcupine, the

Gangetic water cock the squirrel and the bull etc. were protected (Pillar edict V). Forests Medieval Period According to, (Rock edict VIII), of Ashoka, The foundation of Muslim power in India, laid every year the king with his courtiers and over many years at successive stages by the

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Arabs, the Ghanivids and Ghoris culminated information regarding forests and wild life in the Delhi Sultanate (1206-1526 AD). In during the Mughal period. Abul Fazal an 1271 AD Marcopolo, a young Venetian intimate friend of Akbar the Great (1556- traveller left Venice on a voyage of discovery. 1605AD) has given a list of 72 kinds of trees. Among the incredible stories he related he To quote a few, ambli ( Tamarindus indica ), sal has mentioned the wild animals of India like (Shorea robusta ), sisoo ( Dalbergia sisoo ), elephants, rhinoceros and great striped cats. babul ( Acacia arabica ), diyar (Cedrus There is also a mention during the Sultanate deodara ), Chidh ( Pinus roxburghii ), unnab period of the Mongol invader Timur who (Zizyphus sativus ) etc. He has also mentioned during the conquest of Delhi in 1398 AD animals like the elephants, lions, leopards, hunted rhinoceros in Northern India bears wolves etc. (Jarrett1978). Ain- Akbari (Rawat1991). No effort towards forest also mentions royal forests near Agra, Meerut, protection seems to have been made. The Allahabad and Mathura. Irfan Habib’s Atlas of king, the nobility, and the influential people the Mughal Empire and researches of Shireen used to organize hunting parties and large Mooosvi (Moosvi 1987, 1989), help us to felling for defence purposes. compare the retreat of forest cover through In 1526 AD, Babur founded the Mughal the centuries implying a considerable gain of Empire. During the Mughal period from 1526- cultivation against forests. As the biotic 1707 AD, there was some integration and pressure in that era was neglible forests were unification of states in Northern India, but no still in a vibrant state. attention towards preservation of forests The Mughal King Jehangir, (1605-1607 AD), seems to have been paid. Emphasis was on in his memoirs, Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, has also agriculture and forest areas were cleared for described the Indian wild life. He was a keen this purpose. observer of birds and has given a list of Indian Babur, the founder of the Mughal Empire was birds like the crane, peacock, bustard, golden a keen observer of wild life. He has given oriole, silver foot, pelican, paddy bird, wood interesting details of Indian wild life in his pigeon, royal curlew, sugar eater etc. (Tuzuk- memoirs, Baburnama. He has described the i-Jahangiri). elephant, the rhinoceros, blue bull, the hog The Mughal kings though they had a deep deer, common deer etc. The birds that he has insight into the wild life of India, were also referred to are the peacocks, different types of responsible for destroying it. Jehangir has parrots, the partridge, the quail, the Indian himself mentioned that, “Of all the sports I am bustard, the grey heron, green woodpecker, most disposed to be that with the gun, and in the goose etc. one day have shot 18 deer” (Ibid). He has also

The chronicle Ain-Akbari, written by Abul mentioned another incident when he went for Fazal is also an important source of a hunt with ladies for seven days and in that News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 159 period he killed 276 antelopes. He has The British Period mentioned another prolonged revelry of a With the coming of the British they developed shoot out. “Three months and six days passed a keen interest in the latter half of the 18th by in hunting; 581 animals were captured with century and the earlier half of the 19th century gun, of these 158 were killed by my own gun in exploiting the woods of the Indian jungle. By (Ibid). About Akbar, Jehangir has mentioned 1760 the demand for the Royal Navy had that with his gun Sangram he killed 3000 or resulted in the scarcity of oak in England. A 4000 birds and beasts. permanent supply of durable timber was

required for the Royal Navy. During 1793 to During the Medieval period, which was 1815 the period of revolution and Napoleonic marked by a series of invasions from the wars, England was saved by the Indian teak, north, the local people fled to the forests for the most durable of shipbuilding timber. With protection and they cleared them for regard to the future strength of the Indian agriculture and in many cases practiced Navy, it was decided to appoint a special , thus destroying both officer for improved production of teak and forests and wild life. The Mughal Emperor other timber. Thus, Captain Watson of the Jehangir has mentioned that villagers near police was on 10th November 1806 as the first Agra evaded taxes by hiding in thick jungles Conservator of forests in India (Ribbentrop near Yamuna. Moreover forests also became 1900) a target of attack for maintaining military and To the Government and the officials, the political powers of the conquerors leading to important part that forests play in nature and deforestation. The major commercial product the beneficial influences they exercised was of the forests was wood i.e. firewood and not known those days. The whole policy was timber. Abul Fazal’s, Ain-Akbari, (Blockman to extend agriculture. Further the spread of 1867), has mentioned that forests supplied to railways, the increased agriculture and the the imperial kitchen with huge amount of biotic pressure caused greater demands upon firewood that required 6000 carts to carry it. the forests and their produce (Stebbing 1933). Forests were otherwise open to all without Huge segments of forests were destroyed to restriction but there was definitely a limited meet the demand for railway sleepers, no state intrusion, which acquired an all- supervision was exercised over the felling pervasive character when the British entered operations and large numbers of trees were the scene. Some forests during that period felled and lay rotting (Ibid). The crisis were reserved for game and recreation and assumed more serious proportions as only canal bank plantations were started in some three Indian timbers; teak ( Tectona grandis ), areas. sal ( Shorea robusta ), and deodar ( Cedrus

deodara ) were strong enough which could be

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used for railway sleepers. Cleghorn (1860) in accepting this argument and in Bombay has mentioned that Melghat and Arcot hills Presidency, Dr. Alexander Gibson and in formerly crowned with timber were now laid Madras, Assistant Surgeon Edward Balfour by bare by the demand of railway. The railway 1839 had started to persuade the authorities track from 1349 km in 1860 had increased to for conservation of forests. In 1840s the 51658 km in 1910. Railway requirements were linkage of the concept that deforestation the first and most formidable cause of affects stream flow and rainfall had become deforestation in India. very common and in October 1847, the Court However members of the Medical Service of Directors issued orders to different were aware of the harmful impact of Presidencies requiring information, deforestation and attempts were made to “respecting the effect of trees on the climate establish plantations by them in Malabar, in and productiveness of a country or district and Bengal and in Burma between 1805 and the result of extensive clearance of timber 1822. Some surgeons even lobbied strongly (Anon1849). The Governor General of India in against the deforestation they witnessed Council wrote the same year, “that an taking place during the 1820s and favoured abundance of wood increases moisture and plantation programmes. Nathaniel Wallich, that a deficiency promotes aridity are Director of Calcutta Botanical Garden, being conclusions which seem clearly deducible pre-eminent among them. In 1836 Surgeon, from the researches and observations which Ronald Martin produced a pioneering report have been made on the subject” (Anon 1847). on the need for public health measures and Similar sentiments were expressed by the the universal provision of clean water in Madras (Anon. 1848) and the Bombay Calcutta. Simultaneously, Surgeon Donald Presidencies. Earlier in 1846, regarding the Butler in his report, ‘Topography of Oudh’ Nilgris, it had been reported that owing to drew attention to the connection between the deforestation, “the preservation of the woods growing aridification and deforestation. Butler on the hills and with them the springs, is a had drawn his insight from the work of subject of paramount importance” (Anon Alexander von Humboldt. From 1839 onwards 1846). Humboldt’s argument, linking deforestation, aridification and temperature change on a Dawn of Forestry in India global scale was projected as the main issue In 1852, the British annexed the province of by the Medical Service in India in its Pegu in Burma. For nearly a hundred years increasingly determined efforts to elicit teak timber in Burma had been one of the government control on deforestation as part of stable exports from Rangoon. In 1854, Dr. Mc their wider programme on public health. Clelland, who for months had been travelling (Balfour 1849). Surgeons in India were prompt in the forests of Burma, submitted a report in News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 161

which he proposed curtailment to the the defects of the Act of 1865 were brought exploitation by private properties. This report prominently to notice. Baden Powell evoked a memorable reply by the Government presented a paper in the Conference, entitled, of India, dated 3rd August 1855 in which Lord ‘Forest Legislation and the defects of the Dalhousie, the Governor General, issued the Existing Law’ (Powell et al 1874) and criticized ‘Charter of the Indian Forests’ outlining forest the Act severely. However, the main conservancy for the whole of India. (Anon deficiencies were those noticed by Hope in 1867). the Vice regal Council (Ribbetrop 1900), This was a great step forward and the man to which met on 6th March 1878. carry out such a policy was found in Dietrich Brandis, who was appointed in January 1856, The Indian Forest Act, 1878 Superintendent of forests in Pegu. With his In the year 1878, the Indian Forest VII was appointment, the dawn of scientific forestry passed. When the Indian Forest Act of 1878 began in India. In December 1862, Brandis was first drafted, it was intended to create only was placed on special duty with the one class of demarcated State Forests, viz. Government of India to assist in organizing Reserved Forests, originally so called forest administration in other provinces, and because the areas were reserved from on 1st April 1864, he was appointed the first cultivation, (Schlich 1884) but as their Inspector General of Forests to the formation would take time, provision was also Government of India. He recruited trained made for the protection of Government forest personnel for organizing forest operations and areas generally, until it could be decided what for establishing the Forest Department in areas should be maintained permanently as different states. forests by constituting them demarcated or Reserved Forest. The constitution of the Indian Forest Act, 1865 Reserved Forest was surrounded by every The Indian Forest Act was introduced by the safeguard against any possible infringement British in 1865 and was a first attempt at forest of private rights and secured a permanent legislation. The aim was to create forest settlement, whereas the second class of reservation to meet national and regional long demarcated state forests, known as Protected term needs for resources, such as water Forests, offered but an insufficient guarantee supply, soil conservation etc. for their stability and protection. Existing rights Shortly after it had been passed, the Act of were recorded in such forests, but not settled 1865 was found to be insufficient and as early (Ribbetrop 1900). In the Reserved Forests as 1868, proposals for its amendment were everything was prohibited unless, specifically submitted to the Government. At the Forest permitted and in a Protected Forest everything Conference held in Allahabad in 1873-1874, was permitted unless specifically prohibited.

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Indian Forest Policy 1894 areas. To the loss of tribal areas was added The next step towards forest management in exploitation in such forms as unequal terms of India was the declaration of the forest policy in trade, usury, corvée and even slave labour 1894, following the report of Dr. Volker on the and the obligation to grow cash crops for little Improvement of Indian Agriculture' published or no return. The first commercial exploitation in 1893, which stressed the need for started with a forest lease given to Becket and formulating the forest policy in conformation Co. for extraction of 25,000 railway sleepers from sal trees (Anderson and Huber 1988). with the agricultural interests of the country. But the embers of dissent soon died down to To obtain sustained revenue from the forests, Brandis evolved a very simple method resurface later as a forest rebellion. 'Protection-cum-Improvement', an innovation and an unorthodox departure, but eminently, In 1910 another example of forest conflict can suited for revenue generation with a profit be observed in the Gudem and Rampa motive. uprisings in Andhra Pradesh during the nineteenth Century. An equally significant resistance to organized forestry came up from Impact on Tribals the tribals in Jaunsar Bawar after 1868. An The communities living near forests depended example of forest conflict owing to the on forests for food, fuel, fodder and building alienation of the locals from forest use can be material. Their exclusion from forest observed during the nineteenth century management had a social implication, for it amongst the tribals of Thane district in denied access to forest, allowing right holders Bombay Presidency. The locals had free only a marginal claim on forest produce and access to forest land for grazing their cattle, that too as a privilege. Thus there was a fuel wood and timber requirements. Even marked antipathy and hostility towards the shifting cultivation was not considered illegal measures adopted by the Forest Department. and improper. The opposition to State One of the earliest manifestations of this Forestry was therefore more intense among hostility was the insurrection of the Chota tribals. Nagpur area in 1831-32. The people of Bastar expressed similar sentiments in the nineteenth century against the forest policy. In Indian Forest Act 1927 conformation with the agricultural interests of It is an amendment of the Act of 1878 and its the country during the British rule, there had objective was to consolidate the law relating to been an increasing encroachment on tribal hill forest, the transit of forest produce and the territories and oppression by European duty levable on timber and other forest planters by government usurpation of forest produce (Anon 1927).

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World Wars government to exploit the commercially valuable forests. Conservation was portrayed The World Wars, First and Second, not only by the colonial state as in the universal interrupted but reversed the march of British interest of the society. But in the process they scientific forestry in India. During this period alienated the tribals and the villagers who had forest products were needed in large a different portrayal of forests that was quantities at short notices for meeting various enmeshed with their lives. Thus forest dissent war needs. Forestry was thus geared to one in the 19th century of the tribals and its single purpose, to meet the demands of the manifestation in the 20th century by the poor fighting forces. Forests were cut recklessly peasants and tribals to reassert their and the wars thus took a heavy toll of Indian customary rights over forests is a fascinating, Forests, Government as well as private. though almost forgotten aspect of Gandhian

era. Forest Satyagraha With the territorial expansion of the British in The Rayachoti taluk in Cuddapah district in India forests came to play an important part in present day Andhra Pradesh became a storm the colonial economy. The colonial forestry centre of forest stayagraha under Non certainly marked an ecological, economic and Cooperation auspices in 1921-22 (Baker and political watershed in Indian forest history. The Westbrook 1975). Similarly cavalry had to be circumstances and motives under which the sent to Muzaffarpur in North Bihar in Forest Department came into existence was December 1921 to tackle an agitation over the financial crisis faced by the British grazing reports. From Bengal too, came Government after the revolt of 1857. A reports of Santhals reasserting their forest combination of revenue needs, development rights. In the Kumaon Himalaya also Kumaon of railways, shipbuilding and expansion of Association came into existence in 1916 to commercial crops acted as powerful forces of tackle the forest problems of Kumaon. When the colonists. Their urge to legitimize their the people realized that their forest rights were control over forest produce forced them for the being encroached upon, they resorted to formation of a Forest Department. It was a incendiarism. Owing to incendiarism, 24,300 part of their strategy to gain control over Asia ha. of forest was burnt around Nainital in through scientific technology like the railway 1916. Five Years later another outburst network. It provided them with the capital and caused no less than 317 incendiary fires in speed required by an emerging Empire. For Kumaon Division, affecting more than 8280 this definitely the role of forests was immense. sq. km. of forest. It ruined 1,150,000 of resin Forest conservancy and forest reservations channels and 2,437,500 kg. of resin, were mainly intended to enable the colonial destroyed over 100,000 fresh trees and young

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crops resulting from 25 years of patient The Rawain incident shocked the people so tending (Rawat 1998). much that even today songs are sung in the The next wave of Forest Stayagraha local dialect to commemorate this tragedy. coincided with the Civil Disobedience upsurge A struggle for forest rights was also reported of 1930-31. Those days, Mahatma Gandhi by the Commissioner of Burdwan Division to and the Congress urged local organizers to the Chief Secretary of Bengal in 1923. In April initiate non-violent resistance against the 1923, a large number of Santhal tribals from forest policy's arbitrary laws. The vernacular Dhalbhum, Jamboni and Silda in Midnapore press also wrote against the British Forest Division started fish pond looting and felling of Policy. The local newspaper Shakti, published sal ( Shorea robusta ) jungles which belonged from the township of Almora in its 8th to the feudal lords (Anon 1923). February issue has summed up the British Thus in tribal areas and the hilly regions Forest Policy as, "Regarding the forests, the where the economy was forest based the intention of the Government is not clear. It British usurped their right over forests. Their seems that it wants to suck every drop of long association with the woodlands was blood of the peasants." Again there were brought to an abrupt end. The reaction of the protest fires and throughout 1930s, the Forest inhabitants found expression through various Department employees had to face physical tribal movements and Forest Stayagraha violence or the threat of it from villagers. throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. In the During 1931, Kumaon Himalaya was the name of forest conservation and reservation, centre of self destructive incendiarism. It was the forests were being exploited for colonial the main cause of deforestation as the interest. The forest dwellers because aliens in Reserved Forests were fired 151 times (Ibid) their homelands owing to the forest policy and In the adjoining Tehri Garhwal State (now part a legacy of suspicion and resistance were of the newly formed Himalayan State of crated between the people and the authorities Uttaranchal) the repercussions of the Civil who even Independence in 1947 could not Disobedience Movement were also felt. On entirely cure. 30th May, 1930 the people of Rawain in Tehri Garhwal State, rallied in a place called Tilari to Forestry in Independent India protest peacefully against the forest polices of (1947-2000) the princely state. The state army surrounded India became independent in 1947. Soon the demonstrators from three sides and thereafter the attention of the Government started firing. Diwan Chakra Dhar Jayal, the was drawn to the need for remodelling the Prime Minister of the state was issuing the management of Indian forests. As a first step orders. It is said that 17 people died and many towards making the people forest conscious more were severely wounded (Rawat 2002). and thus enlisting their willing cooperation in News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 165

protecting the forests, the then Union Minister form of the National Forest Policy of 1952. of India for food and agriculture, Mr. K.M. The policy considered it desirable to establish Munshi, conceived a nation wide celebration tree lands whenever possible for the control of of an annual tree planting festival. physical and climatic conditions. It also acted Inaugurating it in 1950, the first Arbor Day, or against the indiscriminate extension of Van Mahotsav, as it was called, he pointed agriculture by destroying forests. The policy out that it was not a poetic fancy, nor a focused on spectacular festival. It was a process of land (i) weaning away people from shifting transformation to recreate forests. Water cultivation, tables were falling, glaciers were receding and (ii) increasing the efficiency of the Forest the Rajasthan desert was advancing. He Department through adequate forest laws, reminded the nation that if we have to survive, (iii) giving requisite training to the staff of all the philosophy of life must be re-written. Its ranks, main aim was to inculcate tree consciousness (iv) providing adequate facilities for the in the masses. (Rawat 2001) management of forests and for conducting This festival of trees has been celebrated research in forestry and forest products every year ever since. But unfortunately, by utilization, and large, it has become an excuse for saying (v) controlling grazing in the forest, a few big words. It would be desirable to (vi) promoting welfare of the people. (Ibid) create woodlands, even if they are small, and then to protect and tend them, and thus leave National Forest Policy, 1988 for posterity, for whom we hold the forests in The Government of India laid down a new trust, more forests than we inherited, to meet forest policy in 1988. The salient features of the ever increasing demand for various forest the policy are reproduced below: produce. Basic Objectives: (This policy forms the

foundation of present day Indian Forestry) National Forest Policy, 1952 (i) Maintenance of environmental stability During the interval between the through preservation and where necessary, pronouncement of the 1894 policy and the restoration of the ecological balance that has country becoming independent, changes of far been adversely disturbed by serious depletion reaching importance had taken place. The of the forests of the country. population, both human and livestock had (ii) Conserving the natural heritage of the increased substantially, resulting in a heavier country by preserving the remaining natural pressure on the forests. Thus the Government forests with the vast variety of flora and fauna, emphasized the need for evolving a system of which represent the remarkable biodiversity a balanced and complimentary land use in the and genetic resources of the country.

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(iii) Checking soil erosion and denudation With the increase in population, people have in the interest of soil and water conservation begun to cast greedy eyes on culturable land for mitigating floods and droughts and for covered with forests, as realization is lacking checking of siltation in reservoirs. that forests are as essential to meet certain (iv) Checking the extension of sand dunes basic needs to sustain agriculture. If forest in the desert areas of Rajasthan and all along programmes are on firm lines based upon the coastal tracts. needs and interests of the people with active (v) Increasing substantially the forest/tree involvement of people at the planning and cover in the country through massive operational level, the people would accept afforestation and social forestry programmes them irrespective of their illiteracy or other especially on all denuded, degraded and constraints. Further the politicians have to be unproductive lands. sensitized in this regard and for the success of (vi) the requirement of fuel wood, fodder, forestry programmes, the planners and policy minor forest produce and small timber for the makers will have to reach the people. What is rural and tribal populations. needed urgently is indigenization and Encouraging efficient utilization of forest humanization of Indian forestry. There has to produce and maximizing substitution of wood. be an attitudinal change from de-empowering Creating a massive peoples movement with people to empowering people, from policing to the involvement of women for achieving these persuasive cooperation, from excluding objectives and to minimize pressure on people to including people and making them existing forests. (Ibid). partners in planning, implementation and profit, from authoritarian administration to Conclusion sharing authority and finally from government The maximum utilization of the forest control to community control of common resources in development is at present property resources. Mountain and hillside areas hold rich variety of limited, as the intimate linkage between the ecological systems. Because of their vertical producing and the manufacturing sectors, viz. the services and the industries has not been dimensions, mountains create gradients of properly coordinated. The function of the temperature, precipitation and insulation. A forest services in the developing needs of the high mountain slope, like the Indian Himalaya country should be changed by suitably includes several climatic systems-tropical, modifying the forest policy (including the forest subtropical, temperate and alpine- each of laws and forest administration). Forestry which represents a microcosm of larger should be made a peoples' programme; it habitat diversity. But the importance of the Himalayan and its linkages with the plains should be of the people, by the people and for the people. News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 167

have neither been understood nor defined processors and traders. As women play an hitherto. important role in the village economy their Himalaya is sanctuary of ancient plants like participation must be ensured. Considering Bhoj Patra ( Betula alnoids ) and utis ( Alnus the importance of herbs and medicinal plants nepalensis ). There are 45,000 species of and their increasing demand, it is necessary plants in India out of which 50% are endemic to increase their production by way of growing to the Himalayan region. The Himalayan in places of their occurrence and cultivating in species provide vegetative cover for the major suitable places with the involvement of the river systems in India and are known as the local people. water towers of Asia. They are a water reservoir for half a billion people living in the Wild Life Management in plains, a warehouse of biodiversity and a British India climate maker for the whole of Asia. (Rawat The British administrators emulated the 2000). Hence the proper management of Mughal Kings and the feudal lords in the 19th Himalayan forests and its Alpine meadows century and destroyed wild life. But animals deserve special focus and immediate action and birds were quite plentiful in the early days for their conservation and vibrancy. of the British rule. The decline set in from the Non Timber Forest Products (NNTP’s) are a middle of the 19th century and gained further significant source of subsistence products, momentum with the increase in variety of employment and household income in areas sporting weapons and the development of the near forests. Tribal population depends large bore rifle by Baker in 1840 and the heavily on NNTP’s for income generation and express rifle by Forsyth in 1860. subsistence. One reason why NNTP’s are so Many of the early British army officers, civil important for tribals and forest dwellers is that servants and tea planters took heavy toll of they have been pushed towards more and wild life for sport and there are instances on more marginal areas. Hitherto forestry record to show that many indulged even in programmes have not focussed on this wanton slaughter of wild life for the mere fun aspect. It is essential that a more practical and of it. In Kathiwar, a cavalry officer was effective methodology for making assessment reported to have shot as many as 80 lions, of the availability of important NNTP’s be while on one occasion, 14 lions were shot in followed. To ensure higher earnings and for Gir forests within 10 days. Their numbers generating employment opportunities for were further depleted by large scale poaching. villagers, tribals and forest dwellers, projects Ultimately the situation became so alarming based on NNTP’s should be adopted. that on a report in 1913 from Willinger, the Marketing information must be collected for then District Forest Officer, Junagadh State, the advantage of growers, collectors, that there were only 6 to 8 lions left in an area

168 News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe” of 1893 sq. km., Rendall, the administrator, Forest Legislation Regarding imposed a total ban on shooting. As a Wild Life result of this timely protection, this species The first British officer who thought of was saved from total extinction. (Rao et al, protection of wild life was one Captain Rogers. 1961). In Central India, a particular British He was posted at Fort Williams in Calcutta in sportsman shot over 500 tigers during his 21 1870 and while touring he observed that in the years stay in the country. Again, from 1850 to villages of Bengal several people died of 1854, a railway official killed 100 tigers in snake bite. He made a delve into the subject Rajputana, taking advantage of the facility and reported to the government that owing to with which he could move about. In 1862, growing trade in lizard skin, their destruction another sportsman bagged 10 tigers in five was being carried on a large scale. The days on the borders of the Tapti river (Ibid). lizards fed on small snakes and their eggs and Killing tigers was a status symbol and a the destruction of lizards had tended to cause display of macho by the British officials and a large increase in the number of deaths from the feudal lords of India. In 1879 alone in snake bites. The trade in lizards had India, 1579 tigers were shot (Anon). As developed considerably in the 19th and the regards the destruction of wild life in Central first three decades of the 20th century. Data Provinces as early as 1901, an article was available for the years 1926-29 is as follows:- published in the Indian Forester. The author Value of lizard skins exported from Bengal has pointed out that, "...... it is an ports in Rupees accepted fact that the possession of fire arms, 1926-27 2,350,000 licensed and unlicensed, in the hands of 1927-28 3,354,000 professional hunters, is at the bottom of the 1928-29 2,428,000. destruction of big game in the Central Later in 1931 for Bengal a decision was taken Provinces and in various other parts of India. that there should be complete protection of Many Deputy Commissioners are keen immature lizards, while for mature lizards, a sportsmen, others know nothing and care less close season should be prescribed. (Anon. about game preservation and the haphazard 1931). issue of licences by a non-sporting Deputy However the first Act which was passed by Commissioner will destroy the good work of the British Government in India was for the half a dozen sportsmen who preceded him ” preservation of wild elephants. It was known (Rawat 1991). Thus owing to wanton as, the Elephant Preservation Act, 1879. The destruction of wild life, many species main feature of this Act was that, “No person especially the Asiatic lion and the great Indian shall kill, injure or capture, or attempt to kill, one-horned rhinoceros were driven to the injure or capture unless, (a) in defence of verge of extinction. himself or some other person, (b) when such News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 169

elephant is found injuring houses or wild life which resulted in some concrete cultivation, or upon, or in the immediate measures for the protection of wild animals vicinity of, any main public road, or any and birds. A number of sanctuaries for wild life railway or canal, or (c) as permitted by a were established in some of the states during licence granted under this Act.” (Anon, 1879). this period eg, Corbett National Park in Uttar In the year 1887, Act XX was passed for the Pradesh, Kanha in Madhya Pradesh, preservation of wild birds and in the year Kaziranga in Assam and Madumalai in 1890, the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Madras etc. (Anon 1967). In India today Act. In 1902 it was considered necessary to National Parks and Sanctuaries have been bring section 19 of the Sea Custom Act of established in all States and Union Territories. 1878 under the purview of the Forest Act so The first wild life sanctuary was set up in as to prohibit the taking by sea or by land out Madras in the 19th century, while the Corbett of British India, skins and feathers of birds National Park is the first National Park in the (Anon 1912). In 1912 the Act XX of 1887 for country having been established in 1936 as the preservation of wild birds and animals was the Hailey National Park. It sprawls over an repealed and the Act No. VIII of 1912 was area of 524.8 sq. km. In 1957, the Park was passed. This Act was extended to the whole re-Christened as the Corbett National Park in of India. The main feature of this Act was, “this the memory of late Jim Corbett, legendary Act applies in the first instance to the birds sportsman, great naturalist, eminent and animals specified in the schedule for their conservationists and a profile writer. Both preservation, when in their wild state”. “The Sanctuaries (Rawat 2000) and National Parks birds and animals in the schedule were (Anon are now created under the Wild Life Protection 1912). Act of 1972. Section 18 of this Act deals with (i) Bustards, ducks, floricans, jungle fowl, the creation of Sanctuaries and section 35 partridges, pea fowl, pheasants, pigeons, with National Parks. Together National Parks quail, sand grouse, painted snipe, spur fowl, and Sanctuaries account for about 19% of the wood cock, herons, egrets, rollers and king total Reserved Forest area and about 2.3% of fishers. the total forest area of the country. (ii) Antelopes, asses, bison, buffaloes, dear, gazelles, goats, hare, oxen, rhinoceros and The Wild Life (Protection) Act sheep.” 1972 However both the Acts were ineffective Comprehensive central legislation was though in Reserved Forests, wild life received enacted in 1972 called The Wild Life a fair degree of protection. In 1935 through (Protection) Act 1972 which is an Act to the efforts of soume wild life enthusiasts, provide for the protection of wild animals and Government of India held a conference on birds and for matters connected therewith or

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ancillary or incidental thereto. Prior to this Act, brought under legislative control in this Act. the protection of wildlife was governed under Chapter V of the Act exclusively deals with state rules: most of these rules were framed Trade or Commerce in Wild Animals. In order as shooting rules under the Indian Forest Act. to control the thriving global, legal and illegal Some special legislation was also enacted by trade, in endangered species, India became a different states, the prominent amongst which party of the Convention of International Trade are the Bombay Wild Animals and Wild Birds in Endangered species of Wild Flora and Protection Act, 1951, the Elephant Fauna (CITES) in 1976 (Ibid). Preservation Act, the Rhinoceros Preservation Act and the Games Act. (Saharia 1982). None Biosphere Reserves of these legislations made it possible to They have a major role to play in conserving coordinate efforts for wild life conservation on the floral and fauna diversity of India. The a national scale. Indian biota includes several complements For the purpose of controlling hunting, the from Africa, Europe, Eurasia, Malaya, China most significant step taken under this Act is to and Japan. India's rich biological diversity is classify wild animals, birds, amphibians and undoubtedly due to its immense variety of reptiles into five different schedules. The climatic and latitudinal conditions coupled with classification of wild animals into various varied ecological habitats. It is estimated that schedules for the first time was brought under about 45,000 of plant species and 65,000 one legislative umbrella, the protection of rare animal’s species are found in India together and endangered species of wild animals, and with 1200 species of birds, 140 species of subjected the other species to a uniform amphibians, 420 species of reptiles and 340 degree of protection and supervision. species of mammals have been recorded in The Act incorporated for the first time legal India. (Rawat 2000). provisions providing for the creation of Biosphere reserves aim to conserve Sanctuaries, National Parks, Nature Reserves representative ecosystems as compared to and Closed Areas. A separate organisational National Parks and Sanctuaries which set up for administering wildlife legislation and concentrate on a particular species of habitat. management of wild life was also laid down in The focus is on the need for conserving the the Act for the first time, so that a unified entire ecosystem of suitable size in order to organization could be built up in all the states. ensure self perpetuation and unhindered This had the salutary effect of creating Wild evolution of the ecosystem. The National Life Wings within the Forest Department in Biosphere Reserve Programme has been almost all states, under the charge of Chief launched under the auspices of the Ministry of Wild Life Wardens. For the first time, trade in Environment and Forests of the Central wild animals and animals products has been Government. There are 14 Biosphere News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 171

Reserves in India which cover an area of conservationists want to save forest and 51,072 sq. km. (Ibid). animals.

This attitude has started sending dangerous signals. After the Manas National Park in Conclusion Assam was ravaged in the course of Bodo Scientific management of wild life is still in its agitation, the Kanha National Park in Madhya infancy in India. Census of only a few rare Pradesh came under severe threat. Human species has been done and that too in conflicts in wild life conservation had started restricted areas such as National Parks and surfacing in the Rajaji National Park in the Sanctuaries. The ecological status of many of Garhwal Himalaya which is the home of the the species is not known and this gives rise to Chipko Movement or Hugging the Trees erroneous conceptions on their protection and Movement. For the vast masses writhing control. However steps are now being taken to under the heels of poverty, forestry and wild rectify the situation and studies are being life has no meaning. Even the message of carried out in selected areas. The Project Chipko of saving the trees and environment Tiger is one of them and it is heartening to today remains the concern of a minuscule know that it has been one of the most minority of erudite scholars and green successful conservation efforts in world activists. In this context it is also important to history. But this and similar success stories point out that there are environmentalists, with should not lull us into a false sense of misplaced zeal who keep the interests of complacency or cause us to forget that humankind on the sidelines while bringing conservation, particularly in developing forests and wild life to the central stage. This countries, will have little meaning if the is why the common people perceive essential human needs of the local population environment and environmental movements remain unfulfilled. Deforestation and as elitist preoccupations. The elitist deviation desertification are largely the result of the in environmental activities has to be changed growth of human population as are the to make forestry a peoples' programme with a unplanned growth of cities and slums. The focus on the right of local resource base. conflict between the survival of man and Section 35(6) and (7) of the Wild Life animals has already started surfacing. With so Protection Act 1972, prohibits grazing, fuel many vested interests involved, together with collection and habitat destruction activity the population boom and economic hardships, inside a National Park. This has led to a two it is impossible to communicate conservation's pronged resistance in Rajaji National Park universal message without distortion. In a land from the Gujjars and the other park dwellers where people are dying and living below as well as the residents of 57 villages on the poverty line, a group asserts, the periphery of the declared park. When the

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need to conserve forests is pitted against whether the hangul, a highly endangered deer peoples' rights to retain their homes, there is is more important or their cattle. Similar bound to be a confrontation. hostility is rampant in other wild life refuge like Dudhwa, in Bharatpur, in Gir or in Rajaji In Kanha National Park, the Naxalites, National Park where people who live in or clamouring for a fair deal to the rightful owners fringe forests are against conservation. of the forest, the Baiga and other tribals, Another important sphere, which needs urgent allegedly took over 70% of the Supkhar attention, is education. National education portion in the past. Similarly the frequent system must reflect national and global forest fires in the recent past in the Ghana bird concern, especially of ecological values at the sanctuary are widely believed to have been school and university level. They should be caused by human factor (Rawat 1991). sensitized about the deep symbiotic link The issue is very complicated. It concerns the between Man and Nature. The National Parks livelihood of the people living in the and Sanctuaries can play an important role neighbourhood of forests and a direct clash of here. One of the functions of these reserves is interest between man on the one side and to encourage tourism and the past decade animals on the other. The planet's species are has witnessed a surge in wild life tourism. under stress. There is a growing scientific Thus these parks and reserves can form ideal consensus that species are disappearing at mode of orienting and educating the general rates never before witnessed on the planet. public to conservation values and concepts. Even now there is time to halt this process. Opinion building has to done against poaching The first priority in this direction is to establish in parks and other reserves and also against the problem of disappearing species and illicit felling. Illegal timber trade and poaching threatened ecosystems on political agenda as has become a lucrative business on the Indo- a major economical and resource issue. Nepal Border, the Indo-Tibet Border as well as Government can stem the destruction of the whole Himalayan Region. The menace of forests and other reservoirs of biological this trade can be gauged from the fact that in diversity while developing them economically. the newly formed state of Uttarnachal alone The prime need of the hour is the creation of a since last 12 years, 22 cases of forest sound public opinion in the direction of wild life offences are pending in the Supreme Court, conservation and this has to be created at the 1368 in the High Court and 8586 in other grass root level with the help of people whose courts (Anon 2001). However the redeeming economy is linked directly with the forests; factor here is that Divisional Forest Officers otherwise the situation will be like the one in have been given magisterial powers in case of Dachigam, Kashmir where nomadic graziers illicit timber trade. called Bakarwals articulate vociferously News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 173

References Anonymous 1927, Indian Forest Act 1927 (16 of 1927) as Amended up to Ist May 1968, Ministry of Anonymous 1817, Home Public A, Letter No. 21 of Law, Government of India, New Delhi 1968, P.1. 1817, dated 29th August, National Archives (NA), Anonymous 1931, Delhi Records (2) (Police), SN New Delhi PP. 2-5. 1-19, File No. 63/1/1931, NA, New Delhi, PP. 1-3 Anonymous 1819, Public Proceedings, 23rd June, Anonymous International Wild Life Encyclopaedia, No. 9, Letter of Major G.W. Cullen, Resident of Volume 18. Travencore and Cochin, dated 8th September Anonymous 1967, Indian Forester, Dehradun, 1849 to J.E. Thomas Esq., Chief Secretary, December 1967 PP. 83-87. Government, Fort St. George, N.A. New Delhi, PP. 1-2. Anonymous 2001, Civil Writ Petition No. 563 (M/B) 2001, Uttaranchal High Court, dated 17-4-2001, Anonymous 1819, Public A, Public Works P1. Department, No. 8278 letter dated 3rd December Allami, Abul Fazal, Ain-i-Akbari, Translated into 1819. NA. New Delhi PP. 1-7. English by Colonel, H.S. Jarrett, Volume II Reprint Anonymous 1846, Public Consultation A, 14th 1978, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New March, No. 22, NA New Delhi, PP. 1-3. Delhi, PP. 133-136. Anonymous 1848, Home Public A, 18-26 Anderson, Robert S and Huber, Walter 1988, The Hour Consultation, 30th September, Letter of Assistant of the Fox, Vistaar Publications, New Delhi, PP. 21,39 Surgeon Edward Balfour, Madras to Secretary, Balfour, E.G. 1849, Notes on the Influence Government of Madras, NA, New Delhi PP. 9-19. Exercised by Trees in Inducing Rain and Anonymous 1867, Indian Forester December, Preserving Moisture 255, State Archives, Lucknow Dehradun PP. 3-18. PP. 402-408. Anonymous 1879, Index to the Act passed by the Bahuguna, Sunderlal 1985, Chipko-The Peoples Government of India in Council in the year 1879, Movement for the Protection of Forests, Paper Superintendent of Government Printing Press, Presented in the Meeting on Community Forestry Calcutta 1880, PP. 1-2. at the 9th World Forestry Congress in Mexico City,

Anonymous 1912, Legal Department (A), 3rd July 1985. Proceedings September 1912, No. 34-37, NA, Beveridge, A.S. 1970. Babar Nama, Volume I New Delhi P. 25. (Reprint) Translated from the Original Text,

Anonymous 1912, A Collection of Acts passed by Oriental Books Corporation, New Delhi, PP. 484- the Governor General of India in Council in the 503. year 1912. Superintendent of Government Printing Blockman, H. (ed) 1867 Ain-i-Akbari, Calcutta, PP. Press Calcutta, 1913, PP. 1-3. 151-52

Anonymous 1923, Bengal Home Political Baker, C.J. and Washbrook, D.A 1975 South India (Confidential) File No. 181/1923 (1-33), Letter from Political Institutions and Political Changes 1880- A.W. Crook, Commissioner Burdwan Division, to 1940, Macmillan PP. 100-103. H. Graham, District Magistrate, Midnapore, dated Cleghorn, Hugh 1860, Forests and Gardens of 26th April 1923, NA, New Delhi PP. 1-2. South India, WH Allen, London, P. 60.

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Chatterjee, C.D. 1964, Forestry in Ancient India, in Ribbentrop, Berthold 1900, Forestry in British West Bengal Forests, Forestry Directorate, India, Superintendent Government Printing Press, Government of West Bengal, Calcutta, PP. 3-27. Calcutta, PP. 65-175. Dwvedi, A.P. 1980, Forestry in India, Jugal Kishore Saharia, V.B. Wild Life in India 1982, Natraj and Co. Dehradun, P.7. Publication, Dehradun, PP. 70-72. Kalota, Narain Singh 1978, India as Described by Shamashastry, Dr R. (Translated) 1915, Megasthenes, Concept Publishing Co, New Delhi Kautaliya's Arthashastra, Munshi Ram, Manohar PP. 43-54. Lal Delhi, PP. 137-38. Hughes, J. Donald 1993- Early Ecological Sinha, N.K. and Ray, Nishith R. 1986, A History of Knowledge of India in the book, Indian Forestry a India, Orient Longman, Calcutta, P. 15. Perspective edited by Ajay S. Rawat, Indus Schlich, W. 1884, A Review of the Forest Publishing Co. New Delhi, P. 23. Administration for the year 1881-82, Hwiu Li, Shaman and Beal, Samuel, 1973, The Superintendent, Government Printing Press, Life of Huien Tsang, Academica Asiatica (Indian Simla. P.2. Edition) Delhi PP. 128-29. Stebbing, EP. 1933, The Forests of India London, Powell, Baden and Gamble, J Sphyes (ed) 1874, Vol I, PP. 62, 267, 298-99. Report of the Proceedings of the Forest Trivedi, Dr Girja Shankar and Agarwal, Dr, Amita, Conference held at Allahabad, January 15-19, 1989 Mahabharat Ke Van Aur Vriksha, Geetika 1874, Superintendent, Government Printing Press, Prakashan, Dehradun, PP. 153-59. Calcutta, PP. 3-29. Trivedi, Dr. Girja Shankar and Bhatt, Dr. Savita, Majumdar, Anandita 2003, British Forest Policy 1988, Valmiki Ke Van Aur Vriksha, Geetika and Tribal Community in Bengal (1880-1947) Prakashan, Dehradun, PP. 107-108. Unpublished Thesis, Jadavpur University, P. 319. Thapa, N.S. 2004, The Lambata Boy, PAHAR Rawat, Ajay S (ed.) 1991, History of Forestry in Publication, Nainital P. 148. India, Indus Publishing Co, New Delhi PP. 135, Upadhyaya, M.D. 1991 Historical Background of 246-247. Forest Management and Environmental Rawat, Ajay S. 1998, Forestry in Central Himalaya, Degradation in India in the book History of Forestry U.P. Academy of Administration, Nainital PP. 58, in India (Ed.) Dr. Ajay S. Rawat, Indus Publishing 64, 141, 147. Co. New Delhi PP 114-129. Rawat, Ajay S. 2002, Garhwal Himalaya, A Study Vannucci, M. 1994, Ecological Readings in the in Historical Perspective, Indus Publishing Co, Veda, D.K. Printword (P) Ltd, New Delhi PP.70-94 New Delhi. P. 142. Acknowledgement: Mr. M.P.Mishra, Expert, Forest Rawat, Ajay S. 2002, Managing Environment, History. Sherwood College, Nainital PP. 10-14, 34, 36, 55- 56. Ajay Rawat Rao, V.S. Sagreiya K.P. Bhadran, CAR. and Professor and Head, History Department, Venkatramany; 1961, 100 Years of Indian Kumaon University, Naini Tal (Uttaranchal) Forestry, Volume II, Forest Research Institute, 263002, India Dehradun, PP. 121-22. News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 175

Photo: SCHIMA Photo: SCHIMA

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PRIVATISATION AND SOCIAL CONSEQUENCES: THE NEW ZEALAND FORESTRY WORKFORCE

Abstract withdrew itself from commercial forestry and the government forestry estates were This paper analyses changes in the income, privatised 52 income distribution, employment, employment . The reforms had profound affect status, educational level, age distribution and on employment, employment status, income gender composition of the New Zealand and income distribution. This paper analyses forestry workforce during the last two changes in the income, income distribution, decades. The characteristics of the forestry employment, employment status, educational labour force have also been compared with level, age distribution and gender composition 53 the general labour force characteristics. of the New Zealand forestry sector workforce in the aftermath of the reforms. The census data 54 from 1981 to 2001 was used for the Introduction analysis. Privatisation became a central theme of most of the governments around the world in eighties. It was also embraced by New Income Zealand in 1984. The incumbent labour The analysis of census data showed that the 55 government espoused a neo-classical market real income level of the workers decreased oriented economic philosophy to create a more open, competitive, market led economy 52 See Clarke (Clarke 2000) for an overview of to generate faster economic growth, higher reforms in the New Zealand Forestry sector. 53 employment, and more secure and equitable For the purpose of this paper the forestry sector consisted of the activity 12 forestry and logging as social welfare system. It adopted some core defined by the New Zealand Standard Industrial Classification and activity A03 forestry and logging principles which included minimum govern- as defined subsequently by the Australia New ment interference in the economic activities Zealand Standard Industrial Classification. 54 The main advantage of census data is its and market forces were allowed freedom to capture of entire population and hence sampling 51 error is avoided. Also the data is very cheap and maximise the economic efficiency . reliable. The main disadvantages census data 5 The principle was applied across all sectors of years interval between tow censuses. 55 For the purpose of this paper the income level the economy including forestry. The State was measured by real average and real median income. Since the census data had an upper open- end income interval, the mid-value for the upper 51 See Silverstone, Bollard et al. (Silverstone, open-end interval was calculated by using the Bollard et al. 1996) and Dalziel and Lattimore standard technique of fitting Pareto distribution (Dalziel and Lattimore 2001) for an overview of the (seeShryock, Siegel et al. 1976). The calculated reforms in the New Zealand economy. mean and median incomes were converted to real News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 177

during the intercensal period 1981-86. The income during intercensal period 1986-1991 real average income decreased by 12 percent indicated widening income disparity. in case of all workers as well forestry workers. The wage and price freeze imposed in June All Full-t ime Workers Forestry sector Full-time workers 1982 was partly responsible for the sharp fall in the real income level of the workers during 40000 the intercensal period 1981-86 (Martin 1998; 38000 SNZ 1999). Figure 1 below shows the real 36000 average and median income of fulltime all 34000 $2001 workers and forestry workers in 2001 dollar. 32000

The income of all workers and forestry 30000 workers marginally increased from 1986 level Real average income in 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 Year in 1991 census. Subsequently there was a 15 percent increase in the real average income of All Full-t ime Workers Forestry sector Full-time workers all workers during 1991-2001. However the forestry workers’ real average income 35000 increased during 1991-1996 by 8 percent but 33000 31000

29000 decreased by 1 percent in 2001 census. $2001

27000 Though the average income recovered in 25000 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 1986 census but the real median income in income median Real Year continued to decline till 1991 census. It declined by 11 percent during 1981-1991 for (Source: Census various years, Supermap2, Supermap3 and author’s calculation) all workers as well forestry workers. The real Figure 1: Real average and median income in $2001 of median income recovered in 1996 census. It all Full-time workers and forestry sector workers 1981- further improved in 2001 census for all full- 2001 time workers but declined in case of the forestry full-time workers. The decrease in The Figure 1 showed that the real average median income and increase in average and median income increased by 16 percent and 8 percent respectively during 1986-2001 income figures, indexed to 2001 dollar, by amount in case of all workers. However in case of of movement of Consumer Price Index. Only full-time workers were considered to get the forestry workers the average real income real picture of the income of the workers in the industry and to avoid decreasing income level increase was 7 percent and real median effect of part-time workers whose income income increase was by only one percent. depended upon the number of hours worked. Also the inclusion of part-time workers would not have This showed that reforms and privatisation provided a consistent result for comparison over the intercensal period because there was an helped in improving the average income level increasing trend in the number of part-time workers of all the workers but the degree of across the economy after reforms (SNZ 1999).

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improvement was much less in case of the The rate of growth of inequality was sharper in forestry workers. Further large increase in 1986-1996 period compared to 1996-2001 average income compared to median income period. Figure 2 below shows the Gini indicated increasing disparity in the income Coefficient of the income inequality amongst level of the workers as discussed in the next the all full-time workers and forestry full-time section. workers during intercensal period 1981-2001.

All Full-time Workers Forestry Full-time Workers

Income distribution 0.36 The analysis of the census data showed that 0.34 0.32 the income inequality, as measured by Gini 0.30 56 coefficient , reduced in case of all workers as 0.28 well as forestry workers during intercensal 0.26 Gini Coefficient period 1981-1986 but it increased during the 0.24 period reform and continued increasing 0.22 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 thereafter. The Gini Coefficient of income Year inequality was 0.339 and 0.315 for all full-time (Source: Census various years, Supermap2, Supermap3 and workers and forestry full-time workers author’s calculation) respectively in 1981 which dropped by 14 Figure 2: Income inequality amongst the all full-time percent and 23 percent during the period workers and forestry full-time workers, 1981-2001 1981-86. The shedding 57 of unskilled and semi-skilled employees was a contributing One of the reasons of increasing income factor to reduced income inequality during inequality during 1986-91 was the reduction in 1981-86. The government’s imposition of a minimum wage during the reform period. It fell freeze on wages from June 1982 to October from 59 percent in 1985 to 42 percent in 1989 1984 also contributed in reduction of the relative to the average wage (NZ Official income inequality (Martin 1998; SNZ 1999). Yearbooks, various years). The increase in The inequality increased during next three income inequality after the period of reforms 58 intercensal period and inequality increased. was due to the labour market changes in

58 In 1991 the National government in New 56 The Gini coefficient has a range from 1 (when Zealand replaced the previous industrial relations one worker had all the income) to 0 (when all the legislation with the Employment Contracts Act workers have an equal income). An increase in the 1991 (ECA). The ECA produced a rapid value of Gini coefficient signifies an increase in the transformation of the institutional structure of the degree of inequality, and vice versa. (see labour market in New Zealand (Maloney and Chakravarty 1990 for details) Savage 1996). Compulsory centralised wage 57 A scrutiny of 1981 and 1986 census’s income bargaining was replaced by a system where data revealed that there was large scale reduction individual employers or employees could insist on in the number of full-time workers in lower income decentralised wage bargaining, and both intervals during 1981-86 intercensal period. (see compulsory union membership and strikes or lock- also Boston 1984) outs during a contract period were made illegal. News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 179

early 90s moved away the determination of 100) increased to 108 in 1986 but it sharply wage and salaries from collective bargaining declined to 62 in 1991 census (Fig. 3). The to individual contracts which widened wage restructuring of the sector in 1987 reduced the differentials (Dixon 1998). The market forces employment in the sector by almost 40 had greater influence on the wage percent. During 1991-96 the employment level determination; it was natural to expect that increased though the forestry estates were wage differential would go up. The income privatised during this period. The privatisation inequality was further added by a slump in per se did not affect the employment level demand for low-skilled workers, rise in because the sector had already shed large demand of high-skilled workers, increased use workers in preparation to privatisation. of skill-intensive technology, and industrial Forestry Total Forestry Employment as a percent of Total Epmloyment restructuring in the aftermath of reforms 140 0.9 reform (Martin (1998). 120 0.8 0.7 100 0.6 From the above discussion it is concluded that 80 0.5 60 0.4 P ercent the reforms increased the income inequality. 0.3 40 0.2 Such increasing in income inequality is posing Em ploym ent Index 20 0.1 a debate whether economic efficiency should 0 0 be traded off against the social objectives of 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 Year full employment, poverty alleviation and Source: Census, Statistics New Zealand, various years income equalisation. Fig 3: Employment index of forestry sector, the total economy and the share of forestry employment to the Employment total employment.

The employment in the forestry sector decreased in the wake of the restructuring of The index of employment further increased the sector. The employment index (1981 = during next two censuses but it was still below the 1981 census level. In contrast to this trend Since the social security reform included a 26 in forestry sector, the total employment index weeks stand down period for the unemployment benefit for those who were voluntarily unemployed was 30 percent higher in 2001 than the 1981 or fired for misconduct, the combined impact of level. these policy changes greatly weakened organised labour in wage negotiations with employers (Chatterjee, Dalziel et al. 2003). The drop in number of unionised workers after reform In terms of percentage share of forestry sector combined with statute changes reduced the role of employment to the total employment, the the unions in wage determination and strengthened the importance of market forces thud sector had 0.75 percent share of total full time increasing the wage differentials. In the past when unions had leverage in wage determination they employees of the New Zealand economy in tended to compress wage differentials across skill 1981 which increased to 0.85 percent in 1986. groups (Ehrenberg and Smith 2003).

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During the period 1986-91 the share of entrepreneur among forestry workforce before employment in forestry to the total reforms them (Fig. 4). employment came down to 0.44 percent. It Wage or salary earners in Forestry w orkforce Wage or salary earners in Total w orkforce was 0.55 percent in 2001. Though the Entrepreneurs in Forestry w orkforce Entrepreneurs in Total w orkforce employment in forestry sector, in absolute 100 terms, increased since 1986 but the share in 80 total employment decreased during 1996- 60 40 2001. This indicated that the employment P ercent 20 increase in the forestry sector after reforms 0 was at a slower pace than the total economy. 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 Year

Employment Status (Source: Census, Statistics New Zealand, various years and The status of employment explains the author’s calculations) Figure 4 Employment statuses of the forestry and the economic risk taking ability of the workforce. A total workforce for census years, 1981-2001 worker who assumes some or all of the risk in operating an economic entity is likely to be The wage/salary workers comprised 91 either an employer or a self-employed person, percent of the forestry workers in 1981 which otherwise a worker is likely to be an slightly reduced to 86 percent in 1986. In the employee. The distribution of the employment wake of reforms in the sector the number of status 59 of the workforce is a good proxy wage/salary earners tumbled down to 69 indicator to measure the entrepreneurship percent in 1991. But in the 1996 census the among the workforce. number of wage/salary earners rose to 75 There was a propensity of workers being percent and remained at the same level in wage/salary earners than being an 2001 census.

59 The information about the status of employment The restructuring of the forestry sector in 1987 of the workers in New Zealand is collected in the gave big boost in the number of entrepreneurs census by the Statistics New Zealand (SNZ) and is classified into five major categories namely wage but it was more due to exigencies of the or salary earners, self employed and not situation than more institutional change. The employing others, employer of others in own business, unpaid family worker and others which corporatisation of New Zealand Forest Service include those people who do not reveal their status of employment. For this analysis, the self resulted in large scale redundancy of highly employed and not employing others, and employer skilled labour force. At the same time the of others in own business has been clubbed together as entrepreneurs because they take the reforms created an opportunity for the workers economic risks. This group has been compared with the wage or salary earners. The people in to become an entrepreneur as the forestry unpaid family worker and others have been has services were outsourced. Further the been ignored due to their insignificant number. News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 181

privatisation of forestry estates did not create Table 1: opportunities for the growth of entre- Educational attainment level of forestry workforce and total workforce in New Zealand for census preneurship. The number of entrepreneurs years, 1991-2001

Forestry Total Workforce declined during the intercensal period 1991-96 Workforce when most of the sale of forest estates took Qualifi- cation 1991 1996 2001 1991 1996 2001 place whereas there was a big rise during level No Qualifi- previous intercensal period 1986-91 when cations 44 40 33 27 25 19 School restructuring was carried out. Qualifi- 20 28 30 24 33 37 cations The number of wage/salary earners in the Vocational Qualifi- 29 26 19 37 30 22 total workforce was on decline since 1981. It cations University declined from 82 percent in 1981 to 75 Quali- 04 05 05 09 11 14 fication percent in 2001 and the entrepreneurs in NEI* 04 01 12 04 02 07 creased from 13 percent to 20 percent in the *Not Elsewhere Included (NEI) because highest qualification was not stated or same period. identifiable (Source: Census various years and author’s calculations) The entrepreneurial growth in the total economy had been more consistent than the There were still 33 percent of the forestry forestry sector which saw a boom during workforce who no qualification even in 2001 61 restructuring and slumped thereafter. The whereas only 19 percent for the total reforms induced entrepreneurial growth workforce had no qualification. Another among the workers but it was more of a shock worrying factor is the declining number of effect than a sustained one which was workers with vocational qualification because contrary to the theoretical arguments 60 . vocational qualifications have greater applied

skill content than the academic qualifications Educational level and vocationally trained workforce is more There was preponderance of the people with suitable for trades like forestry. The no qualification in forestry whereas the percentage of people with university demand for the educated workforce was qualification has increased from 4 percent in increasing in New Zealand forestry 1991 to 5 percent in 1996 and remained same (Dillingham undated). There were 44 percent 61 The 1981 and 1986 census data could not be workers with no qualification in 1991. It included in the analysis due to lack of required declined in the subsequent intercensal period degree of details in the published data by the SNZ. The census data classification of highest to 40 percent (see table 1). qualification changed over the period of time. To overcome this problem and to make data comparable the data was re-classified into four categories as workers with no qualification, school 60 See (Johnson and Loveman 1995; Wright, qualification, vocational qualification and university Hoskisson et al. 2000) qualification

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in 2001 whereas in the total workforce has in the 15-19 age group as well as under 35 registered a 55 percent growth during 1991- years age group during 1981-2001. 2001 in the number of people with university qualification. Total Workforce Forestry w orkforce

The above analysis of the census data of the 45 educational level of the forestry workforce 40 implies that the educational attainment of the 35 forestry workforce did not improve compared A g30 e in years to the total workforce. Sufficient progress 25 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 could not be achieved by the sector to attract Year qualified labour force. The educational profile (Source: Census various years and author’s calculations) of the workforce still corresponds to a Figure 5: Average age of the forestry workforce and total stereotype manual, semiskilled character of workforce for census years 1998-2001 the forestry. The workforce can be branded as ‘strong backs, weak minds’ which is not in There were 20 percent workers in 15-19 age tune with the sector’s projected image of a group and 70 percent workers were less than sophisticated natural resource management 35 years of age in 1981. The number of industry. workers in 15-19 years age group was only 8 percent 1991 in and 7 percent in 2001. Age distribution Similarly the number of workers less than 35 The physically demanding nature of forestry years age continuously declined during the jobs requires workers at the peak of their period and was only 37 percent in 2001. physical health. As expected the analysis of Figure 6 shows the age distribution of the the census data revealed that the forestry forestry workers. workers had younger average age than the There are be two reasons for lack of workers total workforce. The workforce grew older in in 15-19 age group – dearth of opportunities every census after 1981. The average age of for the younger people to enter into the the forestry workers increased from 31 years industry after discontinuation of forestry cadet to 35 years during 1981 to 2001 and median scheme run by the New Zealand Forest age from 25 years to 31 years in the same Service (NZFS) and lack of interest on the period. Figure 5 shows the changes in the younger people in the forestry career. It is also average age of the forestry workers and total evident from figure 5 and figure 6 that the workforce. A further analysis of the age workforce is gradually getting older. One of distribution of the workers shows that there apparent disadvantages of older workforce is was a sharp decline in the number of workers lack of physically strong people in the industry. This situation might have News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 183

implications in the overall productivity of the does pose a hindrance to women’s sector, particularly in those areas where participation in the workforce. Another reason strong muscle power is required. for the low level of women participation is lack

1981 1986 1991 1996 2001

100

80 60 40

Cumulative Cumulative percentage 20

0 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65 Years Years Years Years Years Years Years Years Years Years Years and Age group Over (Source: Census various years and author’s calculations) of part-time employment in forestry sector. Figure 6: Cumulative Age distribution of the forestry The forestry is a full time occupation by workforce for the census years 1981-2001 nature. The bulk of the forestry jobs need long

travelling time which precludes the opportunity Gender Composition for part-time jobs. In 1981 there were just one The forestry had been traditionally a male percent part-time workers in the forestry dominated occupation. The female workforce which gradually reached to 13 participation level in forestry occupations had percent in 2001. been very low compared to the participation of The lack of job opportunity for women is one women in national workforce. of the reasons of such high turnover and it There were only 7 percent female in the also contributes to the difficulty in recruiting forestry workforce compared to 33 percent in and retaining workers. People’s materialistic the total workforce in 1981. Their share in expectation and thus increasing household forestry workforce slowly increased since then expenditure has forced the families on dual and it reached to 13 percent in 2001 but was income. In most of the families women also still far behind the percentage of female in work. Women tend to resume their career total workforce which was 47 percent in 2001 often with a part-time job after having children. census. Since forestry jobs are mostly in remote These figures show that the reforms and places around smaller towns with little other privatisation did not create more job employment opportunity and forestry sector opportunities for women. Figure 7 shows the itself does not have much part-time composition of the forestry workforce by employment. In this situation the forestry gender. sector does not fulfil the expectations of the The physical nature of the bulk of the forestry spouses of the forestry workers who want to work coupled with tough working condition return back to workforce after family

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commitments. Such family situation forces a sector’s workforce has still biased towards worker to leave forestry jobs. male workforce. The overall impact of the forestry workforce had been negative.

100 Reference 80 Boston, J. (1984). Incomes Policy in New Zealand: 60 1968-1984. Wellington, N.Z, Victoria University Press for the Institute of Policy Studies Victoria 40 Male University of Wellington.

P ercen tag e Female 20 Chakravarty, S. R. (1990). Ethical Social Index 0 Numbers. Berlin ; New York, Springer-Verlag. 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 Chatterjee, S., P. Dalziel, S.-O. Daunfeldt and N. Year Poddar (2003). Income Inequality and Trans- formation of the Welfare State. The New Zealand (Source: Census various years and author’s calculations) Association of Economists Conference, Auckland. Figure 7 Composition of Forestry by gender for census Clarke, M. (2000). Devolving Forest Ownership years 1981-2001 through Privatisation: Processes, Issues and

Outcomes. Wellington, N.Z., NZ Institute of Conclusion Economic Research. The above analysis showed that the level of Dalziel, P. and R. G. Lattimore (2001). The New forestry workers’ income decreased during the Zealand Macroeconomy: A Briefing on the Reforms and Their Legacy. Melbourne, Vic., period of restructuring and increased sub- Oxford University Press. sequently however it was still below the pre- Dillingham (undated). New Zealand Workforce: reform level. The income inequality increased. Qualifications and Evidence of Upskilling. There was a large scale loss in employment Wellington, Department of Labour. during the restructuring of the sector but the Dixon, S. (1998). “Growth in the Dispersion of privatisation of forestry estate did not lead to Earnings: 1984-97.” Labour Market Bulletin 1&2: the further loss of employment in the sector. 71-103. There was a shock growth in entrepreneurship Ehrenberg, R. G. and R. S. Smith (2003). Modern in the forestry sector just after the labor economics: Theory and Public Policy. restructuring. The educational attainment of Reading, Mass., Addison-Wesley. Johnson, S. and G. Loveman (1995). Starting Over the forestry workforce did not improve in Eastern Europe: Entrepreneurship and compared to the total workforce. The Economic Renewal. Boston, Mass., Harvard educational profile of the workforce still Business School Press. corresponds to a stereotype manual, Maloney, T. and J. Savage (1996). Labour Markets semiskilled character of the forestry. The and Policy. A Study of Economic Reform: The workforce is gradually getting older and the News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“ 185

Case of New Zealand. B. Silverstone, A. Bollard SNZ (1999). New Zealand Now: Incomes. and L. R. Amsterdam, New York, Elsevier. Wellington, Statistics New Zealand: 127. Martin, B. J. (1998). Incomes of Individuals and Wright, M. R., Hoskisson, L. Busenitz and J. Dial Families in New Zealand 1951 to 1996, (2000). “Entrepreneurship Growth Through Unpublished Thesis. Hamilton, University of Privatization: The Upside of Management Waikato: 321. Buyouts.” Academy of Management Review 25(3): Shryock, H. S., J. S. Siegel and E. A. Larmon 591-601. (1976). The Methods and Materials of Demography. Washington, US Bureau of Census. Silverstone, B., A. Bollard and R. G. Lattimore, Avinash C Shrivastava Eds. (1996). Amsterdam, New York, Elsvier. PhD Candidate, School of Forestry, University of Canterbury, Private Bag 4800 Christchurch, New Zealand, email: [email protected]

Photo: SCHIMA

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