DOCSLIB.ORG

The Madness of Genre

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Madness of Genre The Madness of Genre MARGARET MULLETT 4(• n author-even a Byzantine author-de- does violence not only to the sensibility of the critic serves to be regarded as an entity, not to be but also to the object he is studying. In the case of torn to pieces in the interests of proving the eter- genre, however, there has been a considerable re- nal stability of genres."' We need not be led astray vival. Much literature is emanating from such di- by the disarming parenthesis. The volume from verse schools of thought as New Criticism, Russian which this quotation is taken has transformed the Formalism, Structuralism, and Rezeptionstheorie,6 study of Byzantine literature as a serious study in and in classical studies generic analysts have its own right; its authors show nothing but scorn formed something of a school in themselves in the for scholars who delight in discussing Byzantine wake of Francis Cairns' GenericComposition in Greek literature simply to point out how bad it is. It used and Latin Poetry.7 Since Byzantine literary study is to be that "Byzantine literature has never had a so young, it may be helpful to learn what literary good press, least of all from its own students,"2 but theorists say about genre. The first point is per- that, after Kazhdan and Franklin, is no longer haps that, with the possible exception of the clas- true. The volume's opening chapter, which was sical genericists, no theorist of genre would now first given as a paper at the Institut fuir Byzantin- proclaim any eternal stability or immutability of istik in Vienna, points out the inadequacies of the genre. Even the indefatigable Paul Hernadi, trying Handbuch approach to Byzantine literature before desperately in more than three hundred pages to turning to a passionate plea for the study of au- arrive at a genre diagram that works for more than thors rather than genres. My aim is not to cham- a short period of time, falls back on the stratagem pion one against the other (my own interest lies of modes of discourse "depending on the critic's with the reader), but rather to demonstrate the im- approach."s Most theorists work with the assump- portance of genre in Byzantine literature in the as- tion that the immutability of genres is an ancient sessment of both composition and reception. misapprehension,9 as foolish as the assumption In many ways neither author nor genre is at the that writing within a genre in some way stunts an forefront of current literary debate. The tendency author's creativity.'0 For the formalists, genre was is toward depersonalization, to a voice embedded important precisely in the dynamics and shifts of in text, and to an indeterminacy of meaning that one genre system to another." For Hans Jauss the ignores generic signals.3 In 1968 Roland Barthes tension between synchronic and diachronic visions proclaimed the death of the author.4 As for genre, that service was provided in 1902 Benedetto by 6For a brisk survey see H. Dubrow, Genre, The Critical Idiom Croce, who proclaimed that every work of art was 42 (London-New York, 1982), 82-104. F. Generic in a genre in itself.5 For him, classifying literature ac- 7 Cairns, Composition Greekand Roman Poetry(Edin- C. "Ovid Amores and cording to genre denies its nature and hence burgh, 1972); cf., e.g., J. McKeown, 3.12," very J. G. Howie, "Sappho Fr 94 (LP): Farewell, Consolation and Help in a New Life," both in Papers of the LiverpoolLatin Seminar, 1A. Kazhdan and S. Franklin, Studies on ByzantineLiterature of ed. F. C. Cairns, ARCA 3 (Liverpool, 1979), 163-77, 299-342, the Eleventh and TwelfthCenturies (Cambridge, 1987), viii. esp. 330-35. M. E. with 2 Mullett, "Dancing Deconstructionists in the Gar- 8P. Hernadi, Beyond Genre: New Directionsin LiteraryClassifica- dens of the Muses," BMGS 14 (1990), 258-75, reviewing recent tion (Cornell, 1972). developments in the study of Byzantine literature. 9See, e.g., A. Fowler, Kinds of Literature:An Introductionto the 3These and related themes are discussed in V. B. Leitch's use- Theoryof Genresand Modes (Oxford, 1982), 37. ful Deconstructive Criticism: An Advanced Introduction (London, 10C. Guillen, Literature as System:Essays towards the Theory of 1983). LiteraryHistory (Princeton, 1971), 377, 111-12, 120, 129. "The Death of the in 4R. Barthes, Author," Image, Music, Text, 11E.g., J. Tynjanov, "On Literary Evolution," in Readings in trans. and ed. S. Heath (London-New York, 1977), 142-48. Russian Poetics, ed. L. Matejka and K. Panaska (Cambridge, 5B. Croce, Estetica, trans. D. Ainslie (New York, 1968), 38. Mass., 1971), 66-78. This content downloaded from 147.52.9.55 on Sun, 5 Oct 2014 16:37:47 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 234 MARGARET MULLETT of a genre system enables him to bridge the gap advantages and disadvantages of both.18 It uses an between art history and material history to provide echo of an intrusive genre to cast a shadow of dif- a "new literary history."12But for students of Byz- ferent values and assumptions;19 it can solve major antine literature, particularly in the Vienna mold, traditional problems (at least for a time),20 it can this is a novel, and dangerous, thought, and for illuminate the thought processes of any literary so- them certainly Kazhdan and Franklin were right ciety,21it can aid the detection of parody;22 it can to emphasize genre as an indicator that there was help in evaluation-Is this work good of its kind? no development in Byzantine literature. Just as an- More than that?23-and it offers a backdrop tiquity for Cairns is a time-free zone, in which ge- against which to view originality.24 It has been used neric prescriptions are eternally played and re- to defend the determinacy of literary meaning (al- played, so for Herbert Hunger and indeed for though this is by no means necessary)25 and to Cyril Mango'3 Byzantine literature never really solve various major critical problems; it has been changed, even behind its facade of immutability. I seen as "an organizing principle of the redundan- must reject this view, since it appears to undervalue cies by which it is possible to break the hermeneu- the complexity and sophistication of Byzantine lit- tic circle and reconstruct old or difficult works";26 erary discourse, or, to put it more bluntly, to take it objectifies response to any piece of ancient po- the Byzantines at face value, or to ignore the enor- etry;27 it offers a clue to authorial intention, for by mous social and educational changes like the catas- opting to write within a genre the writer makes a trophes of the mid-sixth century, the Byzantine statement about his relationship with his predeces- Dark Ages, the defeat of Mantzikert, and the Com- sors, his anxiety, or his influence.28 It locates indi- nene revolution, which-as an unregenerate his- viduality vis-a-vis intention: "Without knowledge torian-I believe must be analyzed in relation to of revenge tragedy Hamlet would be incompre- the way Byzantines wrote and read. hensible."29 In short it brings the author (for me Let us first examine what theorists of genre con- uncomfortably) back into the spotlight and allows sider the main benefits of a generic approach, be- sidelong lunges at his intentions, unhoped for fore observing some disadvantages and then pro- after the depredations of William Wimsatt and ceeding to a discussion of Byzantine systems of Monroe Beardsley.30 If only half of these claims genre. All (with the possible exception of Hernadi) can be substantiated for Byzantine literature, agree that classification is not a useful purpose of Kazhdan and Franklin, far from decrying genre genre. Many would see genre as a communication should seize upon it as a technique entirely con- system for the use of writers in writing, readers in sistent with their own aims and viewpoint. reading and interpreting;14 most would allow the It is generally agreed that, in contrast to the role of generic recognition in the reading process: Genre, 25-26, is of romance and fabliau a single paragraph is read differently according to 18Dubrow'sexample, Bil- in the juxtaposed Knight's Tale and Miller's Tale. whether it is read as a murder mystery or a 19Dubrow's examples, ibid., 26-27, are of pastoral in King dungsroman.'5Many see an advantage in setting a Lear and comedy in TheJew of Malta. in a historical to observe the sub- 20Cairns, Generic Composition,31. work perspective, 21Cairns, ibid. sequent genre generated by it (every work changes 22Dubrow, Genre, 24. the genre in which it is written)." Genre enables a 23Fowler, Kinds of Literature,272-76. reader to avoid faults of rather 24R. Cohen, "Innovation and Variation: Literary Change and seeing composition Literatureand ed. R. Cohen and M. an assumed Georgic Poetry," in History, than a writer's exploitation of familiar- Krieger (Los Angeles, 1974), 3-42, esp. 5 ff. ity with a forgotten genre.17 It enables a writer to 25E. D. Hirsch, Validityin Interpretation(New Haven, Conn., one form off another, and show the 1967). play literary 26Fowler,Kinds of Literature,278. 27 Cairns, Generic Composition,31. 28Fowler, Kinds of Literature,257 ff. R. "Theory of Genres and Medieval Literature," 29Fowler, ibid., 262. 12H. Jauss, "The Intentional Fal- trans. T. Bahti, Towardsan Aesthetic of Reception (Minneapolis- 30W.K. Wimsatt and M. C. Beardsley, The VerbalIcon: Studies in the Brighton, 1982), 76-109. lacy," Meaning of Poetry (Lexington, a revival of discussion see D.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 1000-Godišnjica Svetog Jovana Vladimira.Indd
    A murder reconsidered: John Vladimir, John Vladislav and the byzantine-bulgarian conflict161 Liliana SIM EONOVA* A MURDER RECONSIDERED: JOHN VLADIMIR, JOHN VLADISLAV AND THE BYZANTINE-BULGARIAN CONFLICT Abstract: Largely discounted by historians as a work that is mostly based on factu- al inaccuracies and fiction, the so-called Chronicle of Dioclea contains at least one chap- ter of semi-authentic historical information — the Life of St. John Vladimir, a prince of Di- oclea and possibly an heir to the Bulgarian throne. The Life is believed to be a novelization of an earlier hagiographic work, which may have been written in Slavonic but is now lost. While both John Vladimir and his royal executioner, John Vladislav of Bulgaria, were his- torical figures, the Life of St. John Vladimir contains non-historical material (e. g., visions, episodes of divine intervention and retribution and, above all, the romantic tale of John Vladimir’s marriage to Kossara, Tsar Samuel’s daughter). When analyzed in the context of the bitter Byzantine-Bulgarian conflict of the later tenth and early eleventh century, John Vladimir’s life and deeds look differently. In his westward expansion, Samuel (976–1014) managed to place Dyrrhachium under his authority and conquered Dioclea. While Dyr- rhachium was of key importance to both Byzantium and Bulgaria because of its control over the main east-west route linking the Balkans with Italy, the neighboring principality of Dioclea was expected to serve as an Adriatic pow- er base for whichever empire managed to place it under its supreme authori- ty. Samuel captured Prince John Vladimir of Dioclea and had him married to one of his daughters, Kossara: this was a political marriage by means of which Samuel aimed at securing Dioclea for himself.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Change in Eleventh-Century Armenia: the Evidence from Tarōn Tim Greenwood (University of St Andrews)
    Social Change in Eleventh-Century Armenia: the evidence from Tarōn Tim Greenwood (University of St Andrews) The social history of tenth and eleventh-century Armenia has attracted little in the way of sustained research or scholarly analysis. Quite why this should be so is impossible to answer with any degree of confidence, for as shall be demonstrated below, it is not for want of contemporary sources. It may perhaps be linked to the formative phase of modern Armenian historical scholarship, in the second half of the nineteenth century, and its dominant mode of romantic nationalism. The accounts of political capitulation by Armenian kings and princes and consequent annexation of their territories by a resurgent Byzantium sat very uncomfortably with the prevailing political aspirations of the time which were validated through an imagined Armenian past centred on an independent Armenian polity and a united Armenian Church under the leadership of the Catholicos. Finding members of the Armenian elite voluntarily giving up their ancestral domains in exchange for status and territories in Byzantium did not advance the campaign for Armenian self-determination. It is also possible that the descriptions of widespread devastation suffered across many districts and regions of central and western Armenia at the hands of Seljuk forces in the eleventh century became simply too raw, too close to the lived experience and collective trauma of Armenians in these same districts at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries, to warrant
    [Show full text]
  • BYZANTINE CAMEOS and the AESTHETICS of the ICON By
    BYZANTINE CAMEOS AND THE AESTHETICS OF THE ICON by James A. Magruder, III A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland March 2014 © 2014 James A. Magruder, III All rights reserved Abstract Byzantine icons have attracted artists and art historians to what they saw as the flat style of large painted panels. They tend to understand this flatness as a repudiation of the Classical priority to represent Nature and an affirmation of otherworldly spirituality. However, many extant sacred portraits from the Byzantine period were executed in relief in precious materials, such as gemstones, ivory or gold. Byzantine writers describe contemporary icons as lifelike, sometimes even coming to life with divine power. The question is what Byzantine Christians hoped to represent by crafting small icons in precious materials, specifically cameos. The dissertation catalogs and analyzes Byzantine cameos from the end of Iconoclasm (843) until the fall of Constantinople (1453). They have not received comprehensive treatment before, but since they represent saints in iconic poses, they provide a good corpus of icons comparable to icons in other media. Their durability and the difficulty of reworking them also makes them a particularly faithful record of Byzantine priorities regarding the icon as a genre. In addition, the dissertation surveys theological texts that comment on or illustrate stone to understand what role the materiality of Byzantine cameos played in choosing stone relief for icons. Finally, it examines Byzantine epigrams written about or for icons to define the terms that shaped icon production.
    [Show full text]
  • Ai Margini Dell'impero. Potere E Aristocrazia a Trebisonda E in Epiro
    Università del Piemonte Orientale Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici Dottorato di ricerca in ‘Linguaggi, storia e istituzioni’, curriculum storico Coordinatore: Referente per il curriculum: Ch.mo Prof. Claudio Marazzini Ch.mo Prof. Claudio Rosso Anno Accademico 2016/2017, XXIX ciclo Ai margini dell’Impero. Potere e aristocrazia a Trebisonda e in Epiro nel basso medioevo Tesi di dottorato in storia medievale, SSD M-STO/01 Tutor: Candidato: Ch.ma Prof.sa Germana Gandino Dott. Marco Fasolio 1 Indice Introduzione, p. 5 Per un profilo storico dell’aristocrazia bizantina, p. 11 Il dibattito storiografico, p. 22 1. Affari di famiglie. Trebisonda e il Ponto da Basilio II il Bulgaroctono alla quarta crociata, p. 45 1.1 Cenni storico-geografici su Trebisonda e la Chaldia, p. 45 1.2 Potere e aristocrazia in Chaldia prima della battaglia di Manzicerta, p. 48 1.3 Da Teodoro Gabras ad Andronico Comneno: l’alba del particolarismo pontico, p. 73 1.3.1 I primi Gabras, p. 74 1.3.2 Il progenitore dell’autonomia ponitca: Teodoro Gabras e il suo tempo, p. 79 1.3.3 I discendenti di Teodoro Gabras tra potere locale, servizio imperiale e intese con i Turchi, p. 93 1.3.4 Da principi armeni a magnati pontici, il caso dei Taroniti, p. 110 1.3.5 La Chaldia dopo Costantino Gabras: i Comneni e il ritorno dell’Impero, p. 123 1.4 Potere e aristocrazia nel Ponto prima del 1204: uno sguardo d’insieme, p. 135 2. Un covo di ribelli e di traditori. L’Epiro e le isole ionie tra l’XI secolo e il 1204, p.
    [Show full text]
  • Did the Loss of Anatolia in the 11Th Century Leave a Trace in Family Names? Sait Emre ÇİFTÇİ1*+
    E-ISSN: 2564-680X Haziran 2021 / June 2021 Yıl 4, Sayı 1 / Year 4, Issue 1 ATIF BİLGİSİ / REFERENCE INFORMATION ÇİFTÇİ, Sait Emre, “11. Yüzyılda Anadolu’nun Kaybı Aile Antroponimisinde İzler Bıraktı Mı?” Ortaçağ Araştırmaları Dergisi, IV/I, Haziran 2021, s. 126-132. Makale Türü: Tarih Çeviri DOI No: Geliş Tarihi / Received: 10 Kasım/November 2020 Kabul Tarihi / Accepted: 18 Nisan/April 2020 Online Yayın: 26 Haziran 2021 Published Online: 26 June 2021 11. Yüzyılda Anadolu’nun Kaybı Aile Antroponimisinde İzler Bıraktı Mı? Did the Loss of Anatolia in the 11th Century Leave a Trace in Family Names? Sait Emre ÇİFTÇİ1*+ 1 Arş. Gör., Bitlis Eren Üniversitesi, Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi, Tarih Bölümü, BİTLİS. * [email protected] +ORCID: 0000-0002-2685-1714 Jean-Claude Cheynet, La perte de l’Asie Mineure au xie siècle a-t-elle laissé des traces dans l’anthroponymie familiale?, Studies in Byzantine Sigillography, Volume 12. Berlin, De Gruyter, Boston, 2016, s. 1-12 künyeli eserden çevrilmiştir. 126 ORTAÇAĞ ARAŞTIRMALARI DERGİSİ HAZİRAN/JUNE 2021 4/1 Sait Emre ÇİFTÇİ Anadolu 11. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında Selçuklu Türkleri tarafından yeniden fethetmesinden sonra geçici olarak İmparator Alexios fethedildi. 1081’de Anadolu’nun büyük kısmı artık imparatorun Komnenos’un9 kontrolü altına girdi. Böylece Türk ilerleyişinin neden doğrudan kontrolü altında olmayıp Türk öncü birlikleri olduğu göç, X. Konstantinos döneminden itibaren başladı. Konstantinopolis’in karşısında, İstanbul Boğazı üzerinde kamp Prosopografi (biyografi yazımı), bu fenomeni tanımlamanın kurmuşlardı. Bu fetih önemli nüfus hareketlerine neden olmuştur. ayrıcalıklı bir yolu olabilir. Kullanılan isimlerin sayısı, 11. yüzyıl Konu hakkında birkaç anlatıya ve belgesel kaynağın ifadesine boyunca arttı. Bu isimler sonraki iki yüzyılda gelişecek şekilde 8.
    [Show full text]
  • Osmanli Öncesi Dönemde Trabzon Şehri
    T.C. FIRAT ÜN İVERS İTES İ SOSYAL B İLİMLER ENST İTÜSÜ TAR İH ANAB İLİM DALI OSMANLI ÖNCES İ DÖNEMDE TRABZON ŞEHR İ YÜKSEK L İSANS TEZ İ DANI ŞMAN HAZIRLAYAN Prof. Dr. Abdulhalik BAKIR Fatih AKSOY ELAZI Ğ 2009 T.C. FIRAT ÜN İVERS İTES İ SOSYAL B İLİMLER ENST İTÜSÜ TAR İH ANAB İLİM DALI OSMANLI DÖNEM İ ÖNCES İNDE TRABZON ŞEHR İ YÜKSEK L İSANS TEZ İ Bu tez ….. /…../……… tarihinde a şağıdaki jüri tarafından oy birli ği / oy çoklu ğu ile kabul edilmi ştir. Danı şman Üye Üye Prof. Dr. Abdulhalik BAKIR Doç. Dr. Aylin ÇEL İK Doç. Dr. Zahir KIZMAZ Bu tezin kabulü, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Yönetim Kurulu’nun ....... / ....... / ....... tarih ve ......................... sayılı kararıyla onaylanmı ştır. Doç. Dr. Erdal AÇIKSES ENST İTÜ MÜDÜRÜ I ÖZET Yüksek Lisans Tezi Osmanlı Öncesi Dönemde Trabzon Şehri Fatih AKSOY Fırat Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı 2009; Sayfa : XIII + 219 Osmanlı Öncesi Dönemde Trabzon Şehri adlı tez çalı şmamızda, Trabzon şehrinin Fatih Sultan Mehmet tarafından Osmanlı Devleti sınırlarına katılmasına kadar geçen dönemdeki iktisadi ve siyasi hayatına dair tarihi malumatlar aktarılmaya çalı şılırken a ğırlıklı olarak 11. yüzyıl ve sonrası dönem ele alınmı ştır. Ticaret merkezi olma vasfını her zaman koruyan Trabzon, Bizans Devletinin sınırları içinde oldu ğu zamanlarda askeri üs kimli ği de kazanmı ştır. Co ğrafyanın da verdi ği avantajla zaman zaman ba ğımsız hareket eden valilerce idare edilen şehir, IV. Haçlı Seferinin ardından kurulan Trabzon Devleti zamanında Selçuklu, Mo ğol, Akkoyunlu, Timur ve Anadolu’ya yerle şmi ş Türk Beylikleri ile beraber Osmanlı gibi güç odaklarıyla da bir devlet merkezi olarak irtibat halinde olmu ştur.
    [Show full text]
  • (8-13Th C.): Contributing to a Reassessment List of Images
    Ethnicity and Statehood in Pontic-Caspian Eurasia (8-13th c.): Contributing to a Reassessment Alex M. Feldman 2018 PhD Thesis – University of Birmingham – Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies List of Images Figure 1: Reproduced from Androshchuk, 2015, “Byzantine Imperial Seals in Southern Rus’,” 43-54: a typical example of “Nordic” rune-writing. Figure 2: Reproduced from Callmer, 2000, “From West to East. The Penetration of Scandinavians into Eastern Europe ca. 500-900,” 45-94: the riverine urbanization and sedentarization of Khazaria. Figures 3-13: A collection of archaeological material dating to the Khazarian period and correlating either with Khazarian “wares” or products typical of the correlative Saltovo-Majacki archaeological culture, which includes glass and bead jewellery found at the Dimitrievskij Complex (top left and center – reproduced from Zalesskaja, et al., 1989, Съкровище на хан Кубрат, cat. nos. 198-203), silver strap ornaments found in Taman (top right – reproduced from Leskov, 2008, The Maikop Treasure, cat. no. 275), and numerous finds from Sarkel, including several silver and bronze belt buckles (bottom right – reproduced from Zalesskaja, et al., 1989, cat. nos. 230 and 275) and even one entire ornamentally carved silver belt itself (reproduced from Pletnëva and Makarova, 1983, “Пояс знатного воина из Саркела,” 62-77, and Artamonov, 1962, История хазар, 340, although Artamonov interprets the find as “Hungarian,” without qualifying his statement), a silver and glass ring (bottom center-right – reproduced from Zalesskaja, et al., 1989, cat. no. 267), as well as imported luxury goods including a Byzantine-made glazed serving plate (center left – reproduced from Zalesskaja, et al., 1989, cat.
    [Show full text]
  • Περίληψη : Member of the Dynasty of the Grand Komnenoi and Emperor of Trebizond (1349/50-1390)
    IΔΡΥΜA ΜΕΙΖΟΝΟΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ Συγγραφή : Βουγιουκλάκη Πηνελόπη Μετάφραση : Ανδριοπούλου Βέρα Για παραπομπή : Βουγιουκλάκη Πηνελόπη , "Alexios III Grand Komnenos", Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Μείζονος Ελληνισμού, Κωνσταντινούπολη URL: <http://www.ehw.gr/l.aspx?id=7172> Περίληψη : Member of the dynasty of the Grand Komnenoi and emperor of Trebizond (1349/50-1390). Alexios III Grand Komnenos rose to the throne after a long period of exile in Constantinople. The first year of his reign were marked by rebellions and conspiracies. He was confronted with a number of external threats, such as the Turcoman attacks, which he successfully handled with his intermarriage policy, and the rivalry between the Genoese and Venetian merchants. He died in 20 March 1390. Άλλα Ονόματα John Komnenos, Kaloioannes, Grand Komnenos, Komnenos Alexios III, Angelos Doukas Τόπος και Χρόνος Γέννησης October 5, 1338, Trebizond Τόπος και Χρόνος Θανάτου March 20, 1390, Trebizond Κύρια Ιδιότητα Emperor of Trebizond (1349/50-1390) 1. Biography 1.1. Prosopography Alexios III Grand Komnenos was born on October 5, 1338.1 His real name was John; however, after his rise to the throne he was renamed Alexios, in honour of his grandfather Alexios II Grand Komnenos. He was the second son of Emperor Basil Grand Komnenos (1332-1340) and of Irene of Trebizond, a member of an aristocratic family of Trebizond. He was also the brother of Alexios Komnenos, Theodora Grand Komnene and Maria Grand Komnene. He married Theodora Kantakouzene Komnene, the niece of the Byzantine Emperor John VI Kantakouzenos (1348/1354-1357), and had seven children: Anna, Basil, the future Emperor Manuel III Grand Komnenos (1390-1417), Eudokia and three more daughters, whose names are not known.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Now Free Download Here Download Ebook
    vmBnJ (Read free) Trebizond Online [vmBnJ.ebook] Trebizond Pdf Free N J Holmes *Download PDF | ePub | DOC | audiobook | ebooks Download Now Free Download Here Download eBook #2716658 in eBooks 2013-09-01 2013-09-01File Name: B00EZ5UDXK | File size: 66.Mb N J Holmes : Trebizond before purchasing it in order to gage whether or not it would be worth my time, and all praised Trebizond: 2 of 2 people found the following review helpful. A Decent Historical NovelBy WendellTrebizond is set in the eleventh century A.D. in what historian refer to as the Byzantine Empire. Centered on the impregnable city of Constantinople (today’s Istanbul), the Byzantine Empire was the remnants of the Eastern Roman Empire, which had survived the barbarian hordes that overran the western Roman world. In reality, these people were Greeks, but when the Dark Ages enveloped Europe, they saw themselves as the bearers of the glorious Roman civilization of the past. And when our story takes place, this Romanized Greek empire is still among the greatest powers in Europe; its borders stretching from the Danube in the Balkans to small cities on the Italian Peninsula to northern Syria . But now, there has arrived from the Asian steppes a new nomadic enemy; one who will come close to destroying the Byzantine Empire for good.NJ Holmes tells of this Turkish invasion through the eyes of three main characters: Theodore Gabras, nobleman of Trebizond, his wife Eirene, and the greatest of the Turkish warlords, Afsin. Overall, the author goes a great job showcasing each person, what they are living through, and then relating that singular experience back to the other two protagonists.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Opposition to Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118)
    The Political Opposition to Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118) Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung des Akademischen Grades eines Dr. phil., vorgelegt dem Fachbereich 07 Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaften der Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz von João Vicente de Medeiros Publio Dias aus São Paulo, Brasilien 2020 Dekan: 1. Gutachter: 2. Gutachter: Tag des Prüfungskolloquiums: 18. Juli 2018 Dedicado a Dai Table of Contents Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................... 1 Note on translation and transliteration .................................................................................. 2 i. Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 3 i.i. Bibliographic Review ...................................................................................................... 4 i.ii Conceptual and Theoretical Issues on Political Opposition in Byzantium ...................... 7 i.iii Sources .......................................................................................................................... 18 i.iii.i Material for History of Nikephoros Bryennios .......................................................... 24 i.iii.ii The Alexiad of Anna Komnene ................................................................................. 26 i.iii.iii The Epitome Historion of Ioannes Zonaras .............................................................. 30 i.iii.iv The Chronike
    [Show full text]
  • John Taronites (Sebastos)
    John Taronites (sebastos) John Taronites (sebastos). Wikipedia open wikipedia design. John Taronites (Greek: Ἰωάννης ΤαÏωνίτης) was a Byzantine aristocrat who served as provincial governor in the Balkans under his uncle, Emperor Alexios I Komnenos. Biography[edit]. John's father, the panhypersebastos Michael Taronites, belonged to the aristocratic family of the Taronitai, a clan of princely Armenian origin from Taron. In ca. John Taronites (sebastos). Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php? title=Category:Sebastoi&oldid=836537836". Only one is attested with certainty, Constantine Doukas, a sebastos, polemis further identifies two Doukas women as two of Michaels daughters. The first is a certain Theodora Doukaina, attested in an epigram as married to a Theodore, polemis considers her as the mother of Euphrosyne Doukaina, Michaels granddaughter, whose father was also named Theodore. English examples for "Taronites" - Gregory Taronites was an Armenian prince who became a senior Byzantine general. Michael Taronites, Alexios's brother-in-law, was first awarded this title and regarded as almost equal to a Caesar. Eight years earlier Samuel had defeated the governor of Thessalonica, Gregory Taronites. John Doukas was married around 1146 to a woman later known as Maria, a Taronitissa,[9] possibly daughter of John Taronites, pansebastos sebastos. The couple had at least two children: Maria (c.1154-1208/1217), married firstly to Amalric I of Jerusalem; from this marriage she had a daughter, the future Isabella I of Jerusalem and then married secondly to Balian of Ibelin, amongst the children produced from this marriage was John of Ibelin, the Old Lord of Beirut.
    [Show full text]
  • Byzantine Names for SCA Personae
    1 A Short (and rough) Guide to Byzantine Names for SCA personae This is a listing of names that may be useful for constructing Byzantine persona. Having said that, please note that the term „Byzantine‟ is one that was not used in the time of the Empire. They referred to themselves as Romans. Please also note that this is compiled by a non-historian and non-linguist. When errors are detected, please let me know so that I can correct them. Additional material is always welcomed. It is a work in progress and will be added to as I have time to research more books. This is the second major revision and the number of errors picked up is legion. If you have an earlier copy throw it away now. Some names of barbarians who became citizens are included. Names from „client states‟ such as Serbia and Bosnia, as well as adversaries, can be found in my other article called Names for other Eastern Cultures. In itself it is not sufficient documentation for heraldic submission, but it will give you ideas and tell you where to start looking. The use of (?) means that either I have nothing that gives me an idea, or that I am not sure of what I have. If there are alternatives given of „c‟, „x‟ and „k‟ modern scholarship prefers the „k‟. „K‟ is closer to the original in both spelling and pronunciation. Baron, OP, Strategos tous notious okeanous, known to the Latins as Hrolf Current update 12/08/2011 Family Names ............................................................. 2 Male First Names .......................................................
    [Show full text]