The Parsi Dilemma: a New Zealand Perspective
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View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ResearchArchive at Victoria University of Wellington The Parsi Dilemma: A New Zealand Perspective By David John Weaver A thesis submitted to Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Asian Studies Victoria University of Wellington 2012 i Contents Abstract ii Preface iii Glossary vi Abbreviations vii Part 1 Orientation Chapter 1 Introduction 1 2 A Brief History of the Parsi Community in India 16 3 The Parsi Community in New Zealand and Diaspora comparisons 30 Part 2 Parsi Identity Chapter 4 Individualism and the Parsi Community 40 5 The Impact of Religion on the Parsi Identity 49 6 Social and Economic Factors and the Parsi Community 59 Part 3 Individuality and the Future for Parsis in New Zealand and World-wide; A New Zealand Perspective Chapter 7 Individualism 73 Chapter 8 Possible Future Directions 96 Part 4 Conclusions Chapter 9 Overview 105 10 Conclusions 109 Appendix A Interview Questions 115 Bibliography 117 ii Abstract The Parsis of India are a very small but important ethnic group, traditionally living in Gujarat but in modern times mainly located in Bombay, where, under the British Raj, they established themselves as leading merchants, politicians and professional people with an influence far exceeding their numerical strength. Since Indian Independence in 1947, that influence has declined as has the total size of the Parsi community in India. Many members of the community have dispersed overseas and during the last twenty years, New Zealand has emerged as a growing destination of choice. Many reasons have been put forward both by academia and by members of the Parsi community itself for the steeply declining numbers ranging from religious and ethnic exclusivity to loss of fecundity and consequential fall in the birth-rate to below the sustainability level. In my initial research for this thesis, I became aware that one reason for the decline, which did not feature in academic discourses but which seemed to be important, was the significance of Parsi culture, in particular the traditional emphasis on individual achievement, at the expense of communal cohesion. In seeking to corroborate my hypothesis, along with whether or not the current drive to migrate from India to countries such as New Zealand is having a positive or negative influence on the long-term chances for Parsi survival, I have carried out in-depth interviews with a cross-section of Parsis now resident in New Zealand. The outcomes of these interviews, together with a careful study of Parsi history and an analysis of their very distinctive culture, form the basis for my study. These outcomes and analyses have created an overall picture, which has confirmed my belief that the most important contributing factor to demographic decline amongst the Indian Parsi community has been their traditional drive towards individual material success. They have also shown that individual choice has been the principle post-Independence migratory driving force. There are more negative than positive elements associated with this migratory drive with the future of both Parsi identity and Zoroastrianism under serious threat through increasing dispersal and religious, ethnic and cultural dilution. This deteriorating situation is further exacerbated by internal strife fuelled by passionate ethno-religious debate over the best way forward. iii Preface The writing of my thesis can best be described as a journey of discovery. As I have progressed, I have become increasingly enthralled by the history of the Parsis and how this has impacted on their present situation, in India and in the wider diaspora, including the comparatively recent establishment of a small but growing Parsi community in New Zealand. I have investigated and discussed the importance of the Parsi propensity to act as individuals rather than as a single communal entity and the likely future for this tiny but important group of people, both here in New Zealand and globally. Along the way, I have learnt to admire their fortitude, their graciousness, their dedication to their religious beliefs and their undoubted ability to achieve success in whatever field of endeavour they select. They are potentially a very real asset to New Zealand society and their example is one which we could all benefit from if a way could be found to raise awareness of their unique culture amongst a wider audience. I feel that, in deference to all those members of the Parsi community in New Zealand that I have interviewed, it would be appropriate for me to borrow a courtesy from Indonesia. When I lived there in the 1950s, it was always customary to open a speech by apologising to the audience in advance for any mistakes contained in the main body of the speech. I would like to do the same thing to all my Parsi friends: I have endeavoured to represent everyone’s views in a completely unbiased fashion, but the fact remains that I am a Juddin , a non-Parsi, looking in on Parsi culture from the outside. As such, although I have done my very best to present the facts accurately and sympathetically, there are bound to be some gaps in my knowledge and understanding. I would like to apologise in advance for any lapses or errors of omission. Some of my Parsi interviewees would have preferred me to use the word Zarathushtee rather than Zoroastrian, because they say the word Zoroastrian is a Greek corruption. Whilst acknowledging that this might well be so, I have stuck with the word Zoroastrian except when quoting, because it is the expression most commonly used and therefore best understood by academics. Parsis have a somewhat relaxed approach to the English spelling of Parsi words which can give rise to misunderstandings. For example, some of my interviewees use the iv spelling Parsee rather than Parsi and both these alternative forms of spelling also appear in different academic works. In similar fashion names such as Jeejeebhoy can be spelled in several different ways, for instance Jijibhoy, as used by John Hinnells, or Jejeebhoy as used by Jesse Palsetia. 1 Again, except when quoting, I have used the most common spelling rather than follow any particular style. In similar vein is the age-old problem of what to do when an important city changes its name during a period of history under review, in this instance Bombay becoming Mumbai in 1995. This problem is compounded by most but not all Parsis still referring to Mumbai as Bombay. I have used the word Bombay when referring to the time prior to the change and, except when quoting, have used Mumbai thereafter. As I have explained in my thesis, the Parsi community can be broadly divided into two main groups: conservatives and liberals. Alternative words for the former include orthodox or traditional, although many conservatives dislike being labelled orthodox as being too closely associated with fundamentalism, which they vehemently reject. Alternative descriptive words for liberals include moderates and reformists. I would like to acknowledge with grateful thanks all those at Victoria University who have made the writing of this thesis not just possible but enjoyable. In particular I would like to thank Dr Rick Weiss, Senior Lecturer in Religious Studies, my first supervisor, who agreed to take me on as one of his postgraduate students and has consistently encouraged and helped me. Likewise I would like to thank Professor Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, Professor of History, my second supervisor, who has reviewed my work from time to time and unfailingly helped to unblock any log jams along the road. I must also acknowledge with thanks the important part played by Dr Bernadette Vine, from the School of Linguistics and Applied Language Studies, who arranged for the many hours of verbal recordings of my interviews to be transcribed in such an excellent and professional manner that my task of collating information became a simple one. Without all the expert assistance that I received from members of the Victoria University library 1 John R. Hinnells, The Zoroastrian Diaspora: Religion and Migration (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005, 1.); Jesse S.Palsetia, The Parsis of India: Preservation of Identity in Bombay City (New Delhi: Manohar, 2008), 44. v staff, particularly from Tony Quinn, I would not have been able access all the books necessary for my research. Adrian Simcock, a retired member of the New Zealand Foreign Service and a past New Zealand High Commissioner in India, who shares my deep interest in the Indian subcontinent, kindly agreed to take on the task of being my proofreader, a role which he has fulfilled with distinction. Thank you. Finally and most importantly I want to acknowledge and thank all the members of the New Zealand Parsi community, both in Wellington and Auckland, who not only gave me so generously of their time and hospitality, but also made me feel so very welcome in their homes. Without their input, my thesis would not have been possible. They made my task a pleasure to undertake because of their readiness to answer all my questions in such an open fashion. My interviews were always enjoyable and not infrequently accompanied by gales of laughter. My responses together with my subsequent views concerning my general hypotheses would not have been achieved without the amazingly frank answers which I received to my interview questions. The lack of any hint of defensiveness on the part of each and every one of those interviewed is a testimony to their self-confidence as Parsis now living in New Zealand and the pride that they have in their unique heritage. In particular, I would like to thank Mr Tehmus Mistry for introducing me to other members of the Parsi community in Auckland and for giving me an insight into its history and current circumstances.