The Rise and Fall of the Kingdom of Talossa 1979-2005
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Will Bulgaria Become Monarchy Again?
Southeast European Politics Vol. IV, No. 2-3 November 2003 pp. 157-174 Will Bulgaria Become Monarchy Again? ROSSEN VASSILEV The Ohio State University ABSTRACT This article deals with the much debated question of whether post-Communist Bulgaria should restore the monarchy abolished by the 1946 referendum. The prospects for bringing back the monarchy are believed to be negligible, given the existing constitutional hurdles and the population’s pro-republican sentiments. But ex-King Simeon’s triumph in the June 2001 parliamentary election has dramatically changed his standing at home. Any restoration of the monarchy will depend on the perceived success of his coalition government, especially in rebuilding the ailing national economy. It is questionable whether Simeon II will be able to live up to the overoptimistic expectations of Bulgarians who believe that like a Messiah he will save their country from the economic, social, political and institutional turmoil into which it has descended. But with a population distrustful of the politically bankrupt old parties and politicians and despondent enough to grasp at straws, a revival of the monarchy cannot be ruled out. Introduction Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan consider the issue of constitutions and constitutional formulas to be a significant, if neglected, aspect of democratic transitions (Linz and Stepan 1996: 81-83). They offer a classification of six different possible constitution-making environments, ranging from those that present the most confining conditions for democratization to those -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
SLAVOPHILES and COMMISSARS Also by Judith Devlin
SLAVOPHILES AND COMMISSARS Also by Judith Devlin RELIGION AND REBELLION (editor with Ronan Fanning) THE RISE OF THE RUSSIAN DEMOCRATS: the Causes and Consequences of the Elite Revolution THE SUPERSTITIOUS MIND: French Peasants and the Supernatural in Nineteenth-Century France Slavophiles and Commissars Enemies of Democracy in Modern Russia Judith Devlin Lecturer in Modern History University College, Dublin First published in Great Britain 1999 by MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978-1-349-40232-8 ISBN 978-0-333-98320-1 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9780333983201 First published in the United States of America 1999 by ST. MARTIN’S PRESS, INC., Scholarly and Reference Division, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Devlin, Judith, 1952– Slavophiles and commissars : enemies of democracy in modern Russia / Judith Devlin. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Russia (Federation)—Politics and government—1991– 2. Nationalism—Russia (Federation) 3. Authoritarianism—Russia (Federation) 4. Russia (Federation)—Intellectual life—1991– I. Title. DK510.763.D486 1999 320.947'09'049—dc21 98–50836 CIP © Judith Devlin 1999 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 1999 978-0-333-69933-1 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1P 9HE. -
11 Russia in the Global Parliamentary Moment, 1905–1918: Between a Subaltern Empire and an Empire of Subalterns
Ivan Sablin 11 Russia in the Global Parliamentary Moment, 1905–1918: Between a Subaltern Empire and an Empire of Subalterns Introduction The establishment of the legislative State Duma (17 October 1905)1 and the adop- tion of the Fundamental Laws of the Russian Empire (23 April 1906) by Tsar Nicholas II during the Revolution of 1905–1907 seemed to make Russia a consti- tutional state. In 1907, Vladimir Matveevich Gessen and Boris Emmanuilovich Nol’de, two prominent liberal legal scholars, listed Russia, together with Persia and Montenegro, as the new constitutional states in their comprehensive collec- tion of contemporary constitutions. Articulating a popular progressive view, they claimed that the failures of the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905) unmasked the inefficiency of bureaucratic autocracy, spreading the critical attitudes to the an- cien régime beyond intellectual circles and transforming them into a broad liber- ation movement across the whole country.2 Few intellectuals, however, viewed the Duma as a parliament equal to its Western counterparts. It occupied a subordinate position to the State Council, which was reformed into a partly appointed upper chamber, and did not con- trol the cabinet, which contributed to the term “sham constitutionalism”.3 The non-universal, indirect, and unequal elections were further limited with the 1 All dates are given in the Old Style, which is according to the Julian calendar. 2 V. M. Gessen and B. E. Nol’de (eds.), Sovremennye Konstitutsii: Sbornik Deistvuiushchikh Konstitutsionnykh Aktov [Contemporary Constitutions: A Collection of Constitutional Acts in Force], vol. 2: Federatsii i Respubliki [Federations and Republics], Saint Petersburg: Pravo, 1907, pp. -
Inequality and the 2014 New Zealand General Election
A BARK BUT NO BITE INEQUALITY AND THE 2014 NEW ZEALAND GENERAL ELECTION A BARK BUT NO BITE INEQUALITY AND THE 2014 NEW ZEALAND GENERAL ELECTION JACK VOWLES, HILDE COFFÉ AND JENNIFER CURTIN Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Vowles, Jack, 1950- author. Title: A bark but no bite : inequality and the 2014 New Zealand general election / Jack Vowles, Hilde Coffé, Jennifer Curtin. ISBN: 9781760461355 (paperback) 9781760461362 (ebook) Subjects: New Zealand. Parliament--Elections, 2014. Elections--New Zealand. New Zealand--Politics and government--21st century. Other Creators/Contributors: Coffé, Hilde, author. Curtin, Jennifer C, author. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press This edition © 2017 ANU Press Contents List of figures . vii List of tables . xiii List of acronyms . xvii Preface and acknowledgements . .. xix 1 . The 2014 New Zealand election in perspective . .. 1 2. The fall and rise of inequality in New Zealand . 25 3 . Electoral behaviour and inequality . 49 4. The social foundations of voting behaviour and party funding . 65 5. The winner! The National Party, performance and coalition politics . 95 6 . Still in Labour . 117 7 . Greening the inequality debate . 143 8 . Conservatives compared: New Zealand First, ACT and the Conservatives . -
Advertising and the Market Orientation of Political Parties Contesting the 1999 and 2002 New Zealand General Election Campaigns
Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. ADVERTISING AND THE MARKET ORIENTATION OF POLITICAL PARTIES CONTESTING THE 1999 AND 2002 NEW ZEALAND GENERAL ELECTION CAMPAIGNS A THESIS PRESENTED IN FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICS AT MASSEY UNIVERSITY, PALMERSTON NORTH, NEW ZEALAND. CLAIRE ELIZABETH ROBINSON 2006 i ABSTRACT This thesis proposes an alternative way of establishing a link between market orientation and electoral success, by focusing on market orientation as a message instead of as a management function. Using interpretive textual analysis the thesis examines the advertising messages of the highest polling political parties for evidence of voter orientation and competitor orientation in the 1999 and 2002 New Zealand general election campaigns. Relating manifest market orientation to a number of statistical indicators of electoral success the thesis looks for plausible associations between the visual manifestation of market orientation in political advertisements and parties’ achievement of their party vote goals in the 1999 and 2002 elections. It offers party-focused explanations for electoral outcomes to complement existing voter-centric explanations, and adds another level of scholarly understanding of recent electoral outcomes in New Zealand. While the thesis finds little association between demonstration ofcompetitor orientation in political advertisements and electoral success, it finds a plausible relationship between parties that demonstrated a voter orientation in their political advertisements and goal achievement. -
Formation of Religious Political Parties in the USSR
Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe Volume 12 Issue 3 Article 5 6-1992 Formation of Religious Political Parties in the USSR Sergey Deriugin Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree Part of the Christianity Commons, and the Eastern European Studies Commons Recommended Citation Deriugin, Sergey (1992) "Formation of Religious Political Parties in the USSR," Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe: Vol. 12 : Iss. 3 , Article 5. Available at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree/vol12/iss3/5 This Article, Exploration, or Report is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ George Fox University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ George Fox University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FORMATION OF RELIGIOUS POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE USSR by Sergey Deriugin Dr. Sergey Deriugin, at the time this article was written in the Spring of 1991, worked as a researcher in the Institute for Social Sciences in Moscow and became the vice-editor of a proposed journal, "Disput." This paper was written for a conference that took place in Budapest in May 1991 and reflects the situation prior to the dissolution of the USSR. His articles appeared previously in OPREE. Presently, in the USSR, the method of forming multi-parties is developing within the political system. The constituent congresses of all kinds of political parties took place. Social-democratic, socialist, republican, liberal-democratic, anarchist, and many other parties declared their foundation as consisting of corresponding orientation. -
Ár Päts the Classic History of the Kingdom of Talossa 1979-2008
http://www.talossa1979.com Ár Päts The Classic History of the Kingdom of Talossa 1979-2008 É É É R. BEN MADISON, M.A. É É É Published by Preßeu Støtanneu Abbavilla, Atatürk, RT Ár Päts, 2008 Edition Copyright © 1997-2008 by R. Ben Madison É É É All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted, quoted or paraphrased, in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, internet, or any information storage and retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the author. “Talossa” is a registered trademark and any unauthorized use of the word is a violation of US and international law. http://www.talossa1979.com -1- PREFACE: What is the Kingdom of Talossa? Ár Päts means “Our Country.” And I founded our country – the Kingdom of Talossa – on December 26, 1979, when I was fourteen years old, in a public ceremony in my father’s living room in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. The micronation of Talossa has been an amazing ride for 28 years. It all started when I was a high school sophomore learning German and dreaming of worlds beyond my boring home. The day after Christmas in 1979, I declared my bedroom to be its own “independent, sovereign country,” the Kingdom of Talossa, with me as its monarch, as well as its only citizen. This gave me the opportunity to draw maps and flags, and even to design my own Talossan language. Instead of dying out right away like it should have, the political adventure called Talossa has grown into a worldwide community of members from the US, Canada, Italy, France, Brazil, Argentina, and elsewhere. -
Romanov Empire: Anton Bakov Anuncia La Impresionante Restauración Del Estado De La Dinastía Romanov Tras Una Interrupción De 100 Años
Romanov Empire: Anton Bakov anuncia la impresionante restauración del Estado de la Dinastía Romanov tras una interrupción de 100 años YEKATERINBURG, Rusia y BANJUL, Gambia, December 8, 2017/PRNewswire/ -- El fundador del Monarchist Party of Russia dio una rueda de prensa en el centro de prensa TASS de Yekaterinburg el 6 de diciembre. Según Bakov, los documentos que apoyan su anuncio se hicieron públicos de forma deliberada y simbólica en Yekaterinburg. Se eligió esta ciudad al haber sido testigo del acto más repelente y despiadado de regicidio. Durante la celebración de la rueda de prensa, se presentó a los periodistas un Memorando de Amistad y Cooperación firmado entre la República de Gambia y el Romanov Empire, que se firmó el 1 de diciembre en Banjul por medio del secretario general de Gambia, Dawda D. Fadera, y el Ministro de Asuntos Exteriores del Romanov Empire, Modou Lamin Saidykhan. Si desea ver el comunicado multimedia haga click en: https://www.multivu.com/players/uk/8236851-anton-bakov-restoration-romanov- dynasty/ Según el documento indicado, la parte occidental de la República Africana de Gambia se convirtió en el primer gobierno en reconocer oficialmente al Romanov Empire y crear contactos diplomáticos con él. A cambio, el Romanov Empire acordó el pago de 60 millones de dólares estadounidenses al presupuesto de Gambia. El nuevo Romanov Empire se situará en las islas artificiales con una masa terrestre de 10 km² en las aguas territoriales de la República de Gambia. El territorio de las islas, que presenta cinco veces el tamaño de Mónaco, estará bajo la jurisdicción soberana del imperio. -
Genealogy of the Idea of Monarchy in the Post-Soviet Political Discourse of the Russian Orthodox Church
The Genealogy of the Idea of Monarchy in the Post-Soviet Political Discourse of the Russian Orthodox Church Suslov, Mikhail Published in: State, Religion and Church Publication date: 2016 Document version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (APA): Suslov, M. (2016). The Genealogy of the Idea of Monarchy in the Post-Soviet Political Discourse of the Russian Orthodox Church. State, Religion and Church, 3(1), 27-62. Download date: 27. sep.. 2021 MIKHAIL SUSLOV The Genealogy of the Idea of Monarchy in the Post-Soviet Political Discourse of the Russian Orthodox Church Translation by Jan Surer Mikhail Suslov — Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies, Uppsala University (Sweden). [email protected] This article focuses on the concept of monarchy with an em- phasis on the traditional Russian “autocratic” model. Mikhail Suslov inquires into the ways this concept is being used in to- day’s Russian Orthodox Church and in the circles of religious- ly motivated intellectuals. Informed by the “contextualist” tra- dition in conceptual history, this article traces the concept of monarchy back to pre-revolutionary and émigré thinkers and argues that two understandings of the term have been evolv- ing throughout Russia’s modern history: the tradition of “di- vine kingship” (tsarebozhie), now largely marginalized, and the Slavophile interpretation that shifted substantially toward the idea of popular sovereignty and is now dominant in ofcial and mainstream Orthodox political thought. The Slavophile concept of monarchy is internally contradictory and unstable, making its usage problematic, but, at the same time, it opens the possibility for new and original theorizing. -
CSESII Parties and Leaders Original CSES Text Plus CCNER Additions (Highlighted)
CSESII Parties and Leaders Original CSES text plus CCNER additions (highlighted) =========================================================================== ))) APPENDIX I: PARTIES AND LEADERS =========================================================================== | NOTES: PARTIES AND LEADERS | | This appendix identifies parties active during a polity's | election and (where available) their leaders. | | Provided are the party labels for the codes used in the micro | data variables. Parties A through F are the six most popular | parties, listed in descending order according to their share of | the popular vote in the "lowest" level election held (i.e., | wherever possible, the first segment of the lower house). | | Note that in countries represented with more than a single | election study the order of parties may change between the two | elections. | | Leaders A through F are the corresponding party leaders or | presidential candidates referred to in the micro data items. | This appendix reports these names and party affiliations. | | Parties G, H, and I are supplemental parties and leaders | voluntarily provided by some election studies. However, these | are in no particular order. --------------------------------------------------------------------------- >>> PARTIES AND LEADERS: ALBANIA (2005) --------------------------------------------------------------------------- 02. Party A PD Democratic Party Sali Berisha 01. Party B PS Socialist Party Fatos Nano 04. Party C PR Republican Party Fatmir Mediu 05. Party D PSD Social Democratic Party Skender Gjinushi 03. Party E LSI Socialist Movement for Integration Ilir Meta 10. Party F PDR New Democratic Party Genc Pollo 09. Party G PAA Agrarian Party Lufter Xhuveli 08. Party H PAD Democratic Alliance Party Neritan Ceka 07. Party I PDK Christian Democratic Party Nikolle Lesi 06. LZhK Movement of Leka Zogu I Leka Zogu 11. PBDNj Human Rights Union Party 12. Union for Victory (Partia Demokratike+ PR+PLL+PBK+PBL) 89.