Beihefte zur Mediaevistik: Band 29 2016

Andrea Grafetstätter / Sieglinde Hartmann / James Ogier (eds.) 2016

, Islands · and Cities in Medieval Myth, Literature, and History. Papers Delivered at the International Medieval Congress, Univer-sity of Leeds, in 2005, 2006, and 2007 (2011) Internationale Zeitschrift für interdisziplinäre Mittelalterforschung

Olaf Wagener (Hrsg.), „vmbringt mit starcken turnen, murn“. Ortsbefesti- Band 29 gungen im Mittelalter (2010)

Hiram Kümper (Hrsg.), eLearning & Mediävistik. Mittelalter lehren und lernen im neumedialen Zeitalter (2011)

Olaf Wagener (Hrsg.), Symbole der Macht? Aspekte mittelalterlicher und frühneuzeitlicher Architektur (2012)

N. Peter Joosse, The Physician as a Rebellious Intellectual. The Book of the Two Pieces of Advice or Kitāb al-Naṣīḥatayn by cAbd al-Laṭīf ibn Yūsuf al-Baghdādī (1162–1231) (2013)

Meike Pfefferkorn, Zur Semantik von rike in der Sächsischen Weltchronik. Reden über Herrschaft in der frühen deutschen Chronistik - Transforma- tionen eines politischen Schlüsselwortes (2014)

Eva Spinazzè, La luce nell'architettura sacra: spazio e orientazione nelle chiese del X-XII secolo tra Romandie e Toscana. Including an English summary. Con una introduzione di Xavier Barral i Altet e di Manuela Incerti (2016)

Christa Agnes Tuczay (Hrsg.), Jenseits. Eine mittelalterliche und mediävis- tische Imagination. Interdisziplinäre Ansätze zur Analyse des Unerklär- lichen (2016)

Begründet von Peter Dinzelbacher Herausgegeben von Albrecht Classen LANG MEDIAEVISTIK

MEDI 29-2016 271583-160x230 Br-AM PLE.indd 1 24.01.17 KW 04 09:06 Beihefte zur Mediaevistik: Band 29 2016

Andrea Grafetstätter / Sieglinde Hartmann / James Ogier (eds.) 2016

, Islands · and Cities in Medieval Myth, Literature, and History. Papers Delivered at the International Medieval Congress, Univer-sity of Leeds, in 2005, 2006, and 2007 (2011) Internationale Zeitschrift für interdisziplinäre Mittelalterforschung

Olaf Wagener (Hrsg.), „vmbringt mit starcken turnen, murn“. Ortsbefesti- Band 29 gungen im Mittelalter (2010)

Hiram Kümper (Hrsg.), eLearning & Mediävistik. Mittelalter lehren und lernen im neumedialen Zeitalter (2011)

Olaf Wagener (Hrsg.), Symbole der Macht? Aspekte mittelalterlicher und frühneuzeitlicher Architektur (2012)

N. Peter Joosse, The Physician as a Rebellious Intellectual. The Book of the Two Pieces of Advice or Kitāb al-Naṣīḥatayn by cAbd al-Laṭīf ibn Yūsuf al-Baghdādī (1162–1231) (2013)

Meike Pfefferkorn, Zur Semantik von rike in der Sächsischen Weltchronik. Reden über Herrschaft in der frühen deutschen Chronistik - Transforma- tionen eines politischen Schlüsselwortes (2014)

Eva Spinazzè, La luce nell'architettura sacra: spazio e orientazione nelle chiese del X-XII secolo tra Romandie e Toscana. Including an English summary. Con una introduzione di Xavier Barral i Altet e di Manuela Incerti (2016)

Christa Agnes Tuczay (Hrsg.), Jenseits. Eine mittelalterliche und mediävis- tische Imagination. Interdisziplinäre Ansätze zur Analyse des Unerklär- lichen (2016)

Begründet von Peter Dinzelbacher Herausgegeben von Albrecht Classen LANG MEDIAEVISTIK

MEDI 29-2016 271583-160x230 Br-AM PLE.indd 1 24.01.17 KW 04 09:06 Internationale Zeitschrift für interdisziplinäre Mittelalterforschung

Begründet von Peter Dinzelbacher Herausgegeben von Albrecht Classen

Band 29 · 2016 Stabskirche in Heddal, Notodden, Telemark, in Norwegen (Bild Peter Dinzelbacher)

ISSN 0934-7453 ISSN-Internet: 2199-806X © Peter Lang GmbH Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften Frankfurt am Main 2017 Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Peter Lang Edition ist ein Imprint der Peter Lang GmbH. Peter Lang – Frankfurt am Main · Bern · Bruxelles · New York · Oxford · Warszawa · Wien Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. www.peterlang.com Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 1

Inhalt

Aufsätze

John M. Jeep, Das Rolandslied: Stabreimende Wortpaare im Frühmittelhochdeutschen______11 Werner Schäfke, Auf den Leib geschriebene Rollen und eingefleischte Eigenschaften. Körpersymbolik und soziale Rollensysteme in altnordischer Dichtung und Prosa______39 Jan Alexander van Nahl, The Medieval Mood of Contingency. Chance as a Shaping Factor in Hákonar saga góða and Haralds saga Sigurðarsonar______81 Jalal abd Alghani, Medieval Readership, the Loving Poet and the Creation of the Exquisite Ode: A Note on Ibn Zaydūn’s Nūniyya and the Poetic Visualization of Love______99 Deborah Fraioli, Heloise’s First Letter as a Response to the Historia Calamitatum_ 119 Masza Siltek, The Threefold Movement of St. Adalbert’s Head______143 Albrecht Classen, The Transnational and the Transcultural in Medieval German Literature: Spatial Identity and Pre-Modern Concepts of Nationhood in the Works of Wolfram von Eschenbach, Gottfried von Straßburg, Rudolf von Ems, and Konrad von Würzburg______175 Juan Carlos Bayo, El dilema de la resolución del signo tironiano en el Cantar de Mio Cid______195 Inti Athanasios Yanes-Fernandez, Poetics of Dreams: The Narrative Meaning of the Dream-Chronotope in The House of Fame and La Vida es Sueño______207 Werner Heinz, Heilige Längen. Zu den Maßen des Christus- und des Mariengrabes in Bebenhausen______245 Teodoro Patera, Signes du corps, corps du récit : les traces corporelles dans le Roman de Tristan de Béroul______269 Huw Grange, In Praise of Fragments. A Manuscript of the Prose Tristan in Châlons-en-Champagne______287 2 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

Rezensionen

Gesamtes Mittelalter

Alexander the Great in the Middle Ages: Transcultural Perspectives, ed. Markus Stock (A. CLASSEN)______307 Gerd Althoff, Kontrolle der Macht. Formen und Regeln politischer Beratung im Mittelalter (J. A. VAN NAHL)______308 Oliver Auge, Christiane Witthöft, Hg., Ambiguität im Mittelalter. Formen zeitgenössischer Reflexion und interdisziplinärer Rezeption (J. A. VAN NAHL)__ 310 Sverre Bagge, Cross & Scepter. The Rise of the Scandiavian Kingdoms from the Vikings to the Reformation (J. A. VAN NAHL)______311 János M. Bak and Ivan Jurković, ed., Chronicon: Medieval Narrative Sources. A Chronological Guide with Introductory Essays (G. VERCAMER)______313 Keagan Brewer, compiler and translator, Prester John: The Legend and its Sources (R. J. CORMIER)______314 Byzantine Images and their Afterlives: Essays in Honour of Annemarie Weyl Carr (G. W. TROMPF)______316 The Character of Christian-Muslim Encounter. Essays in Honour of David Thomas, ed. (J. JAKOB)______318 Albrecht Classen, ed., Mental Health, Spirituality, and Religion in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Age. Fundamentals of Medieval and Early Modern Culture (H. HARTMANN)______320 Albrecht Classen, Reading Medieval European Women Writers. Strong Literary Witnesses from the Past (B. LUNDT)______323 Albrecht Classen, ed., Death in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times: The Material and Spiritual Conditions of the Culture of Death (C. STANFORD)__ 325 Giuseppe Di Stefano, ed., Nouveau Dictionnaire Historique des Locutions: Ancien Français – Moyen Français – Renaissance (W. SAYERS)______329 The World of St. Francis of Assisi. Essays in Honor of William R. Cook, ed. (K. PANSTERS)______330 Sandra Hindman with Scott Miller, Intro. by Diana Scarisbrick, Take this Ring: Medieval and Renaissance Rings from the Griffin Collection (A. CLASSEN)____ 332 Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München. Die Handschriften aus den Klöstern Altenhohenau und Altomünster: Clm 2901–2966 sowie Streubestände gleicher Provenienz (J. M. JEEP)______333 Katalog der mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Bonn beschrieben von Jürgen Geiß (J. M. JEEP)______336 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 3

Patricia Clare Ingham, The Medieval New: Ambivalence in an Age of Innovation. The Middle Ages Series (R. J. CORMIER)______339 Madeline Jeay, Póétique de la nomination dans la lyrique médiévale. “Mult volentiers me numerai (W. PFEFFER)______340 Richard W. Kaeuper, Medieval Chivalry (A. CLASSEN)______344 Klaus Krack und Gustav Oberholzer, Die Ostausrichtung der mittelalterlichen Kirchen und Gräber (T. HORST)______346 Lexikon der regionalen Literaturgeschichte des Mittelalters: Ungarn und Rumänien. Hrsg. Von Cora Dietl und Anna-Lena Liebermann (A. CLASSEN)___ 348 Emily Lyle, Ten Gods: A New Approach to Defining the Mythological Structures of the Indo-Europeans (W. SAYERS)______350 Magia daemoniaca, magia naturalis, zouber: Schreibweisen von Magie und Alchemie in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit, hrsg. Peter-André Alt, Jutta Eming, Tilo Renz und Volkhard Wels (A. CLASSEN)______351 Bert Roest, Franciscan Learning, Preaching and Mission c. 1220–1650 (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB)______353 Rothenburg ob der Tauber. Geschichte der Stadt und ihres Umlandes, ed. Horst F. Rupp and Karl Borchardt (D. NICHOLAS)______356 Irmgard Rüsenberg, Liebe und Leid, Kampf und Grimm: Gefühlswelten in der deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters (A. CLASSEN)______358 Sacred Histories: A Festschrift for Máire Herbert, ed. John Carey (W. SAYERS)__ 359 Rüdiger Schnell, Haben Gefühle eine Geschichte? Aporien einer History of emotions (A. CLASSEN)______361 Schaumburg im Mittelalter. Hrsg. von Stefan Brüdermann (A. WOLF)______365 Town and Country in Medieval North Western Europe. Dynamic Interactions, ed. Alexis Wilkin (D. NICHOLAS)______370 Travels and Mobilities in the Middle Ages: From the Atlantic to the Baltic Sea, ed. Marianne O’Doherty and Felicitas Schmieder (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER)______371 E. R. Truitt, Medieval Robots: Mechanism, Magic, Nature, and Art (C. M. CUSACK)______373 Verstellung und Betrug im Mittelalter und in der mittelalterlichen Literatur, hrsg. Matthias Meyer und Alexander Sager (A. CLASSEN)______375 Welterfahrung und Welterschließung in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit, hrsg. Anna Kathrin Bleuler (A. CLASSEN)______379 Helmut Zander, „Europäische“ Religionsgeschichte (M. J. ORTUZAR ESCUDERO)______381 4 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

Zwischen Rom und Santiago: Festschrift für Klaus Herbers zum 65. Geburtstag, hrsg. Claudia Alraum, Andreas Holndonner, Hans-Christian Lehner, et al. (A. CLASSEN)______384

Frühmittelalter

Althochdeutsches Wörterbuch; Elmar Seebold. Chronologisches Wörterbuch des deutschen Wortschatzes. Der Wortschatz des 8. Jahrhunderts (und frühere Quellen) (Titelabkürzung: ChWdW8); Zweiter Band. Der Wortschatz des 9. Jahrhunderts (Titelabkürzung ChWdW9) (J. M. JEEP)______387 Ava: Geistliche Dichtungen, hrsg. Maike Claußnitzer und Kassandra Sperl (A. CLASSEN)______391 Calcidius, On Plato’s Timaeus (R. J. CORMIER)______392 Tomás Ó Cathasaigh, Coire Sois, The Cauldron of Knowledge: A Companion to Early Irish Saga (R. J. CORMIER)______394 Alice Jorgensen, Frances McCormack, and Jonathan Wilcox, ed., Anglo-Saxon Emotions: Reading the Heart in Old English Language, Literature and Culture (C. M. CUSACK)______396 Albert Derolez, The Making and Meaning of the Liber Floridus: A Study of the Original Manuscript, Ghent, University Library MS 92 (S. G. BRUCE)______399 Ekkehart IV. von St. Gallen. Hg. von Norbert Kössinger, Elke Krotz und Stephan Müller (J. M. JEEP)______400 Joel Kalvesmaki and Robin Darling Young, ed., Evagrius and His Legacy (T. FARMER)______403 Achim Thomas Hack, Karolinger Kaiser als Sportler: Ein Beitrag zur frühmittelalterlichen Körpergeschichte (A. CLASSEN)______405 Akihiro Hamano. Die frühmittelhochdeutsche Genesis. Synoptische Ausgabe nach der Wiener, Millstätter und Vorauer Handschrift (J. M. JEEP)______406 Gerald Kapfhammer, Die Evangelienharmonie Tatian. Studien zum Codex Sangallensis 56 (H. HARTMANN)______409 Bernard Pouderon, ed., Les Romans grecs et latins et leurs réécritures modernes: Études sur la réception de l’ancien roman, du Moyen Age à la fin du XIXe siècle (R. J. CORMIER)______411 Dieter Geuenich and Uwe Ludwig, ed., Libri vitae: Gebetsgedenken in der Gesellschaft des Frühen Mittelalters (S. G. BRUCE)______413 The Long Twelfth-Century View of the Anglo-Saxon Past, ed. Martin Brett and David A. Woodman (A. BREEZE)______414 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 5

Megan Cavell, Weaving Words and Binding Bodies: The Poetics of Human Experience in Old English Literature (J. M. HILL)______415 Judith Jesch, The Viking Diaspora. The Medieval World Series (A. SAUCKEL)__ 417 Carla Harder, Pseudoisidor und das Papsttum. Funktion und Bedeutung des apostolischen Stuhls in den pseudoisidorischen Fälschungen (A. RAFFEINER)______418 John F. Romano, Liturgy and Society in Early Medieval Rome (S. G. BRUCE)___ 419 Christer Lindqvist, Norn im keltischen Kontext (W. SAYERS)______421 Renate Schipke, Das Buch in der Spätantike: Herstellung, Form, Ausstattung und Verbreitung in der westlichen Reichshälfte des Imperium Romanum (J. FÜHRER)______423 Stefan J. Schustereder, Strategies of Identity Construction: The Writings of Gildas, Aneirin and Bede (A. BREEZE)______425 M. J. Toswell, The Anglo-Saxon Psalter (S. G. BRUCE)______427 Kim Hjardar and Vegard Vike, Vikings at War (A. CLASSEN)______428 Niamh Wycherley, The Cult of Relics in Early Medieval Ireland (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB)______430

Hochmittelalter

Anna Kathrin Bleuler, Essen – Trinken – Liebe: Kultursemiotische Untersuchungen zur Poetik des Alimentären in Wolframs ‘Parzival’ (A. CLASSEN)______435 Scott G. Bruce, Cluny and the Muslims of La Garde-Freinet: Hagiography and the Problem of Islam in Medieval Europe (A. CLASSEN)______437 Iris Bunte, Der “Tristan” Gottfrieds von Straßburg und die Tradition der lateinischen Rhetorik: Tropen, Figuren und Topoi im höfischen Roman (A. CLASSEN)______438 Die Grafen von Lauffen am mittleren und unteren Neckar, hg. Christian Burkhart und Jörg Kreutz (A. WOLF)______440 Jutta Eming, Emotionen im ‘Tristan’: Untersuchungen zu ihrer Paradigmatik (A. CLASSEN)______442 Das Gerresheimer Evangeliar: eine spätottonische Prachthandschrift als Geschichtsquelle, hrsg. Klaus Gereon Beuckers, Beate Johlen-Budnik (C. M. GRAFINGER)______443 Christine Grieb, Schlachtenschilderungen in Historiographie und Literatur (1150–1230) (A. CLASSEN)______446 6 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

Philip Handyside, The Old French William of Tyre (S. LUCHITSKAYA)______447 A Catalogue of Western Book Illumination in the Fitzwilliam Museum and the Cambridge Colleges, Part III: France, ed. D. Jackson, N. Morgan, and S. Panayotova (S. G. BRUCE)______449 Money and the Church in Medieval Europe, 1000–1200: Practice, Morality and Thought, ed. Giles E.M. Gasper and Svein H. Gulbekk (H. KÜMPER)______450 Barbara Newman, Making Love in the Twelfth Century: “Letters of Two Lovers” in Context (R. J. CORMIER)______452 Natalia I. Petrovskaia, Medieval Welsh Perceptions of the Orient (A. BREEZE)__ 454 Dietmar Peschel, Wie soll ich das verstehen? Neun Vorträge über Verstehen, Edieren, Übersetzen mittelalterlicher Literatur (A. CLASSEN)______455 Pierre Monnet, ed., Bouvines 1214–2014: Histoire et mémoire d’une bataille / Eine Schlacht zwischen Geschichte und Erinnerung – Approches et comparaisons franco-allemandes / Deutsch-französische Ansätze und Vergleiche (W. C. JORDAN)______456 Julia Richter, Spiegelungen: Paradigmatisches Erzählen in Wolframs >Parzival< (A. CLASSEN)______458 The Second Crusade: Holy War on the Periphery of Latin Christendom (R. J. CORMIER)______460 Nancy Marie Brown, Ivory Vikings: The Mystery of the Most Famous Chessmen in the World and the Woman Who Made Them (W. SAYER)______463 Regina D. Schiewer (Hg.), Die Millstätter Predigten (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB)____ 464 Philipp Sutner, Stephan Köhler, Andreas Obenaus (Hgg.), Gott will es. Der Erste Kreuzzug – Akteure und Aspekte (P. GORIDIS)______467 Frauke Thielert, Paarformeln in mittelalterlichen Stadtrechtstexten (J. M. JEEP)__ 468 Benjamin van Well, Mir troumt hinaht ein troum: Untersuchungen zur Erzählweise von Träumen in mittelhochdeutscher Epik (A. CLASSEN)______471 Walter Map, Die unterhaltsamen Gespräche am englischen Königshof (A. CLASSEN)______472 Stephen Wheeler, ed., trans., Accessus ad auctores: Medieval Introductions to the Authors (Codex latinus monacensis 19475) (R. J. CORMIER)______474 Friedrich Wolfzettel, La poésie lyrique du Moyen Âge au Nord de la France (W. PFEFFER)______475 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 7

Spätmittelalter

700 Jahre Boccaccio: Traditionslinien vom Trecento bis in die Moderne, hg. Christa Bertelsmeier-Kierst und Rainer Stillers (A. CLASSEN)______477 Rolf Kießling, Frank Konersmann, and Werner Troßbach, Grundzüge der Agrargeschichte. Band 1. Vom Spätmittelalter bis zum Dreißigjährigen Krieg (1350–1650). Mit einem Beitrag von Dorothee Rippmann (D. NICHOLAS)_____ 478 Maria Luisa Ardizzone, Reading As the Angels Read: Speculation and Politics in Dante’s Banquet (F. ALFIE)______480 Arnaut de Vilanova, Über den Antichrist und die Reform der Christenheit (A. CLASSEN)______482 Andrew Colin Gow, Robert B. Desjardins, and François V. Pageau, ed. and trans., The Arras Witch Treatises (T. WILLARD)______483 Mittelenglische Artusromanzen; Sir Percyvell of Gales, The Awntyrs off Arthure, The Weddynge of Sir Gawain and Dame Ragnell (A. BREEZE)______485 Die Autobiographie Karls IV. Vita Caroli Quarti (A. CLASSEN)______486 Gertrud Beck, Trojasummen: Das „Elsässische Trojabuch“ und die gedruckten Trojakompilationen (A. CLASSEN)______487 Bettina Full, Passio und Bild: Ästhetische Erfahrung in der italienischen Lyrik des Mittelalters und der Renaissance (A. CLASSEN)______488 Péter Bokody, Images-within-Images in Italian Painting (1250–1350): Reality and Reflexivity (A. SAND)______490 Stefan Fischer, Im Irrgarten der Bilder: Die Welt des Hieronymus Bosch (A. CLASSEN)______492 Christine Boßmeyer, Visuelle Geschichte in den Zeichnungen und Holzschnitten zum „Weißkunig“ Kaiser Maximilians I (C. M. GRAFINGER)______493 James M. Dean and Harriet Spiegel, eds., Geoffrey Chaucer, Troilus and Crisyede (J. M. HILL)______494 Pascal Vuillemin, Une itinérance prophétique: Le voyage en Perse d’Ambrogio Contarini (1474–1477) (A. CLASSEN)______496 The Vulgate Commentary on Ovid’s “Metamorphoses,” Book 1, ed. and translated by Frank T. Coulson (R. J. CORMIER)______498 Wiebke Deimann and David Juste, ed., Astrologers and their Clients in Medieval and Early Modern Europe (T. WILLARD)______499 Demetrios Kydones, Thomas Aquinas’s Summa Theologica in Greek Language, editio princeps, vol. XIX, ed. A. Glykofrydi-Leontsini and I. D. Spyralatos (G. ARABATZIS)______501 8 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

Andreas Kablitz, Ursula Peters (Hgg.), Mittelalterliche Literatur als Retextualisierung (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB)______503 Franziskus von Assissi, Sämtliche Schriften. Lateinisch/Deutsch (A. CLASSEN)_ 505 Guillebert De Mets, La description de la ville de Paris 1434: Medieval French Text with English Translation (M. SIZER)______506 Johannes Geiler von Kaysersberg (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB)______508 Gewalt und Widerstand in der politischen Kultur des späten Mittelalters (D. NICHOLAS)______511 Lena Glassmann, Die Berliner Herpin-Handschrift in der Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin (Ms. Germ. Fol. 464): Ein illustrierter Prosaroman des 15. Jahrhunderts (A. CLASSEN)______512 Milena Svec Goetschi, Klosterflucht und Bittgang. Apostasie und monastische Mobilität im 15. Jahrhundert (C. M. GRAFINGER)______514 Elisabeth Gruber, Raittung und außgab zum gepew: Kommunale Rechnungspraxis im oberösterreichischen Freistadt (G. JARITZ)______516 John of Morigny, Liber florum celestis doctrine / The Flowers of Heavenly Teaching (P. DINZELBACHER)______517 Katalog der Handschriften der Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Tirol in Innsbruck. Teil 9 (R. SCHMITZ-ESSER)______519 The King of Tars, ed. John H. Chandler (A. CLASSEN)______520 Philip Knäble, Eine tanzende Kirche. Initiation, Ritual und Liturgie im spätmittelalterlichen Frankreich (C. M. GRAFINGER)______521 Sebastian Kolditz, Johannes VIII. Palaiologos und das Konzil von Ferrara–Florenz (1438/39). Das byzantinische Kaisertum im Dialog mit dem Westen (U. ROTH)______524 Konrad von Würzburg, ‘Trojanerkrieg’ und die anonym überlieferte Fortsetzung (A. CLASSEN)______526 June L. Mecham, Sacred Communities, Shared Devotions: Gender, Material Culture, and Monasticism in Late Medieval Germany, ed. Alison Beach, Constance Berman, and Lisa Bitel (D. L. STOUDT)______527 Michelina di Cesare, Studien zu Paulinus Venetus. De Mapa mundi (T. HORST)_ 530 Annekathrin Miegel, Kooperation, Vernetzung, Erneuerung. Das benediktinische Verbrüderungs- und Memorialwesen vom 12. bis 15. Jahrhundert (H. HARTMANN)______532 Gregory Moule, Corporate Jurisdiction, Academic Heresy, and Fraternal Correction at the University of Paris: 1200–1400 (E. KUEHN)______533 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 9

Natalino Sapegno, A Literary History of the Fourteenth Century: Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio. A Study of Their Times and Works (Storia Letteraria del Trecento (A. CLASSEN)______536 Neidhart: Selected Songs from the Riedegg Manuscript (Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Ms. germ. fol. 1062) (A. CLASSEN)______536 Tom Nickson, Toledo Cathedral: Building Histories in Medieval Castile (C. A. STANFORD)______537 Nürnberg: Zur Diversifikation städtischen Lebens in Texten und Bildern des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts, hrsg. Heike Sahm and Monika Schausten (A. CLASSEN)__ 540 Emily O’Brien, The Commentaries of Pope Pius II (1458–1464) and the Crisis of the Fifteenth-Century Papacy (A. CLASSEN)______542 William of Ockham, Dialogus (K. F. JOHANNES)______544 Die Lieder Oswalds von Wolkenstein (A. CLASSEN)______545 Pandemic Disease in the Medieval World: Rethinking the Black Death, ed. Monica H. Green (F. ALFIE)______546 Bettina Pfotenhauer, Nürnberg und Venedig im Austausch: Menschen, Güter und Wissen an der Wende vom Mittelalter zur Neuzeit (A. CLASSEN)______549 Regesten Kaiser Friedrichs III. (J. KEMPER)______551 Vincent Petitjean, Vies de Gilles de Rais (L. ROSS)______552 Bert Roest and Johanneke Uphoff, eds., Religious Orders and Religious Identity Formation, ca. 1420–1620 (R. LÜTZELSCHWAB)______554 Luisa Rubini Messerli, Boccaccio deutsch: Die Dekameron-Rezeption in der deutschen Literatur (15.-17. Jahrhundert) (A. CLASSEN)______557 Ralph A. Ruch, Kartographie und Konflikt im Spätmittelalter: Manuskriptkarten aus dem oberrheinischen und schweizerischen Raum (T. HORST)______559 Papier im mittelalterlichen Europa. Herstellung und Gebrauch (H. BERWINKEL)_ 561 Reichtum im späten Mittelalter. Politische Theorie- Ethische Norm-Soziale Akzeptanz (B. LUNDT)______564 Katharina Seidel, Textvarianz und Textstabilität. Studien zur Transmission der Ívens saga, Erex saga und Parcevals saga (W. SCHÄFKE)______566 Karl-Heinz Spieß, Familie und Verwandtschaft im deutschen Hochadel des Spätmittelalters (D. NICHOLAS)______568 Elisabeth Sulzer, Darmgesundheit im Mittelalter: Analyse ausgewählter deutschsprachiger Kochrezepte aus dem Münchener Arzneibuch Cgm 415 vor dem Hintergrund der Humoralmedizin und Versuch einer kritischen Bewertung im Lichte moderner pharmakologischer Erkenntnisse (A. CLASSEN)______571 10 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

Petrus W. Tax, Der Münchener Psalter aus dem 14. Jahrhundert. Eine Bearbeitung von Notkers Psalter (H. HARTMANN)______572 Die Handschriften der Thüringer Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Jena. Band III: Die mittelalterlichen französischen Handschriften der Electoralis- Gruppe; mittelalterliche Handschriften weiterer Signaturreihen (Abschluss) (J. FÜHRER)______573 Universität und Kloster: Melk als Hort der Wissenschaftspflege im Bannkreis der Universität Wien – fruchtbarer Austausch seit 650 Jahren, hg. Meta Niederkorn- Bruck (A. CLASSEN)______575 Jeffrey F. Hamburger and Nigel F. Palmer, The Prayer Book of Ursula Begerin: Art-Historical and Literary Introduction (A. CLASSEN)______576 Alberto Varvaro. La tragédie de l’histoire: la dernière œuvre de Froissart (C. BRATU)______578 Venezia e la nuova oikoumene Cartografia del Quattrocento. Venedig und die neue Oikoumene Karthographie im 15. Jahrhundert, hrsg. von Ingrid Baumgärtner und Pietro Falchetta (C. M. GRAFINGER)______580 Olaf Wagener, Eva Cichy und Martin Vomhof, Hrsg., Grenze, Landwehr, Burgen. Das nördliche Siegerland im Mittelalter und in der Frühen Neuzeit (C. GALLE)__ 582 Laura Weigert, French Visual Culture and the Making of Medieval Theater (M. CRUSE)______585 Antje Willing, ed., Das ‚Konventsbuch‘ und das ‚Schwesternbuch‘ aus St. Katharina in St. Gallen. Kritische Edition und Kommentar (H. KÜMPER)____ 588 Birgit Zacke, Wie Tristan sich einmal in einer Wildnis verirrte: Bild-Text- Beziehungen im ‘Brüsseler Tristan’ (A. CLASSEN)______589 Die Zunft zwischen historischer Forschung und musealer Repräsentation. Beiträge der Tagung im Germanischen Nationalmuseum 30 (H. KÜMPER)______591 10.3726/271583_175 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 175

Albrecht Classen

The Transnational and the Transcultural in Medieval German Literature Spatial Identity and Pre-Modern­ Concepts of Nationhood in the Works of Wolfram von Eschenbach, Gottfried von Straßburg, Rudolf von Ems, and Konrad von Würzburg

This paper will examine the notion of the transnational and transcultural in a selection of premodern German texts, raising the fundamental question what the concept of ‘nation’ might have been in the past and probing how cultural identity was determined in contrast with other people or social groups. Such an investigation might come just at the right time today when traditional categories of the nation and cultural identity are becoming fluid once again and lose much of their usual conceptual rigidity, although there are many forces across Europe today that fight energetically against the loss of national identities. Hence, we are required to raise the ancient-old­ question once again what constitutes our identity with- in what cultural context (religion, language, political community, history, ethics, morality, aesthetics, etc.). We will not need to discuss the political concept of ‘nation’ (‘national’) much in the context of the pre-­modern world because true politically determined nations in the modern sense emerged only by the sixteenth and seventeenth century, especially in the age of Absolutism. But this does not release us from the need to investigate carefully what ‘transcultural’ would mean within the larger context of political and linguistic entities clearly separating various countries from each other, and this already in the Middle Ages. After all, this takes us directly to the critical issue of identity that needs to be situated within a specific historical and cultural framework that is constantly subject to changes, and yet survives because of deep roots in the regional or local setting.1 Historical and social-political­ research has already probed these issue many times looking at chronicle accounts and other political documents, for instance. But an in-depth­ examination of how people in the Middle Ages really thought about other nations, cultures, and languages requires an alternative approach, commonly identified with the history of mentality. Fortunately, since this branch of research has already been pursued for a long time in theoretical and practical terms, we only need to emphasize once again how much emotional aspects, forms of identities, fundamental concepts about the natural environ- ment and about time, attitudes toward foreigners, and similar notions have always deter- mined people’s mentality.2 Examining what constituted a sense of belonging to a social and political group (gentis, for example), sheds important light on an individual’s attitudes and value system, which takes us right back into the history of mentality.3 176 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

The possibilities to explore this topic are endless, but we must be clear from the start that the concept of ‘nation’ or of a ‘national culture’ fundamentally differed in the Middle Ages from what we normally think about today, often falling prey to modern myths about the origins of ‘national’ identities.4 Nations were individual groups of students, for instance, coming together at a university from various parts of Europe, often lumping together a variety of geographical regions with many quite different languages.5 Otherwise, people associated with their king, their bishop, their count, priest, mayor, etc., and much less with an imaginary ‘nation,’ as we are used to today. Otfrid Ehrismann has compiled a detailed list of references to ‘people’ in the history of the German language, but this does not inform us much about notions of ‘nationality’ or ‘national identity.’6 Only the early fifteenth century witnessed the first specific ideas about a nation in a political sense, such as in France and in Bohemia, if we think of the major proponents of an emergent ‘nationalism’ there, Jeanne d’Arc and John Hus.7 However, this only pertained to the formation of political entities and cannot be applied to separate cultural identities. Even though the European landscape was clearly marked by many language barriers, courtly culture was a pan-European­ phenomenon which made the translation of many texts into other languages very easy. Similar aspects pertain to the lower social classes where local affiliations to the village or the region normally mattered much more than ‘national’ ones, as they emerged in the early modern age.8 Here I suggest to approach the issue of transnationality and transculturality by way of a literary analysis because fictional texts open a space where profound cultural values and ideas are formulated relatively visibly and conceptualize ideals that might have precipitated historical conditions and processes, or might have been specifically opposed to concrete situations on the ground. I want to discuss first two major texts from ca. 1200, Gottfried von Straßburg’s Tristan and Wolfram von Eschenbach’s Parzival, and then move to the later Middle Ages, focusing on Rudolf von Ems’s Der guote Gerhart (ca. 1220) and Konrad von Würzburg’s Partonopier und Meliur (ca. 1280) since they all incorporate significant comments about political entities and the protagonist’s sense of belonging, but this un- doubtedly in a very medieval fashion. In the later texts we receive more information about how individual writers regarded their protagonists’ ‘national’ identity, with clear references sometimes to England, Scotland, France, or Germany, which was subsequently even re- inforced in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, but most medieval texts, and so also those four that will be the basis for this article, present a premodern dimension of transnationality and transculturality avant la lettre. In order to achieve our goal, however, we need to redefine the term ‘transculturality’ a little further, distinguishing it from the modern usage pertaining to the time after ca. 1700. Transculturality consists, as Steven Martinson avers, in the “wechselwirkenden Interaktion verschiedener kultureller Elemente und, zweitens, in der Transformation von zwei oder mehr Kulturen in ausgeweiteten Identitäten, während diese Kulturen ihre authentischen Grundformen behalten” (the mutually influential interaction of diverse cultural elements and, secondly, in the transformation of one or more cultures in expanded identities, while these cultures hold on to their authentic basic forms).9 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 177

Within the pre-modern­ context, ‘trans’ referred more to an inclusive concept disregard- ing linguistic barriers, since the ideals of courtliness were shared amongst all members of courts from southern Spain to Norway, from England and Ireland to Bohemia and Poland. All of medieval Europe, at least at the upper echelons of society, in principle subscribed to the same set of fundamental ideals and values, as was recently demonstrated once again through the large exhibition “Europas Mitte um 1100” (Europe’s Center Around 1100) in Budapest in 2000, in Berlin in 2001, etc.10 At the same time we commonly hear of literary protagonists roaming the world fighting for damsels in distress or struggling to achieve their own goals as knights. For the knight in Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales (ca. 1400) the world was an open territory, extending as far as Lithuania, Prussia, Turkey, Egypt, and Spain, and the South-Tyrolean­ poet Oswald von Wolkenstein (d. 1445) apparently traveled, like many of his contemporaries, throughout many parts of Europe and even beyond.11 The concept of nationality did not mean much yet, which the analysis can easily demonstrate particularly in light of the two early thirteenth-century­ romances, Parzival and Tristan. Nevertheless, cultural identity finds an expression numerous times, but mostly in very dif- ferent terms compared to what we would mean thereby today. To what extent do those texts then reflect transculturality after all? I have recently begun to explore this issue with respect to Der guote Gerhart,12 and will expand on this theme extensively below in order to reflect more specifically on the fundamental meaning of the transcultural in the premodern world, comparing and contrasting Rudolf’s work with those by Gottfried, Wolfram, and Konrad. In the pre-modern­ world religious concepts of differ- ence seem to have mattered considerably more than cultural identity, resulting in countless tensions and conflicts, especially between Jews and Christians.13 Many medieval Christian poets projected the noble heathen and lamented the fact that he did not belong to the same religious community, as we can observe, for instance, in Wolfram von Eschenbach’s Wille- halm (ca. 1218), or in the anonymous The King of Tars (ca. 1330).14 The reality was very different, of course, though we should not underestimate the countless personal contacts be- tween Christians and Muslims, among other people outside of the European pale. Political concepts regarding larger social entities emerged only slowly, and even fifteenth-century­ narratives focus mostly just on a rather nebulous notion of a specific ‘national’ or cultural entity such as ‘England,’ ‘Morocco,’ ‘Norway,’ or ‘France’ than on political units deter- mined by a government, a language, and religion. Nevertheless, as Rudolf’s work indicates, changes began to occur in the late Middle Ages, as the protagonist there needs to communicate in various languages in order to build significant bridges to representatives of other nations. While romances and other verse nar- ratives in the high Middle Ages seem to have cared relatively little about definite geograph- ical spaces, the situation began to differ gradually since the thirteenth century,15 which we can also detect in the prose novels by Elisabeth von Nassau-Saarbrücken­ (1437) and in the novel Pontus und Sidonia by Eleonore of Austria (ca. 1450).16 To be sure, by the end of the fifteenth century the concept of ‘Europe’ as a larger su- prastructure became more firmly developed and was more deeply embedded, whereas it was still to take a long time until national identities emerged more specifically, pitting, for 178 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 instance, the French against the Germans, or the Dutch against the Danes, the Bohemians against the Hungarians, etc., and this, globally speaking, as a result of the revolutions in North America and France during the late eighteenth century17 However, countless epi- sodes recorded in various chronicles and other reports throughout the entire Middle Ages also confirm, to reiterate what I have claimed already above, but now in other terms, that on a lower level people from different language groups and cultural entities got into con- tact and conflict with each other specifically because of their contrasting identities, such as Germans versus Poles, Bohemians versus Germans, French against Spaniards, etc. The historian faces many problems in this regard, since the question remains highly debatable what Europe meant in the pre-modern­ era, when countless new entities emerged and yet constantly conformed to larger cultural frameworks, such as the court, the church, knight- hood, and chivalry.18 The literary discourse throughout the Middle Ages normally conveys a very different concept about national or cultural identities than today, and many times, if it was not even the norm, courtly romances were closely modeled after other sources, or were translations, differing from each other only in degrees, but not conceptually. Chrétien de Troyes’s Perce- val and Wolfram von Eschenbach’s Parzival are not identical, especially because the latter is considerably expanded and has changed the emphasis quite noticeably, but in essence both works belong to the same cultural framework, highlighting the new topic of the Grail kingdom which supersedes, because of its spiritual dimension, the Arthurian world.19 The same applies to the many versions of the Tristan romance, where we observe numerous var- iations in the specific textual orientation, whereas the fundamental conflict and the global theme remains the same.20 Another good example would be the Lais by Marie de France (ca. 1190) in which the protagonists traverse the world, cross the Channel between England and Brittany numerous times, and yet neither language differences nor political barriers seem to matter at all.21 Moreover, as much as Marie’s protagonists travel back and forth, they never seem to be concerned with their natural environment or the cultural context. Courtly love, chivalry, and the Christian faith created a basis to which virtually all European members of the aristoc- racy could subscribe without any hesitation.22 At the same time, however, medieval Europe was deeply challenged by the presence of the Jewish population and by the confrontation with the Islamic world, but we do not hear much about those cultures within the courtly literary discourse.23 Many of the critical issues came to play especially in the Mediterranean, where repre- sentatives of a host of cultures met, exchanged, collaborated, fought against each other, and reached deals across all religious or political lines. Sharon Kinoshita has already discussed this phenomenon in light of high and late medieval French and Italian literature, encourag- ing us to regard the Mediterranean not as a place of nations and religions, hence of origins, development, and expansion, but as a place of “contact, interaction, and circulation.”24 As she confirms, “Beneath the grand history of the crusades, specialists routinely document the multiple kinds of exchange that constituted business as usual in the medieval Mediterrane- an” (40).25 Neither religions nor languages were defining barriers because more often than Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 179 not there was a shared sense of local identity, although we would now be best advised to recognize more a form of ‘conveniencia’ than a form of ‘conviviencia.26 Despite these universal observations, courtly poets such as Wolfram von Eschenbach were not blind to cultural and political difference at their time, also in light of the Crusades, but the issue normally tends to be one of inclusion and not exclusion. In his Parzival (ca. 1205), specifically, we can observe significant elements of transculturality, a phenomenon which matters greatly particularly in the present world once again.27 We can certainly re-read­ his narrative as an example that invites modern reflections on medieval conditions, whether they were familiar or not. Both the Crusades and the numerous pilgrimage accounts, along with Marco Polos’s famous travelogue about his journey to China (ca. 1298), followed later by the much more fictionalTravels by John Mandeville (middle of the fourteenth century), additionally highlight the crucial questions of cultural identity and difference, irrespective of the heavy role played by the Christian religion. After all, the continued exploration of the eastern world challenged the western concept of self and identity, especially within the cultural, religious, and national context. In Parzival, the protagonist’s father, Gahmuret, operates in a rather surprising manner, roaming the world far beyond the limits of Christendom, serving any lord who might be in need of warriors like him. In fact, he even fights for the famous ruler of the eastern world, Baruch of Baldac,28 whom he admires because of his supreme status as lord over vast ter- ritories: “He was told that in Baldac there was a man so mighty that two thirds of the earth or more were subject to him. . . . So great was his grip on power that many kings were his subjects, crowned but subordinate to him” (8). In fact, this Baruch is compared to the pope in Rome, deciding all the laws and giving “absolutions’ proof for their sins” (8). The differ- ence in religion does not matter to Gahmuret at all who is only looking for opportunities to provide his service as a knight, which is quickly accepted with open arms: “The Baruch be- came very fond of him: There noble Gahmuret accepted remuneration for his service” (8). Without revealing a truly accurate understanding of the geographic expanse of the Islamic empire or of the political situation in the Middle East during the early thirteenth century, the poet only drops names to indicate where the protagonist achieved great fame for his accomplishments: Morocco, Persia, Damascus, Aleppo, and then also the King- dom of Zazamanc, which is populated by black people. Zazamanc is ruled by the Queen Belacane, who had rejected the wooing of the black knight Isenhart of Azagouc, where- upon he had died on the battlefield in a fight against Duke Prothizilas as a result of his decision to wear no armor to prove his love. Belacane had certainly loved Isenhart, but she had wanted to test his knightly prowess first, which then resulted into that catastro- phe. But then Gahmuret, though at first aghast over her black skin color, falls in love with Belacane and marries her.29 Germanist scholars have discussed this amazing episode many times because it is so unusual for a Christian, white, European poet to project a harmonious love relationship between a black woman and a white man within the medieval context.30 In our context we do not need to be concerned with the fact that Gahmuret loves and marries this black queen, and also not with the subsequent fact that he abandons her as soon as he feels bored 180 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 within their married life and wants to achieve new fame through knightly accomplishments amongst an international society of male members of his social group. What matters for us is the significant projection of a world somewhere in the East where the protagonist roams freely, enjoys highest respect despite his different religion, language, and skin color, and then even enters into marriage with Belacane, who becomes pregnant and gives life to a baby, called Feirefiz, who is checkered in black and white. Gahmuret freely and inde- pendently operates in the East just as he does in the West, and there is no sense anywhere that he might have crossed some particular cultural barriers, not to mention religious limits. Knighthood and chivalry are identified as universal value systems, so it does not really matter where the protagonists operate since they find themselves at home wherever they go. Even linguistic problems do not seem to exist and are not mentioned anywhere, although it would have been highly unlikely that medieval knights were, by default or as a result of their special education, multilingual.31 Gahmuret and Belacane hail from very differ- ent cultural backgrounds, but when they meet and soon fall in love with each other, they have no difficulties in communication and easily understand one another also in cultural terms. It also deserves to be mentioned that the military campaign outside of Belacane’s castle brings together knights from many different countries, including the Scotsman Hiute­ ger (23). We also hear of Gahmuret’s cousin Kaylet, who tells the protagonist: “These val- iant bands were here to support the Scot. Warriors bold came to him from Greenland, two kings commanding great forces—they­ brought with them a deluge of chivalry, and many a keel” (22).32 Of course, Wolfram projects a fictionalized stage where the knightly protagonists roam around freely and without any conflicts at least in cultural terms. In modern parlance we might even identify them as mercenaries despite the danger of the implicit anachronism.33 The heroes do not demonstrate a particular preference in their allegiance to the overlords, as long as the cause they are fighting for seems reasonable. Religion is virtually of no rele- vance, although Gahmuret later, when he sneaks away from Belacane, claims her heathen- dom as the major reason for his departure, as formulated in his French letter to her which she finds after his departure. But Belacane correctly dismisses this as a pretext, realizing only too well that her husband just desired to experience more adventures and gain more fame in the manly enterprise of tournaments: “For the honour of his god,’ said the woman, ‘ I would gladly be baptized and live as he would wish’” (25). Subsequently, after Gahmuret has married Herzeloyde, queen of Waleis, perhaps some- where in modern-day­ Spain (Galicia?), he threatens to abandon her as well if she does not grant him the necessary freedom: “if you do not allow me to go tourneying, then I am still capable of that old trick, as when I ran away from my wife, whom I also won by chivalry” (42). As terrible as this blackmail certainly sounds, it clearly mirrors a global concept of chivalry and knighthood being universally shared, at least in the minds of courtly poets such as Wolfram. When we consider Gottfried von Straßburg’s Tristan (ca. 1210) with respect to culture, identity, and nationhood, we recognize a somewhat different approach, since the poet in- corporated numerous references to countries, some of which are standing in clear military Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 181 and political opposition to each other.34 The protagonists are consistently identified with a country and need to cross bodies of water or travel otherwise in order to reach other countries where the narrative development is resumed. Tristan’s father Rivalin is the lord of Parmenie, who fights against his overlord Morgan, who rules over another country, here not named. But after the two men have struck an armistice, Rivalin abandons his war efforts and travels to Cornwall to join the more sophisticated court of King Mark. The narrator informs us about the political situation there in specific terms: “Now Cornwall was Mark’s heritage; but as to England matters stood thus. He had held it since the time when the Sax- ons of Gales had driven out the Britons and made themselves master there, thanks to whom the land that had been known as ‘Britain’ lost its name and was at once renamed ‘England’ after the men of Gales” (47). Mark has been granted to government over England because the lords there had been involved in such a bitter internecine strife that they needed to have a king from outside to establish peace amongst them. Much later, once Rivalin’s son Tristan has appeared on the stage, the question of ‘national’ identity emerges once again, perhaps even more clearly than before. Cornwall is threatened by Ireland, since none of the barons can resist the superior power of Morold, brother of the Irish Queen Isolde. Morold takes as hostages the barons’ oldest sons, until Tristan stands up and ultimately defeats Morold in a duel. Even though he kills his oppo- nent, Tristan himself suffers from a wound infested by a poison, which no one can heal except for Isolde. This forces Tristan, after a long period during which he does not recover, to make his way across the Irish Sea and seek help amongst his most dangerous enemies. The protagonist has developed a complex strategy to make his way to Dublin and to deceive the queen, first by changing his name to Tantris, then by pretending to be a simple minstrel turned merchant who had been robbed by pirates and only survived because of his musical skill. The fictive story which he tells the Irish deserves to be quoted at length because it sheds important light on the truly transcultural notion characterizing the courtly romance and the Tristan tradition above all: And so I took up trade, and this has proved my undoing. I found a rich merchant as partner, and, back at home in Spain, the two of us loaded a ship with whatever cargo we pleased and set our course for Britain. But out at sea a band of pirates attacked us in their ship and robbed us of everything, big and small, and murdered my partner and every living soul. That I alone survive with the wound which I have was thanks to my harp, from which all could see that I was a minstrel born and bred as I myself assured them. (142) This imaginary account convinces the Irish who take the wounded man back to Dublin and bring him to a doctor. Although Tristan/Tantris pretends not to know where he is, hav- ing been out on the open sea for forty days and nights—­probably a biblical allusion to Christ’s fasting after his baptism (Matthew 4:1–11; Luke 4:1–13)—he is entirely aware of the location and the condition he has placed himself into, since this is all part of his plan. As a merchant-minstrel­ he can easily claim to have originated from Spain, to have aimed for Britain, and having floated in his skiff for forty days, which then explains why he has arrived outside of Dublin at the Irish coast. Tantris talks to all the people there in their language, so it seems, and there are no cultural differences between them, while the 182 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 political situation is most dangerous for him, of course. Isolde would immediately have him executed if she knew his true identity, being her brother’s killer. However, through his musical skills he can impress everyone deeply, as he has done before at King Mark’s court, and this quickly allows him to become tutor for the Irish princess, also called Isolde. Music equates courtliness, which proves to be commonly shared all over the European landscape wherever the protagonists arrive. When Tantris provides a sample of his musical talents in front of the queen and her daughter, he stirs them all deeply by creating an artistic miracle: “he went to work with animation, like one in the best of spirits. He regaled them so well with his singing and playing that in that brief space he won the favour of them all, with the result that his fortunes prospered” (145).35 There are serious political and military conflicts between Ireland and Cornwall, but in cultural terms, Tristan/Tantris can move back and forth with little difficulties and conform to either condition because national differences were not yet recognized. Consequently, af- ter his second visit to Ireland he can even secure Princess Isolde’s hand for King Mark and take her with him to Cornwall, where the true love story begins after the two young people have drunk the love potion. Their adulterous affair, however, ultimately expels Tristan from Cornwall, which forces him to roam the world because he does not want to return to his father’s country, Parmenie, and settle there, probably because it would be too far away from his beloved. He has friends in other parts of the world, but he cannot stay with them either, which transforms him, because of his strong love, to the typical medieval protagonist who cannot exist within the traditional framework of courtly society and is forced to leave Arthur’s court, or other royal courts, on his quest for adventures.36 Before he has to leave the Cornish court for good, Tristan visits, for instance, his friend Duke Gilan in Swales (Wales), but only to force him to give up his magical dog Petitcreiu as part of their agreement regarding the killing of the giant Urgan (ch. 24). Tristan knows how to operate both there as well as in Ireland as if those kingdoms were nothing but his own backyards. And once he has turned to the Continent, after Mark had discovered the two lovers and observed them with his own eyes in amorous embrace, Tristan travels to Germany and spends six months there. Thereupon he visits the Normandy, and then briefly his own kingdom, Parmenie, without being able to stay anywhere (286–87) being a victim of his own precarious existence as a courtier, knight, and, above all, lover.37 At the end he reaches the kingdom of Arundel—a­ fictional kingdom not to be found on medieval world maps—where­ he marries Isolde of the White Hands out of desperation, as far as we can tell, and certainly according to parallel and successive Tristan texts, whereas Gottfried’s version remained a fragment. However, happiness evades him, and he can never find rest, not even with his wife. At the same time, which is the critical aspect for our purposes here, Tristan never operates in a truly foreign world and always comes across the same cultural conditions that make it possible for him to be openly and happily welcomed and integrated immediately. Not surprisingly, the poet never mentions linguistic challenges apart from the one early moment when young Tristan has arrived at King Mark’s court and demon- strates his polyglot abilities (91).38 But even then the situation serves him only to display Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 183 his extraordinary level of language abilities, and not as a mirror of lack of communication due to different language use. We could reach fairly similar conclusions if we examined contemporary romances, al- though both Parzival and Tristan are somewhat exceptional in that the protagonists tra- verse so many parts of their worlds. They are, so to speak, transcultural characters par excellence and confirm—at­ least in the literary context—through­ their actions how little national boundaries mattered in the high Middle Ages, or rather that those did not really exist. The central political entity was the royal court, focused entirely on the king, who set the tone for the establishment of a cultural entity, which was, however, mostly conform to all other courts in medieval Europe, at least in the most significant countries, England, France, Spain, and Germany (in modern terms). The situation began to change subtly and yet noticeably in the course of time because increasingly stronger political elements entered the picture and triggered a remarkable growth of early concepts of national identities. This finds an intriguing example in Rudolf von Ems’s Der guote Gerhart (ca. 1220).39 In contrast to most other courtly romances, here we observe an idealized Cologne merchant, Gerhart, operate in a most impressive fashion both in economic and in political terms, demonstrating the highest possible level of courtly manners and values. He is also most successful in his efforts to buy and sell products from distant lands, but he also uses his economic means to achieve ends politically because he employs his money not simply for his personal enrichment and enjoyment of life, but also to improve the lot of people around him irrespective of their social status. This earns him the honorific epithet ‘the good one.’ The central conflict, which gains our attention only in the course of time after Gerhart has begun to relate his life story to the Emperor Otto focuses on a young couple that is trying to get married. The prince of England had been promised the princess of Norway, but on their voyage back to England, the ships got dispersed, and while his capsized and sank, hers was ultimately captured by Muslim forces from Morocco. When Gerhart arrives at the same harbor, however, he is welcomed by the Arabic castellan and provided with many op- portunities to sell his wares. We observe here a unique and most insightful literary example where transnationality and transculturality come to the fore and impact the development of the entire romance in a meaningful way. While the Norwegian princess and her entire entourage are held captives, Gerhart enjoys the privilege of carrying out his business openly and with no restrictions despite his differ- ent religion, language, and ‘national’ identity. The reasons are not clearly outlined, but we notice, for instance, that the merchant can communicate with the Muslim lord, Stranmûr, in French (1333–76). But more than that, they both share deeply rooted values of chivalry and courtliness, and so quickly strike a friendship which ultimately allows the merchant to barter all of his goods in return for the release of the prisoners, which the castellan had suggested to him. Moreover, he is given the privilege to sell his goods without paying any toll, and with him all Christians are henceforth granted the right to do business freely in that Moroccan harbor. The social difference between these two men—the­ high-ranking­ lord and Cologne merchant—does­ not matter in this context, and Gerhart actually demonstrates the 184 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 highest level of courtly education himself in the course of his subsequent life, especially vis-à-vis­ the Norwegian princess and her companions, including the English lords who had been part of the wooing company. Stranmûr goes so far as to extend the familiar ‘you’ (second person singular) to Gerhart (1480) and embraces him truly as a friend, as if there were no religious or ethnic differ- ences. Later, when Gerhart and the former captives are about to depart, the castellan sends him off with all the provisions necessary, with his best wishes and prayers, referring both to his own gods and to the Christian God, embracing his new-found­ friend, shedding tears out of sorrow that he will not see Gerhart again: “sus weinde er von jâmer mich / daz wir uns solten scheiden. / uns wart von jâmer beiden / vil senelîchiu triuwe kunt” (2583–87; we both cried because we had to depart from each other. Because of this pain we realized our strong loyalty to each other). Interestingly, the prisoners are specifically identified as originating from England and Norway, whereas Gerhart never talks about Germany in any particular manner. He only introduces himself as having come from “tiutschen landen verre” (1365; from the distant German lands). The prisoners, with whom he later talks, do not know German and have a hard time with French as well, but Gerhart is also competent in English (1983), which hence overcomes all their linguistic difficulties. Moreover, as they all realize quickly, there are virtually no cultural differences between them, especially because they also share the same religion, Christianity (1997–2006). However, Gerhart also voices his concern about a potential conflict if he were to exchange all of his merchandise for the prisoners because the latter might not recognize any longer what he would have done for them (2057–78). Both sides happily agree to live up to their mutual promises, and so Gerhart can liberate the entire group and help them to get home. The Norwegian princess Êrêne, however, he takes with him since he is waiting for her fiancé, the English Prince Willehalm, who had barely survived the shipwreck, to arrive and take his bride with him home. Yet, this does not happen, and so Gerhart arranges the wedding between the princess and his son, when a stranger suddenly appears who turns out to be the long-lost­ prince. Although the son is deeply disappointed that his marriage plans have failed, he submits to his father who wants to do everything in his power to help the two noble characters achieve their life dream. Moreover, in the meantime, serious internecine strife has broken out in England because the successor to the throne, Willehalm, is missing, and the danger of a civil war is looming large on the horizon. Gerhart’s arrival, however, bringing along with him the newly married couple, can solve the issue and thus re-establish­ peace in the land. The central issue is not nationality, but the survival of the English monarchy, and the protagonist can easily con- vince the English lords, many of whom he had liberated from the Muslim captivity, to sub- mit under his authority. In fact, they are so enthused about his arrival that they immediately place the English crown on his head and want to declare him as the new king, irrespective of his ‘nationality,’ his social origin’ (merchant), and his different national language (Ger- man). But Gerhart can easily converse in English, as he did in French during his stay in the Moroccan harbor. Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 185

However, we also notice a remarkable difference between the projection of Germany, Morocco, or Norway, on the one hand, and England on the other. The English lords prefer to speak in their native tongue and are apparently not conversant enough to resort to French. They quickly vie for the royal throne until the true heir appears once again. They all meet in London which is explicitly identified as the capital: “ze Lunders gên der houbtstat” (5269; toward the capital, the city of London). Otherwise, however, the situation there proves to be very similar to Cologne or the harbor city in Morocco, since the members of the upper class treat each other with respect, and Gerhart, elegantly dressed, is politely welcomed (5343–49). As much as the English lords demonstrate their concern with the difficult condi- tions their country finds itself in not having a designated ruler, they are trying to gain profit from it for themselves, all of them jockeying for the rank of king. Nevertheless, as soon as they learn of Gerhart’s true identity, they submit under his authority and welcome him as their new ruler. The protagonist is even placed on the throne, already wearing the crown, when he can finally reveal the truth about Prince Willehalm, whom they subsequently ac- cept as their king, which thus solves all political conflicts. At that point the narrator adds significant information about the wedding ceremony in which Willehalm and Êrêne join hands and thus fully assume the English throne. The new king invites as guests the kings of Wales and Scotland, the kings of Cornwall and Iberia, and those of Ireland and Norway (5816–26). On the one hand the poet projects a distinct world of individual kingdoms, on the other, however, the entire cultural setting proves to be a harmonious whole since the social structure, the value system, and the dynastic relations prove to be highly similar. Whereas there are only some indications of nationality, the poet reflects, very similar to Wolfram and Gottfried, a strong sense of transculturality, that is, a shared sense of belonging together in ethical, social, moral, religious, economic, and political terms. Not surprisingly, when the court festival is organized, the narrator comments, “man sach ûf dem gevilde stân / sô manic riche pavilûn, / sît Artûs der Britûn / des künicrîches krône wielt” (3908–11; one could see set up so rich tents as in the time when the Britain Arthur wore the royal crown). In other words, now that all conflicts have been overcome, the traditional value system is evoked through the reference to King Arthur, and the difference between the various kingdoms remains one of nomenclature, not of culture. Certainly, throughout the romance we recognize how much linguistic barriers cause problems, but in reality the protagonist Gerhart can overcome those easily and later bring all the warring parties in England together again. When he is finally leaving England to return home to his wife in Cologne, King Wille- halm displays the same emotions as the castellan in Morocco, shedding bitter tears about the imminent separation from his benefactor, underscoring thereby the universally shared value system in a truly transcultural context (6507–40). Yet, we also observe a nascent idea of national identity, at least in political terms, since England and the English lords form a consistent unit of political power clearly distinguished from the French or the Germans. As much as the courtly customs and values are mutually shared everywhere, Gerhart has to speak in English to communicate with the nobles whom he liberates and whom he later 186 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 encounters again in London when he returns Prince Willehalm to his homeland—Rudolf­ only informs us about this linguistic situation, without actually switching from his Middle High German to English since he addressed a German-speaking­ audience. Similarly, when in Morocco, religious and political differences are marked, and those unfortunate voyagers who end up in the castellan’s harbor are taken prisoner and can be liberated only through a hefty ransom, which reflects, in general terms, the ongoing conflict between the Christian and the Islamic world. Certainly, Stranmûr grants first Gerhart, then also the entire Christendom, free marketing rights in his town, but his open-mindedness­ and tolerance are brought about by Gerhart’s impressive character strength only which strikes him as moving and overwhelming. The castellan does not simply release his prison- ers once he has met the Cologne merchant; instead he lets them go only once the mutual deal has been reached: Gerhart’s goods for the prisoners’ freedom. The national, religious, and military differences remain rather pronounced, but those are overcome through the mutually shared cultural values. We observe a fairly similar and yet distinct situation in Konrad von Würzburg’s Par- tonopier und Meliur (ca. 1285–1290), a major courtly romance based on a French source, Partonopeus (late 12th century).40 Konrad, famous for his numerous verse narratives, courtly love poems, religious tales, and especially his treatment of the Troy material in an extraordinarily lengthy verse account, also reflected a sense of transculturality in his work; whether deliberately or not would not have to be decided here.41 This element surfaces, however, only pretty much at the end of this long romance of almost 22,000 verses,42 where the protagonist struggles hard to cope with a highly promising, but also desperate situation, trying to win the hand of his beloved, the delightful, at times, however, also mischievous Meliur, through his triumph in a tournament. We are immediately situated in a foreign context from the start with Partonopier being magically transported by a mysterious ship from western Europe somewhere to the eastern Mediterranean to the castle of a young Byzantine princess who commands magical skills and has lured him to her, yet making herself invisible to him until he would have proven his worth to her. This magic is later destroyed when Partonopier brings with him, after a return-visit­ at home, a particular kind of lantern upon the bishop’s advice to test whether his beloved is a devil or not. Meliur is so disgusted about this deception and the breaking of his promise that she expels Partonopier, seemingly for good. But at the end, with the help of Meliur’s sister Irekel, he regains a chance and tries his luck at a tournament which is to decide who would gain Meliur’s hand in marriage. In other words, Konrad situates his text in a kind of third space, between east and west, especially by having guests arriving from very far away who all would like to woo for Meliur’s love, including the Persian ruler, the “Soldan,” who quickly emerges as Partonopier’s most im- pressive but also dangerous competitor. The protagonist himself harbors great respect for him: “daz im holdez herze truoc / Partonopier der grâve kluoc / und in begunde vaste loben” (15959–61; so that the wise Count Partonopier liked him in his heart and gave him great praise; cf. also 16062–05). In fact, both men are equally in love with Meliur and do their best to win her love (16018–21), although subsequently, in accordance with the overall Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 187 narrative thrust, Partonopier gains the victory, of course and hence triumphs in his wooing of Meliur (16287–89). Much later, the narrator characterizes other Muslim knights in similarly positive terms, calling one of them, Galathîs, “edel unde wîs” (20702; noble and wise). His father’s noble character proves to be of the highest quality (20803–05), and his son performs exceedingly well at the tournament, although he is still lacking the Christian faith and originates from the Orient (20699–700). Religious differences play only a fairly little role here, though at the end Partonopier can overcome his opponent and win Meliur’s hand, which finds general approval by her family and friends since they objected to her marrying an ‘infidel,’ i.e., a Muslim lord.43 In our context, we also need to underscore that there are no cultural features that would distinguish the Muslims from the Christians. By the same token, at the tournament members of many different ‘nations’ and peoples participate, which indicates, once again, similarly to Wolfram’s Parzival, that the notions of ‘nation’ and ‘culture’ were not as rigid as in the modern world since both were embedded in the universal concepts of courtliness and chiv- alry. Certainly, the religious conflict between East and West, i.e., Muslims and Christians, still clearly plays out, but this time at a tournament, where the winner can expect to gain Meliur’s hand. And the struggle between sides allows the narrator to highlight the Chris- tian protagonist’s true knightly accomplishment, There are no linguistic difficulties, and no cultural conflicts. The values and ideals of chivalry shine forth from all participants, although they originate from many parts of the world. Of course, at the end the narrator explicitly identifies the Saracens as “vînde” (21692; enemies), but by then the situation has changed radically in favor of Partonopier who has won the tournament (16285–88) and is now facing the threat by his Muslim competitor who does not want to give up on his amatory goals so easily. ‘National’ identity, at least in the medieval sense, can be detected occasionally, so when the narrator calls Partonopier “der edel Walch” (1248; the noble Frenchman) or when Me- liur informs him of his uncle’s death, which has resulted in strong civil conflict in France. Although she grieves about his departure, she cannot stop him and encourages him, instead, to do his best in defending the kingdom of Karlingen (2859; the kingdom of the Carol- ingians): “dem lande muostu nütze sîn” (2860; you have to help that country). In fact, she then promises him many treasures in support of his military efforts in “Francrîche” (2871; France). This form of national identification is repeated numerous times, so when the nar- rator mentions: “dô sach der edel Franzeis…” (3049; there the noble Frenchman saw…). During the war campaign after the tournament, when the Persian Soldan tries to avenge his defeat, Partonopier receives help from various sides, including the king of Norway, the King of Orchadîe (?), and the King of Greenland (3322–27). Now, the war turns into something like a crusade, since he is fighting against Muslim forces (3396–97), and the entire conflict turns into a bitter struggle pitting armies coming from the two sides in the global religious divide, that is, the Frenchmen against the Saracens. In this regard, Konrad simply followed the traditional template of courtly romance literature and the genre of the chanson de geste, which prevents the further development of national concepts or any clear 188 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 differentiation among the European entities, since we only learn about the war between the “heiden” (3976; heathens) and the Christians, here represented by Partonopier and the French knighthood, who are, however, supported by fighters from many parts of the Ger- man empire, that is, from Franconia and Saxony, Lorraine and Flanders, Spain and Brittany, Poitiers and Frisia, and also northern Italy (3994–4015). On the other side we find knights who have originated from as far away as Norway (4100–01) and Greenland (4190–91), although the association with that large island with Islam proves to be absurd. But Konrad was not interested in projecting accurate and correct geopolitical images; instead he endeavored to outline a universal situation in which the war ultimately decides not only the destiny of Christianity versus Islam, but, much more specifically, the glorious triumph of the protagonist of this romance. The geographical names serves primarily to cast the military account into the light of exoticism, so they do not evoke any particular national or cultural identities. While Wolfram still enjoyed to play with imaginary names for the scores of individual characters who appear in his Parzival (later also in his Willehalm), Konrad reflected much more strongly on concrete, names for countries which his audience might have recognized as real. Nevertheless, the literary framework removed any concern with ‘national’ interests and subsumes all figures under the umbrella of a religious warfare. The protagonist thus gains the necessary platform to prove himself and to rise to the highest level in terms of knighthood, being the new leader of his people. This then leads to the catastrophe with his beloved, Meliur, and subsequently to Partono- pier’s slow recovery as a knight and lover, who will eventually gain her hand in marriage. In each major section of Konrad’s romance the conflict is carried out through numerous references to foreign countries, but virtually all knights share the same value system and subscribe to the same ideals, despite their religious differences. This is transculturality par excellence, long practiced in the Middle Ages at least within the aristocratic class and re- flected hence in the literary manifestations of the courtly world. Nevertheless, both Rudolf von Ems and Konrad von Würzburg indicate in their romances a considerably more specific reference system for their geographical space. They might not yet have had a clear map of the various countries in their mind, but they made serious efforts to enrich their spatial pro- jections with many more countries. However, those names, such as Norway or Greenland, do not establish new barriers between separate cultural entities. To conclude, it would be misleading to assume that medieval romance authors ignored the specificity of space in the projection of their protagonists. Undoubtedly they cared rel- atively little about the correct description of the geography where the heroes operate, but we can still identify clear notions of space, of individual countries, and of different cul- tures. Later medieval poets populated their literary maps even more concretely than their predecessors, even though the strategy simply to drop names of countries and kingdoms continued throughout the centuries. As a result of the overarching interest in depicting the universal themes of courtly love, chivalry, and knighthood, there was little room for and concern with cultural differences. Those probably existed, but they were presented as rather minor because the world of the courts was commonly shared across all borders.44 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 189

In other words, both transnationality and transculturality were much more the norm for medieval romance literature than in the modern word. By the late Middle Ages we recognize early indications of stronger differentiation between ‘nations,’ but the central af- filiations continued to be with the respective kings, and not with a specific country. Tristan, Gahmuret and Parzival, Gerhart, and Partonopier travel much and visit many different places, very similar to Chaucer’s Knight. Linguistic issues truly emerge only in Rudolf’s romance and are quickly settled, whereas the other poets emphasized, if they had any real interest in the first place, rather religious tensions. We recognize, in other words, a Europe- an literary landscape that was primarily determined by a shared courtly culture and hence practiced, long avant la lettre, transculturality. Even though my focus here has rested on four Middle High German romances, the conclusions can easily be applied to countless contemporary romances in Middle English, French, Spanish, or Italian, as the study by Jan Rüdiger illustrates, for instance.45 The insights which medieval literature can provide into transnationality and transcultu- rality are of significance for us today because the traditional political identities and entities are currently in the process of disappearing, at least within the European context (European Union). Similarly, the massive immigration into the United States also has tremendous consequences for the commonly held concept of a nation, or a people. This requires from us to re-examine­ the meaning of those traditional concepts of ‘nation’ and ‘identity’ once again and to determine the meaning of culture—a­ very huge topic I would not even want to explore further in the limited space of this article. However, as we recognize in all four examples discussed above, despite some religious contrasts (Christianity vs. Islam) the ideals of courtliness, chivalry, and courtly love were widely shared and determined pre-modern­ Europe to a large extent beyond all ‘national’ or assumed ‘cultural’ differences, at least in the eyes of those poets. Could it be that the literary testimony of the Middle Ages might hold significant illustrative material for us today to comprehend the true meaning of transculturality and transnationality once again, maybe appealing to us once again to return to fundamental norms and values of humanity beyond narrow and aggressive national concepts? The four poets certainly acknowledged political and religious differences on a European level, including the Middle East, but for them, like for most of their contemporaries, national boundaries, borders, and barriers were of no real significance, whereas ethical, moral, and religious values mattered centrally. And particularly those values could be shared by everyone irrespective of any religious orien- tation.46 Herein I recognize the true value of those medieval romances since they insist on commonly shared ideals of ethics, friendship, courtliness, and mutual respect and disregard narrow types of identity formation as they were to emerge in the early modern age, drawing artificial and unnecessary lines between peoples. Many people in the European Union to- day seem to strive for those ideals once again, but there are many who are also opposed to them. The literary discourse in the Middle Ages invites us provocatively to revisit all those concepts once again and to learn from the past where we might be failing in the future. 190 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

Endnotes

1 Some of the major contributors to the current discourse on transculturality are Georg Simmel, Tzevetan Todorov, Bernhard Waldenfels, Homi Baba, Wolfgang Welsch, and Pierre Bordieu. See Rolf-Peter­ Janz, “Transkulturalität – in literaturwissenschaftlicher Perspektive,” Transkul- turalität – Identitäten in neuem Licht: Asiatische Germanistentagung in Kanazawa 2008, ed. Maeda Ryozo (Munich: Iudicium, 2012), 19–28; see also the contributions to The Dynamics of Transculturality: Concepts and Institutions in Motion, ed. Antje Flüchter and Jivanta Schöttli (Cham: Springer, 2015); for perspectives on transculturality in the ancient world, see Intercul- tural Contacts in the Ancient Mediterranean: Proceedings of the International Conference at the Netherlands-Flemish­ Institute in Cairo, 25th to 29th October 2008, ed. Kim Duistermaat and Ilona Regulski with the collaboration of Gwen Jennes and Lara Weiss. Orientalia Lovanien- sia Analecta, 202 (Leuven and Walpole, MA: Peeters 2011). For insights into the transcultural dimension of the Norman world in the Middle Ages, see Norman Tradition and Transcultural Heritage: Exchange of Cultures in the ‘Norman’ Peripheries of Medieval Europe, ed. Stefan Burkhardt and Thomas Foerster (Farnham, Surrey, and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, [2013]). See now also the contributions to Europa-Räume:­ Von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart, ed. Michael Gehler, Peter Müller, and Peter Nitschke. Historische Europa-Studien­ – Geschichte in Erfahrung, Gegenwart und Zukunft, 14 (Hildesheim, Zürich, and New York: Georg Olms, 2016). 2 See the contributions to Europäische Mentalitätsgeschichte: Hauptthemen in Einzeldarstellun- gen, ed. Peter Dinzelbacher. 2nd rev. and expanded ed. (1993; Stuttgart: Alfred Kröner, 2008). Only the thematic aspect of rulership treated here might fall into the category of the ‘national.’ Cf. also Hans-­Werner Goetz, Moderne Mediävistik: Stand und Perspektiven der Mittelalter- forschung (Darmstadt: Primus Verlag, 1999), 276–87; David F. Tinsley, “Mentalities in Medie- val Studies,” Handbook of Medieval Studies: Terms – Methods – Trends, ed. Albrecht Classen. Vol. 1 (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2010), 874–96. 3 Peter Dinzelbacher, “Individuum/Familie/Gesellschaft: Mittelalter,” Europäische Mentalitäts- geschichte (see note 2), 20–43. He emphasizes, however, that since the high Middle Ages the concept of individuality emerged, separating the individual from the social collective, as reflect- ed by a growing flood of autobiographical writing. 4 Patrick J. Geary, The Myth of Nations: The Medieval Origins of Europe (Princeton, NJ: Prince- ton University Press, 2002). 5 Despite numerous problems with the following book, it still serves well as an introductory study, Hunt Janin, The University in Medieval Life, 1179–1499 (Jefferson, NC, and London: McFarland, 2008). For the concept of ‘nation’ at the medieval university, see the good summary by Th. Kolzer, “Natio,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. VI (Munich and Zurich: Artemis, 1993), 1038–40. 6 Otfrid Ehrismann, Mediävistische Studien zur Semantik und Pragmatik von Kollektiven. Göp- pinger Arbeiten zur Germanistik, 575 (Göppingen: Kümmerle, 1993). 7 Alan G. R. Smith, The Emergence of a Nation State: The Commonwealth of England, 1529–1660. Foundations of Modern Britain (London and New York: Longman, 1984); David Potter, A His- tory of France, 1460–1560: The Emergence of a Nation State. New Studies in Medieval History (Basingstoke, Hampshire, England: Macmillan, 1995); Annette Helmchen, Die Entstehung der Nationen im Europa der Frühen Neuzeit (Bern et al.: Peter Lang, 2005). 8 J. Ehlers, “Natio,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. VI (Munich and Zurich: Artemis, 1993), 1035–37. Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 191

9 Steven Martinson. “Transcultural German Studies: Theorie und Literaturinterpretation,” Trans- cultural German Studies / Deutsch als Fremdsprache: Building Bridge / Brücken bauen, ed. Steven D. Martinson and Renate A. Schulz. Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik. Reihe A. Kongressberichte, 94 (Bern, Berlin, et al.: Peter Lang, 2008), 73–84; here 75. 10 http://www.dhm.de/archiv/ausstellungen/europas-mitte-um-1000/ausstellung.php; see also the catalogue, Europas Mitte um 1000: Beiträge zur Geschichte, Kunst und Archäologie, ed. Alfred Wirczorek and Hans-Martin­ Hinz (Stuttgart: Theiss, 2000). 11 Geoffrey Chaucer, The Canterbury Tales, sec. ed. Robert Boenig and Andrew Taylor (Peterbor- ough, ONT, and Buffalo, NY: BroadviewPress, 2012), 51–78. As to Oswald’s travels, see his songs Kl 18 or 44. Die Lieder Oswalds von Wolkenstein, ed. Karl Kurt Klein. 4th, thoroughly rev. ed. by Burghart Wachinger. Altdeutsche Textbibliothek, 55 (Berlin and Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2015). 12 Albrecht Classen, “Medieval Transculturality in the Mediterranean from a Literary-Historical­ Perspective: The Case of Rudolf von Ems’s Der guote Gêrhart (ca. 1220-ca. 1250),” to appear in Journal of Transcultural Medieval Studies. 13 See the contributions to Integration und Desintegration der Kulturen im europäischen Mit- telalter, ed. Michael Borgolte, Julia Dücker, et al. Europa im Mittelalter, 18 (Berlin: Akade- mie Verlag, 2011); Christliches und jüdisches Europa im Mittelalter: Kolloquium zu Ehren von Alfred Haverkamp, ed. Lukas Clemens and Sigrid Hirbodian (Trier: Kliomedia, 2011); Jean Baumgarten, “Jewish Studies,” Handbook of Medieval Studies: Terms – Methods – Trends, ed. Albrecht Classen. vol. 1 (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2010), 756–70. 14 Charles Connell, “Foreigners and Fear,” Handbook of Medieval Culture: Fundamental Aspects and Conditions of the European Middle Ages, ed. Albrecht Classen. Vol. 1 (Berlin and Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2015), 489–536. 15 People and Space in the Middle Ages, 300–1300, ed. Wendy Davies, Guy Halsall, and Andrew Reynolds. Studies in the Early Middle Ages, 15 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006). 16 For the high Middle Ages, see the useful, but too schematic and rigid analysis by Uta Störmer-­ Caysa, Grundstrukturen mittelalterlicher Erzählungen: Raum und Zeit im höfischen Roman (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2007), esp. 53 ff. Nevertheless, more than we might have expected, countless medieval authors and poets reflected very specifically on roads, bridg- es, mountain passes; see Albrecht Classen, “Roads, Streets, Bridges, and Travelers,” Handbook of Medieval Culture: Fundamental Aspects and Conditions of the European Middle Ages, ed. Al- brecht Classen. Vol. 3 (Berlin and Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2015), 1511–34; see also the con- tributions to Locating the Middle Ages: The Spaces and Places of Medieval Culture, ed. Julian Weiss and Sarah Salih (London: King’s College London, Centre for Late Antique & Medieval Studies, 2012). For these German novels from the fifteenth century, see Xenia von Ertzdorff,Ro - mane und Novellen des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts in Deutschland (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1989). 17 Klaus Oschema, Bilder von Europa im Mittelalter. Mittelalter-Forschungen,­ 43 (Ostfildern: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 2013), 443–50. 18 These issues are impressively discussed by the contributors to Mittelalter – eines oder Viele? Średniowiecze – Jedno czy wiele?, ed. Stanisław Rosik. Colloquia VII (Wrocław: Chronicon, 2010). See especially Gerard Oexle’s study, “Zu den Anfängen der europäischen Geschichte: Neue Perspektiven” (17–27). I have examined many of these issues at greater length in the in- troduction to Meeting the Foreign in the Middle Ages, ed. Albrecht Classen (New York-London:­ Routledge, 2002), and in East Meets West in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times: Trans- cultural Experiences in the Premodern World, ed. Albrecht Classen. Fundamentals of Medieval and Early Modern Culture, 14 (Berlin and Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2013). As to the linguistic side, see now the contributions to Multilingualism in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Age: 192 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

Communication and Miscommunication in the Premodern World, ed. Albrecht Classen. Fun- damentals of Medieval and Early Modern Culture, 17 (Berlin and Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2016). 19 Perceval/Parzival: A Casebook, ed. Arthur Groos and Norris J. Lacy. Arthurian Characters and Themes (New York and London: Routledge, 2002). 20 Peter K. Stein, Tristan-­Studien, ed. Ingrid Bennewitz (Stuttgart: S. Hirzel, 2001); Tristan and Isolde: A Casebook, ed. Joan Trasker Grimbert (1995; New York and London: Routledge, 2002). 21 The Lays of Marie de France, trans., with an intro and commentary by Edard J. Gallagher (Indi- anapolis, IN, and Cambridge: Hackett Publishing, 2010). For a broader examination of this phe- nomenon, from a historical point of view, see Romedio Schmitz-Esser,­ “Travel and Exploration in the Middle Ages,” Handbook of Medieval Culture: Fundamental Aspects and Conditions of the European Middle Ages, ed. Albrecht Classen. Vol. 3 (Berlin and Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2015), 1680–1704. 22 Maurice Keen, Chivalry (New Haven, NJ: Yale University Press, 1984); Joachim Bumke, Höfis- che Kultur: Literatur und Gesellschaft im hohen Mittelalter (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1986). The critical literature on this topic is legion. 23 East Meets West in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times (see note 18); see also Albrecht Classen, “Complex Relations Between Jews and Christians in Late Medieval German and Other Literature,” Jews in Medieval Christendom: “Slay them Not”, ed. Kristine T. Utterback and Merrall Llewelyn Price (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2013), 313–38. 24 Sharon Kinoshita, “Locating the Medieval Mediterranean,” Locating the Middle Ages: The Spaces and Places of Medieval Culture, ed. Julian Weiss and Sarah Salih (London: King’s College London, Centre for Late Antique & Medieval Studies, 2012), 39–52, here 39. See also eadem, “Chrétien de Troyes’s Cligés in the Medieval Mediterranean,” Arthuriana 18.3 (2008): 48–61. 25 See also Eva R. Hoffman, “Pathways of Portability: Islamic and Christian Interchange from the Tenth to the Twelfth Century,” Art History 24.1 (2007): 317–49; Sharon Kinoshita, “Ports of Call: Boccaccio’s Alatiel in the Medieval Mediterranean,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 37.1 (2007): 163–95. 26 Brian A. Catlos, “Contexto social y ‘conveniencia’ en la Corona de Aragón: Propuesta para un modelo de interacción entre grupos etno-religiosos­ minoritarios y mayoritarios,” Revista d’Història Medieval 12 (2002): 220–35. 27 See the contributions to Transcultural German Studies / Deutsch als Fremdsprache: Building Bridge / Brücken bauen, ed. Steven D. Martinson and Renate A. Schulz. Jahrbuch für Interna- tionale Germanistik. Reihe A. Kongressberichte, 94 (Bern, Berlin, et al.: Peter Lang, 2008); Transkulturalität – Identitäten in neuem Licht: Asiatische Germanistentagung in Kanazawa 2008, ed. Maeda Ryozo (Munich: Iudicium, 2012); The Dynamics of Transculturality: Concepts and Institutions in Motion, ed. Antje Flüchter and Jivanta Schöttli (Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015). 28 For pragmatic reasons, I rely here on the English translation, Wolfram von Eschenbach, Parzival und Titurel, trans. with notes by Cyril Edwards. Oxford World’s Classics (Oxford: Oxford Uni- versity Press, 2006). For a text-­critical edition, see Wolfram von Eschenbach, Parzival: Studien- ausgabe. Mittelhochdeutscher Text nach der sechsten Ausgabe von Karl Lachmann, Übersetzu- ng von Peter Knecht, Einführung zum Text von Bernd Schirok (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1998). 29 Elke Bruggen and Joachim Bumke, “Figuren-Lexikon,”­ Wolfram von Eschenbach: Ein Hand- buch, ed. Joachim Heinzle. Vol. II (Berlin and Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2011), 835–938; here 887–88. Mediaevistik 29 · 2016 193

30 Most recently, Jerold C. Frakes, Vernacular and Latin Literary Discourses of the Muslim Other in Medieval Germany. The New Middle Ages (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2011), 60–61; but he mostly focuses on Wolfram’s Willehalm. See also Andreas Mielke, Nigra sum et formosa: Afrikanerinnen in der deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters: Texte und Kontexte zum Bild des Afrikaners in der literarischen Imagologie. Helfant Texte, 11 (Stuttgart: Helfant edition, 1992), who provides a most useful anthology of relevant texts. For a discussion of the erotically charged black woman in Wolfram’s work and in numerous other poems, see 110–14. 31 See the contributions to Medieval Multilingualism: The Francophone World and Its Neighbours, ed. Christopher Kleinhenz and Keith Busby. Medieval Texts and Cultures of Northern Europe, 20 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2010). However, the phenomenon that we are dealing with here is not addressed by the contributors. See Albrecht Classen, “Polyglots in Medieval German Literature: Outsiders, Critics, or Revolutionaries? Gottfried von Straßburg’s Tristan, Wernher the Garden- er’s Helmbrecht, and Oswald von Wolkenstein,” Neophilologus 91.1 (2007): 101–15; id., “Mul- tilingualism in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Time,” Neophilologus 97.1 (2013): 131–45. 32 Bruggen and Bumke, “Figuren-Lexikon”­ (see note 29), 894. 33 Stefan Xenakis, Gewalt und Gemeinschaft: Kriegsknechte um 1500. Krieg in der Geschichte, 90 (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2015). 34 Gottfried von Strassburg, Tristan: With the Surviving Fragments of the Tristran of Thomas. With an Intro. by A. T. Hatto (1960; London: Penguin, 1967); for the Middle High German text, see Gottfried von Strassburg, Tristan. Nach dem Text von Friedrich Ranke neu herausgegeben, ins Neuhochdeutsche übersetzt, mit einem Stellenkommentar und einem Nachwort von Rüdiger Krohn (Stuttgart: Philipp Reclam, 1980). 35 See, for instance, Anna Sziráky, Éros, Lógos Musiké: Gottfried’s ‘Tristan’ oder eine utopische renovatio der Dichtersprache und der Welt aus dem Geiste der Minne und Musik?. Wiener Ar- beiten zur germanischen Altertumskunde und Philologie, 38 (Bern, Berlin, et al.: Peter Lang, 2003). 36 For a broad exploration of this topic, see Charles Dahlberg, The Literature of Unlikeness (Han- over, NH, and London: University Press of New England, 1988). 37 Molly Robinson Kelly, The Hero’s Place: Medieval Literary Traditions of Space and Belonging (Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 2009). 38 Classen, “Polyglots in Medieval German Literature” (see note 31). 39 Rudolf von Ems, Der guote Gêrhart, ed. John A. Asher. 2nd rev. ed. Altdeutsche Textbibliothek, 56 (1962; Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1971). The most comprehensive study of this text was carried out by Sonja Zöller, Kaiser, Kaufmann und die Macht des Geldes: Gerhard Unmaze von Köln als Finanzier der Reichspolitik und der “Gute Gerhard” des Rudolf von Ems. Forschun- gen zur Geschichte der älteren deutschen Literatur, 16 (Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 1993). See also Werner Wunderlich, Der ritterliche Kaufmann: literatursoziologische Studien zu Rudolf von Ems' “Der guote Gerhart”. Scriptor Hochschulschriften: Literaturwissenschaft, 7 (Kronberg/ Ts: Scriptor, 1975). The relevant aspects pertaining to Rudolf and his works are summarized by Wolfgang Walliczek, “Rudolf von Ems,” Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlex- ikon. 2nd, completely rev. and expanded ed. by Kurt Ruh et al. Vol. 8 (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1992), col. 322–345. As to the figure of Emperor Otto, see Otto Neudeck,Er - zählen von Kaiser Otto: Zur Fiktionalisierung von Geschichte in mittelhochdeutscher Literatur. Norm und Struktur, 18 (Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Böhlau, 2003). Recently I published an English translation of Rudolf’s romance (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2016). 40 Partonopeus in Europe: An Old French Romance and its Adaptations. Mediaevalia 25.2, Special Issue (2004). 194 Mediaevistik 29 · 2016

41 Rüdiger Brandt, Konrad von Würzburg. Erträge der Forschung, 249 (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftli- che Buchgesellschaft, 1987); Timothy R. Jackson, “Konrad von Würzburg (circa 1230–1287),” German Writers and Works of the High Middle Ages: 1170–1280, ed. James Hardin and Will Hasty. Dictionary of Literary Biography, 138 (Detroit, Washington, DC, and London: Gale Re- search, 1994), 58–71; Hartmut Kokott, Konrad von Würzburg: Ein Autor zwischen Auftrag und Autonomie (Stuttgart: S. Hirzel, 1989). 42 Konrads von Würzburg Partonopier und Meliur, ed. Karl Bartsch, rpt. Deutsche Neudrucke. Reihe: Texte des Mittelalters (1871; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1970). 43 Albrecht Classen, “Foreigners in Konrad von Würzburg’s Partonopier und Meliur,” Meeting the Foreign in the Middle Ages, ed. A. Classen (New York-London:­ Routledge, 2002), 226–48; id., “Tolerance in the Middle Ages? The Good Heathens as Fellow Beings in the World of Reinfried von Braunschweig, Konrad von Würzburg’s Partonopier und Meliur, and Die Heideninne,” Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 61 (2006): 183–223. 44 The global theme addressed here has already been discussed many times, see, more recently, the contributions to Shaping Courtliness in Medieval France: Essays in Honor of Matilda Tomaryn Bruckner, ed. Daniel E. O’Sullivan and Laurie Shepard. Gallica, 28 (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2013); see also James A. Schultz, Courtly Love, the Love of Courtliness, and the History of Sex- uality (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006). Still valuable proves to be Aldo Scaglione, Knights at Court: Courtliness, Chivalry, and Courtesy from Ottonian Germany to the Italian Renaissance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991). 45 Jan Rüdiger, Aristokraten und Poeten: Die Grammatik einer Mentalität im tolosanischen Hoch- mittelalter. Europa im Mittelalter, 4 (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2001). Cf. also Werner Para- vicini, Die ritterlich-höfische­ Kultur des Mittelalters. Enzyklopädie deutscher Geschichte, 32 (Munich: Oldenbourg Verlag, 2011). 46 I would like to express my gratitude to Romedio Schmitz-Esser­ for reading and commenting on this article, offering valuable additional information.