SLAVOPHILES and COMMISSARS Also by Judith Devlin
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A Conversation with Vladimir Kara-Murza
AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE PUTINISM AT HOME AND ABROAD: A CONVERSATION WITH VLADIMIR KARA-MURZA INTRODUCTION AND MODERATOR: LEON ARON, AEI DISCUSSION: VLADIMIR KARA-MURZA, OPEN RUSSIA 9:30 AM – 11:00 AM FRIDAY, OCTOBER 9, 2015 EVENT PAGE: http://www.aei.org/events/putinism-at-home-and-abroad-a- conversation-with-vladimir-kara-murza/ TRANSCRIPT PROVIDED BY DC TRANSCRIPTION – WWW.DCTMR.COM LEON ARON: Welcome. Vladimir’s vita was part of the invitation and you also saw it and I saw some of you picked it up at the registration. So I will not go through it. He’s very well known. Let me mention only that he’s deputy leader of the Party of Russian Freedom, better known by the Russian acronym of PARNAS. He’s the resident coordinator of Mikhail Khodorkovsky’s Open Russia. He’s a resident because Vladimir actually moved. He lives in Russia now, or rather he’s recuperating and then he will move there, and we’ll get to that in a moment. He’s also a Cambridge trained historian and author of several monographs, one of which I hope to be able to discuss here. And he is, of course, a prolific and most enjoyable and insightful commentator on Russian domestic and foreign policies with publications in all leading Western and Russian media. So thank you very much, Volodya, for coming over. We’re honored to have you. VLADIMIR KARA-MURZA: Thank you very much, Leon. And thank you to the American Enterprise Institute for organizing and hosting our meeting today. MR. ARON: Volodya, we were all very saddened and disturbed by the news about your mysterious near fatal illness in the last week of May. -
An Overview of Russian Foreign Policy
02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 7 1 AN OVERVIEW OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY Forging a New Foreign Policy Concept for Russia Russia’s entry into the new millennium was accompanied by qualitative changes in both domestic and foreign policy. After the stormy events of the early 1990s, the gradual process of consolidating society around a strengthened democratic gov- ernment took hold as people began to recognize this as a requirement if the ongoing political and socioeconomic transformation of the country was to be successful. The for- mation of a new Duma after the December 1999 parliamen- tary elections, and Vladimir Putin’s election as president of Russia in 2000, laid the groundwork for an extended period of political stability, which has allowed us to undertake the devel- opment of a long-term strategic development plan for the nation. Russia’s foreign policy course is an integral part of this strategic plan. President Putin himself has emphasized that “foreign policy is both an indicator and a determining factor for the condition of internal state affairs. Here we should have no illusions. The competence, skill, and effectiveness with 02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 8 which we use our diplomatic resources determines not only the prestige of our country in the eyes of the world, but also the political and eco- nomic situation inside Russia itself.”1 Until recently, the view prevalent in our academic and mainstream press was that post-Soviet Russia had not yet fully charted its national course for development. -
Will Bulgaria Become Monarchy Again?
Southeast European Politics Vol. IV, No. 2-3 November 2003 pp. 157-174 Will Bulgaria Become Monarchy Again? ROSSEN VASSILEV The Ohio State University ABSTRACT This article deals with the much debated question of whether post-Communist Bulgaria should restore the monarchy abolished by the 1946 referendum. The prospects for bringing back the monarchy are believed to be negligible, given the existing constitutional hurdles and the population’s pro-republican sentiments. But ex-King Simeon’s triumph in the June 2001 parliamentary election has dramatically changed his standing at home. Any restoration of the monarchy will depend on the perceived success of his coalition government, especially in rebuilding the ailing national economy. It is questionable whether Simeon II will be able to live up to the overoptimistic expectations of Bulgarians who believe that like a Messiah he will save their country from the economic, social, political and institutional turmoil into which it has descended. But with a population distrustful of the politically bankrupt old parties and politicians and despondent enough to grasp at straws, a revival of the monarchy cannot be ruled out. Introduction Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan consider the issue of constitutions and constitutional formulas to be a significant, if neglected, aspect of democratic transitions (Linz and Stepan 1996: 81-83). They offer a classification of six different possible constitution-making environments, ranging from those that present the most confining conditions for democratization to those -
Centenari De La Revolució Russa (1917-2017)
Centenari de la revolució russa Centenari de la revolució russa 1917-2017 Andreu Mayayo Centenario José Manuel Rúa de la revolución Antoni Segura (eds.) rusa Centenary of the Russian Revolution Col·lecció Centre d’Estudis Històrics Internacionals (CEHI-UB) © Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona Aquest llibre forma part del projecte de recerca «La Adolf Florensa, s/n Guerra Civil española y tres décadas de guerra en 08028 Barcelona Europa: herencias y consecuencias (1914-1945/ Tel.: 934 035 430 2014)» (HAR2013-41460-P). www.edicions.ub.edu [email protected] ISBN 978-84-9168-714-6 Aquest document està subjecte a la llicència de Re- coneixement-NoComercial-SenseObraDerivada de Creative Commons, el text de la qual està dis- ponible a: http://creative commons.org/licenses/ by-nc-nd/4.0/. Sumari Presentación. Que cien años no es nada... Octubre (1917-2017): la Revolución que dio forma al siglo xx, por Andreu Mayayo i Artal, José Manuel Rúa Fernández, Antoni Segura i Mas ............................................................................ 11 PONÈNCIES Álvaro Soto Carmona, Entre el miedo y la esperanza. El impacto de la revolución rusa en España .......................................................................... 17 Alberto Pellegrini, La última aventura del zarismo: Rusia y la Primera Guerra Mundial ................................................................................ 41 José Manuel Rúa Fernández, Revolución y mundo del trabajo: del taylorismo soviético al estajanovismo estalinista ....................................... 73 Serge Wolikow, La révolution russe et l’Internationale communiste 1919-1929 ................................................................................................................ 91 Andreu Mayayo i Artal, Las miradas sobre la Revolución .................................. 113 Paola Lo Cascio, El miedo a la Revolución y el anticomunismo ......................... 131 Antoni Segura i Mas, Les conseqüències de la desaparició de l’URSS ............ 147 Francisco Veiga, En busca de un nuevo lugar en la historia. -
Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation
POST-SOVIET POLITICAL PARTY DEVELOPMENT IN RUSSIA: OBSTACLES TO DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION Evguenia Lenkevitch Bachelor of Arts (Honours), SFU 2005 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Political Science O Evguenia Lenkevitch 2007 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY 2007 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: Evguenia Lenkevitch Degree: Master of Arts, Department of Political Science Title of Thesis: Post-Soviet Political Party Development in Russia: Obstacles to Democratic Consolidation Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Lynda Erickson, Professor Department of Political Science Dr. Lenard Cohen, Professor Senior Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. Alexander Moens, Professor Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. llya Vinkovetsky, Assistant Professor External Examiner Department of History Date DefendedlApproved: August loth,2007 The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection (currently available to the public at the 'Institutional Repository" link of the SFU Library website <www.lib.sfu.ca> at: <http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/112>) and, without changing the content, to translate the thesis/project or extended essays, if technically possible, to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation of the digital work. -
Kazakhstan and Perestroika: Was a Chance at “Heroism” Lost?
The Newsletter | No.60 | Summer 2012 14 | The Study Kazakhstan and Perestroika: was a chance at “heroism” lost? writer and the Deputy of the Congress of People’s Deputies On 17-18 December 1986, a students’ uprising took place in Almaty, the managed to establish the Commission of Investigation of the December events in 1989 and rejected the accusation capital of the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic (KazSSR). The pretext for the of nationalism among the young protesters. As a result, all participants were acquitted from all charges and released riots (commonly referred to as the December events) was the appointment from prison, or hospital (as the case was for many). Those who had perished during or after the events, had their names of the non-Kazakh and non-Kazakhstani “person from outside”, G. Kolbin, cleared posthumously. to the post of the First Secretary of the KazSSR Communist Party. The former Despite everything, the ideas of separatism did not gain wide support in the Republic. There was no wide public debate on First Secretary, D. Konayev, who had been leading the Republic since 1964, the issues discussed at the Congresses of People’s Deputies in Moscow in 1989-1991. Lacking their own vision on the reform, was removed from his post “due to the pension age”. The change of leader- the party elite continued to support Gorbachev’s course and did not reveal quests for political independence. Consequently, ship in Kazakhstan happened as a result of the rotation of cadres’ launched the Republic was the last one to announce its independence from the USSR, in 1991, when de facto the USSR had itself by M. -
Russia's Many Foreign Policies
Russia’s Many Foreign Policies MICHAEL MCFAUL hat are Russian foreign policy objectives? It depends on whom you ask. W In making assessments of Russia’s behavior in the world, it is absolutely critical that we recognize that Russia today is not a totalitarian state ruled by a Communist Party with a single and clearly articulated foreign policy of expand- ing world socialism and destroying world capitalism and democracy. That state disappeared in 1991. Rather, Russia is a democratizing state—a weakly institu- tionalized democracy with several deficiencies, but a democratizing state nonetheless. Russia’s foreign policy, in turn, is a product of domestic politics in a pluralistic system. In democracies, “states” do not have foreign policy objectives. Rather, indi- vidual political leaders, parties, and interest groups have foreign policy objec- tives. Under certain conditions, these various forces come together to support a united purpose in foreign affairs. At other times, these disparate groups can have conflicting views about foreign policy objectives. They can even support the same foreign policy objective for different reasons.1 Russia today is no different. Although Russian leaders share in supporting a few common, general foreign policy objectives, they disagree on many others. They also disagree on the means that should be deployed to achieve the same for- eign policy objective. The foreign policy that eventually results is a product of debate, political struggle, electoral politics, and lobbying by key interest groups. Because Russia is undergoing revolutionary change internally, the foreign policy that results from Russian domestic politics can change quickly. This article makes the case for the centrality of domestic politics in the artic- ulation and implementation of Russian foreign policy. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Prospects for Democracy in Russia Introduction
KOREA JOURNAL OF POPULATION AND DEVELOPMENT Volume 25, Number 2, December 1996 PROSPECTS FOR DEMOCRACY IN RUSSIA VICTOR A. KREMENYUK Russian Academy of Sciences This article gives an analysis of sources and moving forces of recent pro-democracy changes in Russia. While attibuting high esteem to the new democratic elements in Russia, the author casts strong doubts to depth and durability of these changes since they were never backed by a strong grass-root movement and were primarily result of a policy from above. The author studies current state of affairs in building democratic society in Russia and presents a balanced view of advancements and shortcomings in this area, explaining the so~rces of still strong pro-Communist sympathies which were revealed during recent presidential election in Russia. An attempt to judge on possibilities offurther democratic development in Russia ends the article. INTRODUCTION Prospects for democratic development in Russia continue to attract attention from both scholars and policy-makers worldwide. The end of the Cold War, which was dutifully associated with the beginning of democratic changes in the former Soviet Union (FSU) has had a strong impact on the world development. Though it can hardly be stated that the new world has become much safer or less contradictory, at least, the perspective of a nuclear war has become much more distant and even negligible and the ideological split of the global community does not exist any more with few exceptions in China, North Korea, and Cuba. Possibilities of a controllable and peaceful evolution of the world system have increased greatly. -
Yeltsin's Winning Campaigns
7 Yeltsin’s Winning Campaigns Down with Privileges and Out of the USSR, 1989–91 The heresthetical maneuver that launched Yeltsin to the apex of power in Russia is a classic representation of Riker’s argument. Yeltsin reformulated Russia’s central problem, offered a radically new solution through a unique combination of issues, and engaged in an uncompro- mising, negative campaign against his political opponents. This allowed Yeltsin to form an unusual coalition of different stripes and ideologies that resulted in his election as Russia’s ‹rst president. His rise to power, while certainly facilitated by favorable timing, should also be credited to his own political skill and strategic choices. In addition to the institutional reforms introduced at the June party conference, the summer of 1988 was marked by two other signi‹cant developments in Soviet politics. In August, Gorbachev presented a draft plan for the radical reorganization of the Secretariat, which was to be replaced by six commissions, each dealing with a speci‹c policy area. The Politburo’s adoption of this plan in September was a major politi- cal blow for Ligachev, who had used the Secretariat as his principal power base. Once viewed as the second most powerful man in the party, Ligachev now found himself chairman of the CC commission on agriculture, a position with little real in›uence.1 His ideological portfo- lio was transferred to Gorbachev’s ally, Vadim Medvedev, who 225 226 The Strategy of Campaigning belonged to the new group of soft-line reformers. His colleague Alexan- der Yakovlev assumed responsibility for foreign policy. -
Sovyet Sonrasi Rusya'da Toplumsal Muhalefetin
TÜRKİYE CUMHURİYETİ ANKARA ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ SİYASET BİLİMİ VE KAMU YÖNETİMİ (SİYASET BİLİMİ) ANABİLİM DALI SOVYET SONRASI RUSYA’DA TOPLUMSAL MUHALEFETİN EKONOMİ POLİTİĞİ Doktora Tezi Emek YILDIRIM Ankara, 2018 TÜRKİYE CUMHURİYETİ ANKARA ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ SİYASET BİLİMİ VE KAMU YÖNETİMİ (SİYASET BİLİMİ) ANABİLİM DALI SOVYET SONRASI RUSYA’DA TOPLUMSAL MUHALEFETİN EKONOMİ POLİTİĞİ Doktora Tezi Emek YILDIRIM Tez Danışmanı Prof. Dr. Filiz ZABCI Ankara, 2018 TÜRKİYE CUMHURİYETİ ANKARA ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ SİYASET BİLİMİ VE KAMU YÖNETİMİ ANABİLİM DALI SİYASET BİLİMİ BİLİM DALI SOVYET SONRASI RUSYA’DA TOPLUMSAL MUHALEFETİN EKONOMİ POLİTİĞİ DOKTORA TEZİ Tez Danışmanı Prof. Dr. Filiz ZABCI TEZ JÜRİSİ ÜYELERİ Adı ve Soyadı İmzası 1- 2- 3- 4- 5- Tez Savunması Tarihi T.C. ANKARA ÜNİVERSİTESİ Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Müdürlüğü’ne, Prof. Dr. Filiz ZABCI danışmanlığında hazırladığım “Sovyet Sonrası Rusya’da Toplumsal Muhalefetin Ekonomi Politiği (Ankara.2018)” adlı doktora tezimdeki bütün bilgilerin akademik kurallara ve etik davranış ilkelerine uygun olarak toplanıp sunulduğunu, başka kaynaklardan aldığım bilgileri metinde ve kaynakçada eksiksiz olarak gösterdiğimi, çalışma sürecinde bilimsel araştırma ve etik kurallarına uygun olarak davrandığımı ve aksinin ortaya çıkması durumunda her türlü yasal sonucu kabul edeceğimi beyan ederim. Tarih: Adı-Soyadı ve İmza Emek YILDIRIM TEŞEKKÜR Ortaya çıkan bu çalışmanın yazılması, hazırlanması sürecinde benden kıymetli katkılarını esirgemeyen başta tez danışmanım Prof. Dr. Filiz Zabcı olmak üzere Tez İzleme Jürisi’nin diğer iki değerli ismi olan Doç. Dr. Pınar Bedirhanoğlu’na ve Prof. Dr. Erel Tellal’a teşekkür etmeyi bir borç bilirim. Ayrıca, Tez Savunma Jürisi’nde yer alıp, verdikleri onulmaz katkılarıyla bu çalışmanın gelişimine destek sağlayan Doç. Dr. Şebnem Oğuz’a ve Prof.