Spoiling Security in Haiti
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Voting for Hope Elections in Haiti
COMMENTARY Voting for hope Elections in Haiti Peter Hallward ate in the night of 29 February 2004, after weeks of confusion and uncertainty, the enemies of Haitiʼs president Jean-Bertrand Aristide forced him into exile Lfor the second time. There was plenty of ground for confusion. Although twice elected with landslide majorities, by 2004 Aristide was routinely identified as an enemy of democracy. Although political violence declined dramatically during his years in office, he was just as regularly condemned as an enemy of human rights. Although he was prepared to make far-reaching compromises with his opponents, he was attacked as intolerant of dissent. Although still immensely popular among the poor, he was derided as aloof and corrupt. And although his enemies presented themselves as the friends of democracy, pluralism and civil society, the only way they could get rid of their nemesis was through foreign intervention and military force. Four times postponed, the election of Aristideʼs successor finally took place a few months ago, in February 2006. These elections were supposed to clear up the confusion of 2004 once and for all. With Aristide safely out of the picture, they were supposed to show how his violent and illegal expulsion had actually been a victory for democracy. With his Fanmi Lavalas party broken and divided, they were intended to give the true friends of pluralism and civil society that democratic mandate they had so long been denied. Haitiʼs career politicians, confined to the margins since Aristideʼs first election back in 1990, were finally to be given a chance to inherit their rightful place. -
Haiti: Developments and U.S. Policy Since 1991 and Current Congressional Concerns
Order Code RL32294 Haiti: Developments and U.S. Policy Since 1991 and Current Congressional Concerns Updated January 25, 2008 Maureen Taft-Morales Specialist in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Clare Ribando Seelke Analyst in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Haiti: Developments and U.S. Policy Since 1991 and Current Congressional Concerns Summary Following the first free and fair elections in Haiti’s history, Jean-Bertrand Aristide first became Haitian President in February 1991. He was overthrown by a military coup in September 1991. For over three years, the military regime resisted international demands that Aristide be restored to office. In September 1994, after a U.S. military intervention had been launched, the military regime agreed to Aristide’s return, the immediate, unopposed entry of U.S. troops, and the resignation of its leadership. President Aristide returned to Haiti in October 1994 under the protection of some 20,000 U.S. troops, and disbanded the Haitian army. U.S. aid helped train a civilian police force. Subsequently, critics charged Aristide with politicizing that force and engaging in corrupt practices. Elections held under Aristide and his successor, René Préval (1996-2000), including the one in which Aristide was reelected in 2000, were marred by alleged irregularities, low voter turnout, and opposition boycotts. Efforts to negotiate a resolution to the electoral dispute frustrated the international community for years. Tension and violence continued throughout Aristide’s second term, culminating in his departure from office in February 2004, after the opposition repeatedly refused to negotiate a political solution and armed groups took control of half the country. -
Haiti at a Turning Point
Update Briefing Latin America/Caribbean Briefing N°8 Port-au-Prince/Brussels, 3 August 2005 Can Haiti Hold Elections in 2005? I. OVERVIEW elections in a way that still permits the new government to take office, as planned on 7 February 2006. However, even that date should not be considered absolute if Massive technical, political and security obstacles must be conditions are so poor that elections would be forced overcome very quickly or Haiti's elections -- municipal and badly flawed. and local in October, parliamentary and presidential in Security. Sufficient security must exist to permit the November -- will have to be postponed. In particular the political process to unfold in relative safety throughout UN mission (MINUSTAH), other international actors the country. Criminal but also political kidnappings by and the transitional government need to move faster at urban armed gangs have reached historic highs. There registering voters, persuading the failed state's citizens have been almost 800 killings, including the victims that the exercise is meaningful, and disarming both urban of political, drug-inspired, and turf-related battles, gangs and former military. Otherwise, turnout is likely since September 2004. Citizens do not feel safe in to be unsatisfactory, credibility of the outcome will suffer, most neighbourhoods of Port-au-Prince, which contains and the government's legitimacy will be in question. almost a third of all voters. Eighteen months after former President Aristide was MINUSTAH should continue its recent more active forced out of the country, Haiti remains insecure and tactics to counter and confront -- but in a more targeted volatile. -
Country Fact Sheet HAITI June 2007
National Documentation Packages, Issue Papers and Country Fact Sheets Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada www.irb-cisr.gc.ca ● Français ● Home ● Contact Us ● Help ● Search ● canada.gc.ca Home > Research > National Documentation Packages, Issue Papers and Country Fact Sheets Country Fact Sheet HAITI June 2007 Disclaimer 3. POLITICAL PARTIESF Front for Hope (Front de l’espoir, Fwon Lespwa): The Front for Hope was founded in 2005 to support the candidacy of René Préval in the 2006 presidential election.13 This is a party of alliances that include the Effort and Solidarity to Build a National and Popular Alternative (Effort de solidarité pour la construction d’une alternative nationale et populaire, ESCANP);14 the Open the Gate Party (Pati Louvri Baryè, PLB);15 and grass-roots organizations, such as Grand-Anse Resistance Committee Comité de résistance de Grand-Anse), the Central Plateau Peasants’ Group (Mouvement paysan du plateau Central) and the Southeast Kombit Movement (Mouvement Kombit du SudEst or Kombit Sudest).16 The Front for Hope is headed by René Préval,17 the current head of state, elected in 2006.18 In the 2006 legislative elections, the party won 13 of the 30 seats in the Senate and 24 of the 99 seats in the Chamber of Deputies.19 Merging of Haitian Social Democratic Parties (Parti Fusion des sociaux-démocrates haïtiens, PFSDH): This party was created on 23 April 2005 with the fusion of the following three democratic parties: Ayiti Capable (Ayiti kapab), the National Congress of Democratic Movements (Congrès national des -
12.514 Yvon Haiti 14 Diciembre 2006 ENG.Pdf
0 ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES Inter-American Commission on Human Rights Application filed with the Inter-American Court on Human Rights in the case of Yvon Neptune (Case 12.514) against the Republic of Haiti DELEGATES: Clare K. Roberts, Commissioner Santiago A. Canton, Executive Secretary ADVISERS: Elizabeth Abi-Mershed Juan Pablo Albán A. Ariel E. Dulitzky Ismene Zarifis December 14, 2006 1889 F Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20006 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page I. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 1 II. PURPOSE OF THE APPLICATION ................................................................................. 2 III. REPRESENTATION ..................................................................................................... 3 IV. JURISDICTION OF THE COURT.................................................................................... 3 V. PROCESSING BY THE COMMISSION ............................................................................ 3 VI. THE FACTS ............................................................................................................... 5 A. THE VICTIM ...................................................................................................... 5 B. BACKGROUND ................................................................................................... 5 C. ARREST OF MR. YVON NEPTUNE ............................................................................ 6 D. JUDICIAL PROCESS AGAINST MR. YVON -
Emeline Michel
Haïti en Marche, édition du 28 Mai au 03 Juin 2014 • Vol XXVIII • N° 19 APRES CUBA & LA JAMAIQUE Haïti annonce aussi son port en eau profonde PORT-AU-PRINCE, 23 Mai – Après Cuba dans la baie de Mariel gouvernemental, en date du 22 mai 2014, annonce un ‘projet de (avec financement du Brésil), la Jamaïque en partenariat avec la Chine, voici développement du Môle Saint-Nicolas (comprenant) entre autres : un port Le Canal du vent est cet étroit passage Haïti qui annonce aussi son projet de construction d’un port en eau profonde. de transbordement en eau profonde’. entre Haïti (Môle St-Nicolas) et Guantanamo, Cuba C’est le Môle Saint-Nicolas qui a été choisi. Un communiqué (COMMERCE / p. 8) Des élections 25 ANS DE RECLUSION pour remplacer France : Le chef de gang Amaral la mairesse Duclona condamné dans suspendue l’indifférence de son pays natal de North Miami PORT-AU-PRINCE, 24 Mai – Amaral Duclona L’ex-chef de bande de Cité Soleil, quartier populaire Les dirigeants de la municipalité de North Miami condamné à 25 ans d’emprisonnement en France pour de Port-au-Prince, et source de violentes manifestations (Floride) ont indiqué que rien n’a changé dans les activités l’assassinat d’un homme d’affaires franco-haïtien, Claude pro-gouvernementales avant et après la chute du président quotidiennes de l’institution après que la Mairesse Lucie Bernard Lauture. (AMARAL / p. 7) (TONDREAU / p. 5) Lucie Tondreau sortant du tribunal fédéral de Miami le mardi 20 mai CHRONIQUE SANTE Le Chikungunya Le procès de Amaral Duclona ou un pays a la maladie POLITIQUE : DETENTION qu’il mérite DE RONY THIMOTEE PORT-AU-PRINCE, 22 Mai – Tout le monde est frappé sans exception. -
The Coup: Journalism at Its Worst by Isabel K
National Association of the Haitian Media Covering (Up) the Coup: Journalism at its Worst By Isabel K. Macdonald nent right-wing think tank called the Aristide from Haiti’s airwaves. “[W]e New Haitian Foundation (NHF), decided,” he said, “to put an embargo he National Association of the which—like ANMH—was a member on all communications coming from the Haitian Media (ANMH) has a of the G184. The NHF and G184 were National Palace and from the Presi- Tlongstanding relationship with both funded by CIDA.4] dent.”6 Freedom Network (RL), a CIDA- funded Canadian NGO whose staff in- Richard Widmaïer: Anne-Marie Issa: cludes CBC and Radio Canada journal- According to ANMH co-founder, Ri- ANMH media owners admitted that ists. [See pp.26-33.] According to chard Widmaïer, this influential media their support for overthrowing the CIDA, its funding of RL sowed the owners’ association was forged as “a democratically elected Haitian govern- seeds of “professional journalism,” common front” to “defend our common ment guided their journalistic practices. which is a supposed cornerstone of the interests” from “assaults against the ANMH’s priorities were rationalized Canadian government’s promotion of press” by Aristide’s government.5 with the same rhetoric used by anti- “democracy” in Haiti. Thanks to CIDA, Widmaïer, the director of Radio Aristide activists. For instance, the Canada is pushing the kind of “profes- Metropole, said these assaults included owner and director of Radio Signal FM, sional journalism” needed for “democ- an ultimatum from Aristide’s govern- Anne-Marie Issa—ANMH’s vice presi- racy” by supporting the Haitian equiva- ment telling radio companies to pay dent and a member of both the Steer- lents of Conrad Black. -
Keeping the Peace in Haiti?
KEEPING THE PEACE IN HAITI? An Assessment of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti Using Compliance with its Prescribed Mandate as a Barometer for Success March 2005 Harvard Law Student Advocates for Human Rights, Cambridge, Massachusetts & Centro de Justiça Global, Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, Brazil March 2005 Keeping the Peace in Haiti? TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ____________________________________________________________ 1 INTRODUCTION __________________________________________________________________ 2 I. RECOMMENDATIONS ____________________________________________________________ 2 II. A BRIEF HISTORY OF HAITI _____________________________________________________ 4 III. RESOLUTION 1542: THE MINUSTAH MANDATE __________________________________ 12 III.A. Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration_____________________________ 12 III.B. Institutional Strengthening: Police Reform and the Constitutional and Political Process _______________________________________________________________ 13 III.B.1. Police Reform________________________________________________________ 13 III.B.2. The Constitutional and Political Process __________________________________ 14 III.C. Human Rights and Civilian Protection _____________________________________ 15 III.C.1. Human Rights________________________________________________________ 15 III.C.2. Civilian Protection____________________________________________________ 19 IV. FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS ______________________________________________________ 21 IV.A. Methodology ___________________________________________________________ -
Haïti Et La République Dominicaine
Histoire et Philatélie Haïti et la République dominicaine 1 Table des matières 1) Haïti I. La conquête espagnole (1492-1530) II. Le paradis de la flibuste (1530-1697) III. Saint-Domingue (1697-1789) IV. De la révolution à l’indépendance (1789-1804) V. Les premiers despotes haïtiens (1804-1879) VI. L’éternel chaos (1879-1957) VII. Le duvaliérisme (1957-1986) VIII. L’après-duvaliérisme (1986-...) 2) La République dominicaine I. Vers l’indépendance (1795-1844) II. Succès militaire et chaos politique (1844-1865) III. L’anarchie (1865-1930) IV. L’ère Trujillo (1930-1961) V. L’après-trujillisme (1961-...) Pour les timbres-poste, la numérotation Yvert et Tellier a été choisie Les abréviations suivantes sont employées: - H : Haïti - D : République dominicaine 2 Première partie : Haïti Extrait de www.canalplushaiti.net 3 I. La conquête espagnole (1492-1530) L’histoire moderne de l’île débuta le 7 décembre 1492, lorsque Christophe Colomb y mit pied à terre, à la pointe de la presqu’île située au nord-ouest d’Haïti, au lieu qu’il nomma le Môle Saint-Nicolas. À l’île entière, trouvant une grande ressemblance avec les rivages espagnols, il donna le nom d’Isla Española, qui devint rapidement Hispaniola. D, 1991, n° 1088B D, 2008, n° 1567 Arrivée de Colomb à Hispaniola. 1992, n°s 853/854 Indigène observant le débarquement de Colomb L’île n’était pas déserte: elle était habitée par environ un million de Taïnos, des indigènes Arawaks venus d’Amérique du Sud. Les Taïnos d’Hispaniola étaient répartis en cinq caciquats, des entités indépendantes l’une de l’autre, et gouvernées par un chef absolu, le cacique. -
Haitian Ex-Minister Freed from Jail 19 Jun 2006 Reuters by Joseph Guyler Delva
Haitian ex-minister freed from jail 19 Jun 2006 Reuters By Joseph Guyler Delva PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti, June 19 (Reuters) - Haitian authorities released a former government minister who was jailed for more than two years on murder accusations, and they could soon free other high-profile prisoners who served under former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a prosecutor said on Monday. Jocelerme Privert, Aristide's interior minister, was released on Friday after a prosector said there was no evidence of wrongdoing. Privert said he was a victim of a political conspiracy by the U.S.-backed interim government of former Prime Minister Gerard Latortue, who was installed after Aristide was ousted in an armed revolt in February 2004. "Thanks to God I am free now after 26 months of political persecutions and injustice," Privert told Reuters and radio station Melodie FM. Privert was arrested on April 6, 2004, and jailed on accusations that he was the mastermind behind what Aristide's opponents called a massacre on Feb. 11, 2004, in La Scierie, a small village near the northern town of St-Marc. Privert has denied the accusations. "I spent all this time in jail just because there were authorities who wanted to have their political revenge," he said. Former Prime Minister Yvon Neptune and a former legislator from Aristide's Lavalas Family party, Amanus Mayette, are among others held on similar accusations and expected to be released. A prosecutor working on the case has demanded that an appeals court dismiss the charges for lack of evidence. The court has yet to rule. -
PORT-AU-PRINCE and MONTREAL, 1934-1986 by Grace Louise Sanders a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requiremen
LA VOIX DES FEMMES: HAITIAN WOMEN’S RIGHTS, NATIONAL POLITICS AND BLACK ACTIVISM IN PORT-AU-PRINCE AND MONTREAL, 1934-1986 by Grace Louise Sanders A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History and Women’s Studies) in the University of Michigan 2013 Dissertation Committee: Associate Professor Sueann Caulfield, Chair Associate Professor Jesse E. Hoffnung-Garskof Professor Tiya A. Miles Associate Professor Nadine C. Naber Professor Matthew J. Smith, University of the West Indies © Grace L. Sanders 2013 DEDICATION For LaRosa, Margaret, and Johnnie, the two librarians and the eternal student, who insisted that I honor the freedom to read and write. & For the women of Le Cercle. Nou se famn tout bon! ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank the History and Women’s Studies Departments at the University of Michigan. I am especially grateful to my Dissertation Committee Members. Matthew J. Smith, thank you for your close reading of everything I send to you, from emails to dissertation chapters. You have continued to be selfless in your attention to detail and in your mentorship. Jesse Hoffnung-Garskof, thank you for sharing new and compelling ways to narrate and teach the histories of Latin America and North America. Tiya Miles, thank you for being a compassionate mentor and inspiring visionary. I have learned volumes from your example. Nadine Naber, thank you for kindly taking me by the hand during the most difficult times on this journey. You are an ally and a friend. Sueann Caulfield, you have patiently walked this graduate school road with me from beginning to end. -
Political Will for Decentralization in Haiti
Political Will for Decentralization in Haiti by Glenn R. Smucker with Marc-Antoine Noël Craig Olson Pharès Pierre Yves-François Pierre May 2000 Prepared for USAID Haiti Mission Office of Justice, Democracy, and Governance Delivery Order No. 806, Contract OUT-AEP-I-806-96-00008-0 Development Alternatives, Inc. 7250 Woodmont Avenue, Suite 200, Bethesda, Maryland 20814 i Some Comments on Political Will Relations between central and local government “The central government is a festering sore for the mayor’s office.” - Mayor of a secondary city “Relations between central government and communes are a calamity.” - Mayor of a rural commune Governance “Currently, no institution operates according to the constitution.” - Senator Wesner Emmanuel (Independent, Ouest) “We are living a virtual democracy in a backward society.” - Leslie Manigat, ex-President of Haiti (RDNP) “We’re in transition to correct governance; Haiti has been in transition since 1804.” - Coordinator of a communal sectional council (CASEC) Political Parties “We don’t want to be at the tail end, never seeing face to face with party leaders.” - A CASEC coordinator “They want to decide in the name of the people rather than with the people.” - Municipal Delegate, Jacmel Decentralization “The biggest thing that could happen in this country.” - A CASEC coordinator “Civil society is an indispensable instrument of decentralization.” - Gérard Pierre-Charles, General Coordinator, OPL “Decentralization is a necessity for the development of the country, via participation.” - Yvon Neptune, Spokesperson, Fanmi Lavalas ii Preface The five-member team generated this report primarily from open-ended interviews, documents, the team’s synthesis and joint reflections between January 17 and February 19, 2000, and some additional input and feedback on earlier drafts, received in April and May.