National Association of the Haitian Media Covering (Up) the Coup: Journalism at its Worst By Isabel K. Macdonald nent right-wing think tank called the Aristide from Haiti’s airwaves. “[W]e New Haitian Foundation (NHF), decided,” he said, “to put an embargo he National Association of the which—like ANMH—was a member on all communications coming from the Haitian Media (ANMH) has a of the G184. The NHF and G184 were National Palace and from the Presi- Tlongstanding relationship with both funded by CIDA.4] dent.”6 Freedom Network (RL), a CIDA- funded Canadian NGO whose staff in- Richard Widmaïer: Anne-Marie Issa: cludes CBC and Radio Canada journal- According to ANMH co-founder, Ri- ANMH media owners admitted that ists. [See pp.26-33.] According to chard Widmaïer, this influential media their support for overthrowing the CIDA, its funding of RL sowed the owners’ association was forged as “a democratically elected Haitian govern- seeds of “professional journalism,” common front” to “defend our common ment guided their journalistic practices. which is a supposed cornerstone of the interests” from “assaults against the ANMH’s priorities were rationalized Canadian government’s promotion of press” by Aristide’s government.5 with the same rhetoric used by anti- “democracy” in Haiti. Thanks to CIDA, Widmaïer, the director of Radio Aristide activists. For instance, the Canada is pushing the kind of “profes- Metropole, said these assaults included owner and director of Radio Signal FM, sional journalism” needed for “democ- an ultimatum from Aristide’s govern- Anne-Marie Issa—ANMH’s vice presi- racy” by supporting the Haitian equiva- ment telling radio companies to pay dent and a member of both the Steer- lents of Conrad Black. their long overdue taxes. ing Committee and the Communications Widmaïer was also involved in Committee of the G-184—informed me Media Owners help lead ANMH’s late-2003 decision to bar that prior to the 2004 coup, ANMH en- anti-Aristide Movement The integration of the media elite into powerful private and governmental in- stitutions “circumscribes the ability of the news media to be analytically de- .ca/articles/976 tached from the elite persons and or- ganizations they report on.”1 This elite integration was particularly pronounced in the case of the relation- ships between powerful news sources .dominionpaper from the anti-Aristide movement and the Haitian commercial media. Instead www of simply being closely integrated through interlocking directorates and management, powerful news sources and media owners in Haiti were some- times one and the same person! Media Owner Anne-Marie Issa:

Leopold Berlanger: Embedded in Haiti’s 2004 Coup Process For example, Leopold Berlanger By Richard Sanders of a handpicked “Council of the Wise.” boasted that he is both a “civil society This Council, which included Anne- activist and a media man.”2 Berlanger ollowing Aristide’s forced re- Marie Issa, then selected Gerard is the director and a main owner of moval from Haiti on February Latortue as Haiti’s new Prime Minis- Radio Vision 2000. Berlanger, who is F29, 2004, Issa played a very ter, and he in turn chose thirteen cabi- a prominent ANMH member, was also prominent role in empowering the ille- net ministers who ran the reign of ter- on the G184’s steering committee. The gal dictatorship that replaced Aristide’s ror that lasted for more than two years. ANMH, he said, provided a space for popularly elected government. The “Council of the Wise” em- “cooperation, decision making, [and] Aristide’s kidnapping was quickly fol- bedded with ANMH vice-president enabling the different commercial me- lowed by an unconstitutional process Issa, remained in place throughout the dia outlets to forge agreements.” This initiated by the U.S., Canadian and coup-installed regime’s two year rule. allowed ANMH to exercise a “very French governments that led the inva- Another member of the Coun- strong impact on public opinion.”3 sion and occupation of Haiti. These cil was Danielle Magloire, who then [Editor’s Note: A co-owner of Vision foreign powers set in motion a process worked for CIDA-funded groups in 2000, Reginald Boulos, was a leader of whereby an unelected regime took the Haiti. (See p.49.) Magloire now works the Group of 184 (G184), see pp.50-53. reigns of power in Haiti. Instrumental for the Canadian government’s Rights Berlanger was also president of a promi- in this illegal process was the creation and Democracy. (See pp.44-47.) 34 Press for Conversion! (Issue # 62) May 2008 Association Nationale des Medias Haitiens Canadian Media ANMH’s “Lies” Haitian Proverb: within CIDA milieu Spread by Foreign News “Malere pa dezonè.” Canadian journalists in Haiti One deputy bureau chief at a major in- kept with the observed ten- ternational newswire agency said their “Poverty is not dency of newsworkers to iden- staff reporter in Haiti “relied heavily on a dishonor.” tify “legitimate” non-official Radio Metropole.” sources through their own per- In hindsight, this anonymous sonal and professional net- newswire agency boss reflected that the works, and through the medi- ANMH stations—owned as they were ating forces of their own (typi- by heavy-handed G184 activists— cally white, middle class) so- regularly disseminated “lies...[and] cial position and values. These propaganda.” It was “nuts” from the journalists’ social networks in- perspective of “reporting the truth” for cluded a heavy representation foreign newswires to rely on ANMH of individuals from the Cana- reports. “Suddenly it made me wonder GOAL 1979 dian foreign policy establish- if we could trust any of what we’d been ment. Canadian officials there- reporting.”16 [See “A Case Study of sured that their journalists attended all fore played an important role in help- ANMH Lies,” p.37.] anti-Aristide demonstrations and cov- ing journalists identify “legitimate” This news wire’s reports formed ered them “correctly.” This, she said, news sources. Guy Fillion, a Radio a basis for much of the Canadian news was because they thought the “civil so- Canada journalist employed in Haiti by coverage in Haiti prior to the 2004 ciety” initiative was “a noble cause. It the CIDA-funded Freedom Network coup. And, when Canadian journalists was our own way as the media to com- (RL), had a high regard for ANMH. This arrived in Haiti during the coup, they bat the dictatorship.”7 perspective, he explained, came from RL relied directly on ANMH stations. Issa herself said that she con- which enjoyed a close partnership with Three of the four Canadian jour- stantly met with the organizers of anti- ANMH. Fillion saw ANMH as “pro- nalists I talked to said they relied on Aristide protests.8 Haitian...pro-neutral journalistic peo- ANMH radio sources, like Metropole 13 17 Haitian Journalists work ple.” and Signal FM. Even the wire service Similarly, Canada’s ambassador whose deputy bureau chief saw ANMH within the Opposition to Haiti was one of those consulted by as a bastion of “lies,” said they relied Routine coverage of anti-Aristide CBC TV reporter Neil Macdonald to extensively on the G184-affiliated sta- events by Haitian reporters eventually determine that National Coalition for tions like Metropole.18 helped blur the social and cultural lines Haitian Rights (NCHR) director, Pierre between journalists and their news Esperance, was Haiti’s most credible Techniques of ANMH’s sources. Journalists who accompanied human rights source. [See p.37.] He held G184 media events were housed and this view despite the fact that scandal Information Warfare fed with the anti-Aristide activists.9 As had forced NCHR to change its name. The opposition to Aristide’s govern- a former Radio Vision 2000 journalist Macdonald also thought Canada’s ment used a media strategy that in- put it, “we were really not apart.”10 government was one of the world’s cluded generating positive publicity for Their ideals and values became one. most authoritative sources on conflict themselves and their events, while cre- Romney Cajuste, an ANMH resolution. His most trusted sources for ating negative coverage of Aristide’s journalist on the anti-Aristide protest background information in Haiti were government and his supporters. Their beat, also said the movement against in Canadian diplomatic circles, espe- deceptive techniques included: Aristide was a “noble cause.” It was, cially CIDA: “I know these people and he said, “the only way to convince the I have a lot of respect for them,” “they Boosting anti-Aristide demos international community that Aristide are remarkably well informed.”14 Demonstrations against Aristide in late needed to go.”11 Following the 2004 Similarly, when Montréal Ga- 2003-early 2004 became a staple for coup, Romney became a “fixer” help- zette journalist Susan Montgomery did journalists at ANMH radio stations. For ing Canadian journalists make connec- a story about women’s rights in Haiti, example, Boulos’s Vision 2000 sent tions with anti-Aristide news sources. her main source of organizational con- journalists to every anti-Aristide dem- Haiti’s media owners and anti- tacts was her husband, who worked for onstration, “no matter how small.”19 Aristide protest organizers constantly Equitas—a CIDA-funded organization. Despite ample resources, anti- crossed paths at forums and seminars. His contacts put her in touch with Aristide organizers often failed to bring The former president of a U.S.-funded, CIDA-funded groups in Haiti, that gave out a decent crowd. However, the anti-Aristide students’ group, the FEUH her the impression that Aristide was ANMH media helped paint such fail- [a G-184 member], boasted that “we are unpopular. She said, “they wanted ures as successes. Sony Bastien, an now friends” with the journalists, and Aristide out of there...so you just ANMH member who co-owned Radio sometimes with media owners, such as started to think, well, then, I guess, you Kiskeya, explained, “we always sup- Berlanger.12 know, people want him out of there.”15 port” anti-Aristide demonstrations, and May 2008 (Issue # 62) Press for Conversion! 35 ANMH “sometimes we advance fantas- tical numbers.”20 For instance, he said, “a group has 10 people but they want you to say 2000 or 300,000, if you say 10....you can make enemies....so it’s better not to talk about [numbers].”21 He added though that it was ac- ceptable to allow protest organ- izers to say how many attended their protests. An anti-Aristide protest organizer and spokesperson for GRAFNEH, another U.S.-funded students’ group, reported that at a demo in January 2003, “we were 20,” but when calling the radio, Haitian Proverb: “we said we were thousands.” If “Si travay te bon bagay, moun rich la pran-l lontan.” they had “hundreds in the street,” he said, the media would report “If work were good for you, “hundreds of thousands.”22 the rich would leave none for the poor.” Paying protesters weapons, including 13 M1s and six or According to Kevin Pina, an in- Remy Mackensen, a journalist with seven automatics. dependent journalist and founder of the ANMH’s Radio Galaxie, said his Similarly, Sony Bastien, an Haiti Information Project, pro-Aristide cousin—who worked in a factory ANMH member and owner of Radio rallies in late 2003-early 2004 were typi- owned by G184 leader and ANMH- Kiskeya stated that they had cally much larger than G184 events. The linked media mogul, Andy Apaid—was “no interest in saying what quantity largest pro-Aristide demonstration that paid more than double her salary to at- of people were armed...it was part of Pina documented on video—on Feb- tend an anti-Aristide protest.23 a strategy of psychological warfare.... ruary 7, 2004—had several hundred [W]e wanted Aristide to leave.”28 thousand participants. Pina said he was Exaggerating the “rebels” Romne Cajuste, a journalist with the only white journalist present at ANMH stations (Vision 2000 and many pro-Aristide demonstrations. Evans Paul, spokesperson for the anti- Metropole), said “sometimes one sensed These protests, organized by the poor, Aristide “Democratic Convergence,” that” the rebels “were amplifying infor- could not finance the air-conditioned was identified by “rebel” spokesman, mation.... We permitted ourselves to re- buses that were provided for journal- Winter Etienne, as a “rebel” financier. peat information uncritically.”29 ists attending G184 demonstrations.33 Paul described the “rebellion” as a Canadian journalists reported “simulated armed movement” and con- Special ad rates or free that they were not even aware of pro- fided that they could not actually have Aristide demonstrations.34 This is an captured Port-au-Prince in late Febru- Michel Soukar, a member of the G184’s Steering and Communications Commit- extreme example of the tendency for ary 2004. They deliberately exaggerated news—and journalists’ views of real- their threat with international journal- tees and a journalist at Issa’s Signal FM, refered to G184 protesters as “our ity—to be defined through particular ists, in order to force Aristide out of bureaucratic and professional pressures power. As Paul said, they relied on brothers” and explained that they re- ceived special ad rates, or complete fee and routines that anti-Aristide news “teledyol,” which is Kreyole for a ru- 30 24 waivers, from the ANMH media. sources were extremely skilled at tak- mour that spreads via gossip. ing advantage of. Leaders of the armed campaign Excluding Aristide and with whom I spoke—Etienne, Guy Accessing journalists Philippe and Jodel Chamblain—em- ignoring his supporters phasized that the rebels were few and In late 2003, the ANMH announced it As soon as international journalists ar- did not have many weapons.25 Jean was banning President Aristide from its rived in Haiti, the G184 rushed to their Robert Lalanne, a politician and owner member stations’ airwaves.31 Some, in- hotel to begin convincing them that cluding Vision 2000, stopped diffusing Aristide was a “dictator.” This hotel of Radio Maxima, said he accompanied 35 the “rebels” with the aim of “tricking Lavalas events altogether.32 “feeding frenzy” spread word of G184 the media.”26 Lalanne said “we gave Haitian media owners typically demonstrations. In contrast, a typical ...[foreign journalists] the impression ignored demonstrations by Aristide’s Aristide supporter, living on less than that we were stronger than we were.”27 supporters and instructed reporters to a dollar a day, was unlikely to even get He also proudly admitted contributing steer clear of them for security reasons. through the door of such a hotel. 36 Press for Conversion! (Issue # 62) May 2008 Association Nationale des Medias Haitiens Presenting Aristide 7. Anne-Marie Issa, interview with author, 23. Remy Mackensen, interview with au- December 2005. thor, February 2006. supporters as violent 8. Ibid. 24. Evans Paul, interview with author, Feb- When ANMH journalists did cover 9. Anonymous former Vision 2000 em- ruary 2006. pro-Aristide events, they precluded ployee, interview with author, Dec. 2005. 25. Winter Etienne, interview with author, any meaningful media access for organ- 10. Ibid. February 2006; Chamblain, interview izers. The goal of journalists at ANMH’s 11. Romney Cajuste, interview with author, with author, February 2006; Philippe, Radio Signal FM was to cover the December 21, 2005. interview with author, December 2005. “chimère’s demonstrations...to in- 12. Herve Saintilus, interview with author, 26. Jean Robert Lalanne, interview with form the population that there was a December 2005. author, December 2005. 13. Guy Fillion, interview with author, 27. Ibid. risk [of violence].... Aristide’s parti- February 2006. 28. Bastien, Op. cit. sans are known to be violent and we 14. Neil Macdonald, interview with author, 29. Ibid. 36 described their violence.” February 2006. 30. Michel Soukar, interview with author, 15. Sue Montgomery, interview with au- December 21, 2005. References thor, June 2006. 31. Bastien, Op. cit.; Soukar, Op. cit. 1. Richard Ericson, Patricia M.Baranek 16. Anonymous deputy bureau chief at a 32. Anon. former Vision 2000..., Op. cit. and B.L.Chan. Visualizing Deviance: A major international newswire agency, 33. Kevin Pina, interview with author, Feb- Study of News Organization, 1987, p.5. interview with author, February 2006. ruary 22, 2006. 2. Leopold Berlanger, interview with au- 17. Montgomery, Op. cit.; Paul Knox, in- 34. Montgomery, Op. cit; Knox, Op. cit. thor, December 2005. terview with author, July 2006 35. Montgomery, Op. cit.. 3. Ibid. 18. Anon. deputy bureau chief, Op. cit. 36. Soukar, Op. cit. 4. Richard Sanders, “CIDA-Funded G- 19. Anon. former Vision 2000..., Op. cit. 184 Member Groups,” Press for Con- 20. Sony Bastien, interview with author, Source: Excerpts, “Covering the Coup: version! September 2007, p.39. December 2005. Canadian News Reporting, Journalists 5. Richard Widmaïer, interview with au- 21. Ibid. and Sources in the 2004 Haiti Crisis,” thor, January 3, 2005. 22. Claude Joseph, interview with author, MA Thesis, Communication and Cul- 6. Ibid. December 9, 2005. ture, York University, December 2007. Case Study in ANMH Lies: The St. Marc “Massacre” By Isabel K. Macdonald ies and recalled that “The first few days I chased numerous radio rumours.... I nti-Aristide news sources at- realized I wasn’t going to be relying on tracted the ire of at least one radio ever again.”3 Asenior Canadian journalist By February 2004, the “rebels” when their claims turned out to fla- escalated their media strategies in “a grantly violate one of journalism’s sa- campaign of psychological warfare.”4 cred goals—truth. The deputy bureau They focused the international media’s chief of an international wire service attention on Aristide’s alleged abuses. recalled being extremely exasperated “Rebel” spokesman Winter Etienne, when claims, often transmitted said the “rebellion” was a means of uncritically by the National Association destabilizing the government. They of Haitian Media (ANMH) radio sta- sought to incite Aristide’s government tions, turned out to be untrue. He re- Prime Minister Yvon Neptune to “make a great disaster” so the rebels called that “something would be re- was illegally jailed by Haiti’s could claim “it was no longer us who ported on the radio and I’d run off to Canadian-backed regime were the bandits—it was Aristide.”5 check it, and it would turn out to be a based on bogus accusations 1 complete lie.” made by NCHR, a CIDA- References One such “complete lie” that 1. Anonymous deputy bureau chief with was particularly influential in his reali- funded group organization. international news wire, interview with zation that the ANMH stations were U.S.- and Canada-backed “interim gov- author, February 2006. unreliable was a supposed “massacre” ernment” to illegally imprison Neptune 2. Anonymous, Op. cit. on February 10, 2004. This allegation for over two years without charge. The 3. Ibid. was repeated as fact on several ANMH NCHR was never able to produce any 4. Winter Etienne, interview with author, February 2006. stations. The National Coalition for evidence of a “massacre.” The news- 5. Ibid. Haitian Rights (NCHR)-Haiti—a CIDA- wire deputy bureau chief, who was in funded organization—claimed that 50 St. Marc that day, said “it was a con- Source: Excerpts, “Covering the Coup: St. Marc residents were killed in a “mas- frontation that went bad.”2 However, it Canadian News Reporting, Journalists sacre” instigated by Aristide’s Prime was definitely not a “massacre,” said and Sources in the 2004 Haiti Crisis,” Minister Yvon Neptune. this senior wire services journalist, who MA Thesis, Communication and Cul- This allegation was used by the reported that there were only three bod- ture, York University, December 2007. May 2008 (Issue # 62) Press for Conversion! 37