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Voting for Hope Elections in Haiti
COMMENTARY Voting for hope Elections in Haiti Peter Hallward ate in the night of 29 February 2004, after weeks of confusion and uncertainty, the enemies of Haitiʼs president Jean-Bertrand Aristide forced him into exile Lfor the second time. There was plenty of ground for confusion. Although twice elected with landslide majorities, by 2004 Aristide was routinely identified as an enemy of democracy. Although political violence declined dramatically during his years in office, he was just as regularly condemned as an enemy of human rights. Although he was prepared to make far-reaching compromises with his opponents, he was attacked as intolerant of dissent. Although still immensely popular among the poor, he was derided as aloof and corrupt. And although his enemies presented themselves as the friends of democracy, pluralism and civil society, the only way they could get rid of their nemesis was through foreign intervention and military force. Four times postponed, the election of Aristideʼs successor finally took place a few months ago, in February 2006. These elections were supposed to clear up the confusion of 2004 once and for all. With Aristide safely out of the picture, they were supposed to show how his violent and illegal expulsion had actually been a victory for democracy. With his Fanmi Lavalas party broken and divided, they were intended to give the true friends of pluralism and civil society that democratic mandate they had so long been denied. Haitiʼs career politicians, confined to the margins since Aristideʼs first election back in 1990, were finally to be given a chance to inherit their rightful place. -
Haiti: Developments and U.S. Policy Since 1991 and Current Congressional Concerns
Order Code RL32294 Haiti: Developments and U.S. Policy Since 1991 and Current Congressional Concerns Updated January 25, 2008 Maureen Taft-Morales Specialist in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Clare Ribando Seelke Analyst in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Haiti: Developments and U.S. Policy Since 1991 and Current Congressional Concerns Summary Following the first free and fair elections in Haiti’s history, Jean-Bertrand Aristide first became Haitian President in February 1991. He was overthrown by a military coup in September 1991. For over three years, the military regime resisted international demands that Aristide be restored to office. In September 1994, after a U.S. military intervention had been launched, the military regime agreed to Aristide’s return, the immediate, unopposed entry of U.S. troops, and the resignation of its leadership. President Aristide returned to Haiti in October 1994 under the protection of some 20,000 U.S. troops, and disbanded the Haitian army. U.S. aid helped train a civilian police force. Subsequently, critics charged Aristide with politicizing that force and engaging in corrupt practices. Elections held under Aristide and his successor, René Préval (1996-2000), including the one in which Aristide was reelected in 2000, were marred by alleged irregularities, low voter turnout, and opposition boycotts. Efforts to negotiate a resolution to the electoral dispute frustrated the international community for years. Tension and violence continued throughout Aristide’s second term, culminating in his departure from office in February 2004, after the opposition repeatedly refused to negotiate a political solution and armed groups took control of half the country. -
Spoiling Security in Haiti
SPOILING SECURITY IN HAITI Latin America/Caribbean Report N°13 – 31 May 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE SPOILERS AND THEIR INTERESTS .............................................................. 2 A. A RETROGRADE SYSTEM WHICH FUELS THE VIOLENCE .......................................................2 B. THE NEED FOR A NEW MODEL..............................................................................................3 C. THE SPOILERS.......................................................................................................................3 D. DRUG TRAFFICKING..............................................................................................................4 III. NEUTRALISING THE ARMED GROUPS AND THE FORMER MILITARY .... 6 A. THE LATEST WAVE OF VIOLENCE.........................................................................................6 B. THE URBAN ARMED GROUPS................................................................................................7 C. THE MINUSTAH/HNP RESPONSE.......................................................................................8 D. THE FORMER MILITARY........................................................................................................8 E. THE ABSENCE OF A COMPREHENSIVE STRATEGY ..................................................................9 -
Haiti at a Turning Point
Update Briefing Latin America/Caribbean Briefing N°8 Port-au-Prince/Brussels, 3 August 2005 Can Haiti Hold Elections in 2005? I. OVERVIEW elections in a way that still permits the new government to take office, as planned on 7 February 2006. However, even that date should not be considered absolute if Massive technical, political and security obstacles must be conditions are so poor that elections would be forced overcome very quickly or Haiti's elections -- municipal and badly flawed. and local in October, parliamentary and presidential in Security. Sufficient security must exist to permit the November -- will have to be postponed. In particular the political process to unfold in relative safety throughout UN mission (MINUSTAH), other international actors the country. Criminal but also political kidnappings by and the transitional government need to move faster at urban armed gangs have reached historic highs. There registering voters, persuading the failed state's citizens have been almost 800 killings, including the victims that the exercise is meaningful, and disarming both urban of political, drug-inspired, and turf-related battles, gangs and former military. Otherwise, turnout is likely since September 2004. Citizens do not feel safe in to be unsatisfactory, credibility of the outcome will suffer, most neighbourhoods of Port-au-Prince, which contains and the government's legitimacy will be in question. almost a third of all voters. Eighteen months after former President Aristide was MINUSTAH should continue its recent more active forced out of the country, Haiti remains insecure and tactics to counter and confront -- but in a more targeted volatile. -
Country Fact Sheet HAITI June 2007
National Documentation Packages, Issue Papers and Country Fact Sheets Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada www.irb-cisr.gc.ca ● Français ● Home ● Contact Us ● Help ● Search ● canada.gc.ca Home > Research > National Documentation Packages, Issue Papers and Country Fact Sheets Country Fact Sheet HAITI June 2007 Disclaimer 3. POLITICAL PARTIESF Front for Hope (Front de l’espoir, Fwon Lespwa): The Front for Hope was founded in 2005 to support the candidacy of René Préval in the 2006 presidential election.13 This is a party of alliances that include the Effort and Solidarity to Build a National and Popular Alternative (Effort de solidarité pour la construction d’une alternative nationale et populaire, ESCANP);14 the Open the Gate Party (Pati Louvri Baryè, PLB);15 and grass-roots organizations, such as Grand-Anse Resistance Committee Comité de résistance de Grand-Anse), the Central Plateau Peasants’ Group (Mouvement paysan du plateau Central) and the Southeast Kombit Movement (Mouvement Kombit du SudEst or Kombit Sudest).16 The Front for Hope is headed by René Préval,17 the current head of state, elected in 2006.18 In the 2006 legislative elections, the party won 13 of the 30 seats in the Senate and 24 of the 99 seats in the Chamber of Deputies.19 Merging of Haitian Social Democratic Parties (Parti Fusion des sociaux-démocrates haïtiens, PFSDH): This party was created on 23 April 2005 with the fusion of the following three democratic parties: Ayiti Capable (Ayiti kapab), the National Congress of Democratic Movements (Congrès national des -
Haiti on the Brink: Assessing US Policy Toward a Country in Crisis
“Haiti on the Brink: Assessing U.S. Policy Toward a Country in Crisis” Prepared Testimony Before the U.S. House of Representatives’ Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, Civilian Security, and Trade Daniel P. Erikson Managing Director, Blue Star Strategies Senior Fellow, Penn Biden Center for Diplomacy and Global Engagement December 10, 2019 I begin my testimony by thanking Chairman Sires, Ranking Member Rooney, and the members of this distinguished committee for the opportunity to testify before you today about the current situation in Haiti – and to offer some ideas on what needs to be done to address the pressing challenges there. It is an honor for me to be here. I look forward to hearing from the committee and my fellow panelists and the subsequent discussion. The testimony that I provide you today is in my personal capacity. The views and opinions are my own, informed by my more than two decades of experience working on Latin American and Caribbean issues, including a longstanding engagement with Haiti that has included more than a dozen trips to the country, most recently in November 2019. However, among the other institutions with which I am affiliated, I would like to also acknowledge the Inter- American Dialogue think-tank, where I worked on Haiti for many years and whose leadership has encouraged my renewed inquiry on the political and economic situation in Haiti. My testimony today will focus on two areas: (1) a review of the current situation in Haiti; and (2) what a forward-leaning and constructive response by the United States and the broader international community should look like in 2020. -
12.514 Yvon Haiti 14 Diciembre 2006 ENG.Pdf
0 ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES Inter-American Commission on Human Rights Application filed with the Inter-American Court on Human Rights in the case of Yvon Neptune (Case 12.514) against the Republic of Haiti DELEGATES: Clare K. Roberts, Commissioner Santiago A. Canton, Executive Secretary ADVISERS: Elizabeth Abi-Mershed Juan Pablo Albán A. Ariel E. Dulitzky Ismene Zarifis December 14, 2006 1889 F Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20006 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page I. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 1 II. PURPOSE OF THE APPLICATION ................................................................................. 2 III. REPRESENTATION ..................................................................................................... 3 IV. JURISDICTION OF THE COURT.................................................................................... 3 V. PROCESSING BY THE COMMISSION ............................................................................ 3 VI. THE FACTS ............................................................................................................... 5 A. THE VICTIM ...................................................................................................... 5 B. BACKGROUND ................................................................................................... 5 C. ARREST OF MR. YVON NEPTUNE ............................................................................ 6 D. JUDICIAL PROCESS AGAINST MR. YVON -
Haitian Historical and Cultural Legacy
Haitian Historical and Cultural Legacy A Journey Through Time A Resource Guide for Teachers HABETAC The Haitian Bilingual/ESL Technical Assistance Center HABETAC The Haitian Bilingual/ESL Technical Assistance Center @ Brooklyn College 2900 Bedford Avenue James Hall, Room 3103J Brooklyn, NY 11210 Copyright © 2005 Teachers and educators, please feel free to make copies as needed to use with your students in class. Please contact HABETAC at 718-951-4668 to obtain copies of this publication. Funded by the New York State Education Department Acknowledgments Haitian Historical and Cultural Legacy: A Journey Through Time is for teachers of grades K through 12. The idea of this book was initiated by the Haitian Bilingual/ESL Technical Assistance Center (HABETAC) at City College under the direction of Myriam C. Augustin, the former director of HABETAC. This is the realization of the following team of committed, knowledgeable, and creative writers, researchers, activity developers, artists, and editors: Marie José Bernard, Resource Specialist, HABETAC at City College, New York, NY Menes Dejoie, School Psychologist, CSD 17, Brooklyn, NY Yves Raymond, Bilingual Coordinator, Erasmus Hall High School for Science and Math, Brooklyn, NY Marie Lily Cerat, Writing Specialist, P.S. 181, CSD 17, Brooklyn, NY Christine Etienne, Bilingual Staff Developer, CSD 17, Brooklyn, NY Amidor Almonord, Bilingual Teacher, P.S. 189, CSD 17, Brooklyn, NY Peter Kondrat, Educational Consultant and Freelance Writer, Brooklyn, NY Alix Ambroise, Jr., Social Studies Teacher, P.S. 138, CSD 17, Brooklyn, NY Professor Jean Y. Plaisir, Assistant Professor, Department of Childhood Education, City College of New York, New York, NY Claudette Laurent, Administrative Assistant, HABETAC at City College, New York, NY Christian Lemoine, Graphic Artist, HLH Panoramic, New York, NY. -
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines Dear Country Expert, In this section, we distinguish between the head of state (HOS) and the head of government (HOG). • The Head of State (HOS) is an individual or collective body that serves as the chief public representative of the country; his or her function could be purely ceremonial. • The Head of Government (HOG) is the chief officer(s) of the executive branch of government; the HOG may also be HOS, in which case the executive survey only pertains to the HOS. • The executive survey applies to the person who effectively holds these positions in practice. • The HOS/HOG pair will always include the effective ruler of the country, even if for a period this is the commander of foreign occupying forces. • The HOS and/or HOG must rule over a significant part of the country’s territory. • The HOS and/or HOG must be a resident of the country — governments in exile are not listed. • By implication, if you are considering a semi-sovereign territory, such as a colony or an annexed territory, the HOS and/or HOG will be a person located in the territory in question, not in the capital of the colonizing/annexing country. • Only HOSs and/or HOGs who stay in power for 100 consecutive days or more will be included in the surveys. • A country may go without a HOG but there will be no period listed with only a HOG and no HOS. • If a HOG also becomes HOS (interim or full), s/he is moved to the HOS list and removed from the HOG list for the duration of their tenure. -
The Coup: Journalism at Its Worst by Isabel K
National Association of the Haitian Media Covering (Up) the Coup: Journalism at its Worst By Isabel K. Macdonald nent right-wing think tank called the Aristide from Haiti’s airwaves. “[W]e New Haitian Foundation (NHF), decided,” he said, “to put an embargo he National Association of the which—like ANMH—was a member on all communications coming from the Haitian Media (ANMH) has a of the G184. The NHF and G184 were National Palace and from the Presi- Tlongstanding relationship with both funded by CIDA.4] dent.”6 Freedom Network (RL), a CIDA- funded Canadian NGO whose staff in- Richard Widmaïer: Anne-Marie Issa: cludes CBC and Radio Canada journal- According to ANMH co-founder, Ri- ANMH media owners admitted that ists. [See pp.26-33.] According to chard Widmaïer, this influential media their support for overthrowing the CIDA, its funding of RL sowed the owners’ association was forged as “a democratically elected Haitian govern- seeds of “professional journalism,” common front” to “defend our common ment guided their journalistic practices. which is a supposed cornerstone of the interests” from “assaults against the ANMH’s priorities were rationalized Canadian government’s promotion of press” by Aristide’s government.5 with the same rhetoric used by anti- “democracy” in Haiti. Thanks to CIDA, Widmaïer, the director of Radio Aristide activists. For instance, the Canada is pushing the kind of “profes- Metropole, said these assaults included owner and director of Radio Signal FM, sional journalism” needed for “democ- an ultimatum from Aristide’s govern- Anne-Marie Issa—ANMH’s vice presi- racy” by supporting the Haitian equiva- ment telling radio companies to pay dent and a member of both the Steer- lents of Conrad Black. -
Keeping the Peace in Haiti?
KEEPING THE PEACE IN HAITI? An Assessment of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti Using Compliance with its Prescribed Mandate as a Barometer for Success March 2005 Harvard Law Student Advocates for Human Rights, Cambridge, Massachusetts & Centro de Justiça Global, Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, Brazil March 2005 Keeping the Peace in Haiti? TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ____________________________________________________________ 1 INTRODUCTION __________________________________________________________________ 2 I. RECOMMENDATIONS ____________________________________________________________ 2 II. A BRIEF HISTORY OF HAITI _____________________________________________________ 4 III. RESOLUTION 1542: THE MINUSTAH MANDATE __________________________________ 12 III.A. Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration_____________________________ 12 III.B. Institutional Strengthening: Police Reform and the Constitutional and Political Process _______________________________________________________________ 13 III.B.1. Police Reform________________________________________________________ 13 III.B.2. The Constitutional and Political Process __________________________________ 14 III.C. Human Rights and Civilian Protection _____________________________________ 15 III.C.1. Human Rights________________________________________________________ 15 III.C.2. Civilian Protection____________________________________________________ 19 IV. FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS ______________________________________________________ 21 IV.A. Methodology ___________________________________________________________ -
[ 2005 ] Part 1 Chapter 3 Americas
Americas 373 Chapter III Political and security questions Americas During 2005, the United Nations continued to ceedings against Nicaragua in a dispute concern- advance the cause of lasting peace, human rights, ing navigational and related rights on the San sustainable development and the rule of law in Juan River. The General Assembly again called the Americas. With the ending of the mandate of on States to refrain from promulgating laws and the United Nations Verification Mission in Gua- measures, such as the ongoing embargo against temala at the end of 2004, the Guatemalan peace Cuba by the United States. The Assembly process had matured into a new phase in which granted observer status to the Ibero-American national actors had assumed fuller responsibility community of nations and the Latin American for monitoring and promoting the accords. A Integration Association. joint agreement in May between the Government of Guatemala and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights resulted in the establishment of an office for Central America monitoring and reporting on human rights in that country. Despite efforts by the United Nations Stabili- The situation in Central America zation Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) and the Hai- Report of Secretary-General. As requested tian National Police to ensure a secure and stable by the General Assembly in resolution 58/239 environment in Haiti, the security situation re- [YUN 2003, p. 276], the Secretary-General submitted mained precarious. Outbreaks of violence and an August report on the situation in Central illegal activities of armed groups continued to be America [A/60/218], which summarized progress a serious concern.