DOCSLIB.ORG

The Eastern and Western Dimensions of the Russian Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Period

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Eastern and Western Dimensions of the Russian Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Period T.C. DOKUZ EYLÜL ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ ULUSLARARASI İLİŞKİLER ANABİLİM DALI İNGİLİZCE ULUSLARARASI İLİŞKİLER PROGRAMI YÜKSEK LİSANS TEZİ THE EASTERN AND WESTERN DIMENSIONS OF THE RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE POST-COLD WAR PERIOD Daniya USMANOVA Danışman Doç. Dr. Nazif MANDACI 2011 Yemin Metni Yüksek Lisans Tezi olarak sunduğum “THE EASTERN AND WESTERN DIMENSIONS OF THE RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE POST-COLD WAR PERIOD” adlı çalışmanın, tarafımdan, bilimsel ahlak ve geleneklere aykırı düşecek bir yardıma başvurmaksızın yazıldığını ve yararlandığım eserlerin kaynakçada gösterilenlerden oluştuğunu, bunlara atıf yapılarak yararlanılmış olduğunu belirtir ve bunu onurumla doğrularım. ...../...../20..... Daniya USMANOVA ii YÜKSEK LİSANS TEZ SINAV TUTANAĞI Öğrencinin Adı ve Soyadı : Daniya Usmanova Anabilim Dalı : Uluslararası İlişkiler Programı : İngilizce Uluslararası İlişkiler Tez Konusu : The Eastern and Western Dimensions of the Russian Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Period Sınav Tarihi ve Saati : Yukarıda kimlik bilgileri belirtilen öğrenci Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü’nün …………………….. tarih ve ………. sayılı toplantısında oluşturulan jürimiz tarafından Lisansüstü Yönetmeliği’nin 18. maddesi gereğince yüksek lisans tez sınavına alınmıştır. Adayın kişisel çalışmaya dayanan tezini ………. dakikalık süre içinde savunmasından sonra jüri üyelerince gerek tez konusu gerekse tezin dayanağı olan Anabilim dallarından sorulan sorulara verdiği cevaplar değerlendirilerek tezin, BAŞARILI OLDUĞUNA Ο OY BİRLİĞİ Ο DÜZELTİLMESİNE Ο* OY ÇOKLUĞU Ο REDDİNE Ο** ile karar verilmiştir. Jüri teşkil edilmediği için sınav yapılamamıştır. Ο*** Öğrenci sınava gelmemiştir. Ο** * Bu halde adaya 3 ay süre verilir. ** Bu halde adayın kaydı silinir. *** Bu halde sınav için yeni bir tarih belirlenir. Evet Tez burs, ödül veya teşvik programlarına (Tüba, Fulbright vb.) aday olabilir. Ο Tez mevcut hali ile basılabilir. Ο Tez gözden geçirildikten sonra basılabilir. Ο Tezin basımı gerekliliği yoktur. Ο JÜRİ ÜYELERİ İMZA …………………………… □ Başarılı □ Düzeltme □ Red ……………... …………………………… □ Başarılı □ Düzeltme □ Red .……….......... ………………………….... □ Başarılı □ Düzeltme □ Red .……….……. iii ÖZET Yüksek Lisans Tezi The Eastern and Western Dimensions of the Russian Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Period Daniya USMANOVA Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı İngilizce Uluslararası İlişkiler Programı Sovyetler Birliğinin dağılmasından ve Soğuk Savaşın bitmesinden sonra Rusya Federasyonu yeni dünya düzeni içinde dış politikasını çizerken bir takım vazifelerle karşı karşıya kaldı. Bu tez Boris Yeltsin ve Vladimir Putin’in bu vazifeleri nasıl yerine getirebildiklerini, ayrıca Yeltsin ve Putin yönetimlerinin dış siyaset dalındaki davranışlarında ne tür belirleyici faktörlerin yer aldığını analiz etmeye çalısacak. İki Cumhurbaşkanının dış siyaseti, bireysel açıdan ve ilgili dönemin kurumsal çerçevesi açısından değerlendirilecek. Rusya’nın dış politika oluşturma sürecinde bir takım yeni eğilimler belirleniyordu; bunların arasında en belirgini, 19. yüzyıldan bu yana Rus siyaset adamları ve felsefeciler arasında devam eden ‘Avrasyacılığa karşı Batıcılık’ ideolojik fikir mücadelesi idi. Bu mücadele, Rus dış politikasının dünyanın Batı ve Doğu bölümlerindeki tercihlerinde yansıtılmıştı. Yeltsin ve Putin dönemlerinde Rusya’nın dış siyasetinde Avrasyacılığın mı, yoksa Batıcılığın mı hakim olduğunu veya bu ideolojilerin dengeli biçimde yada bir araç olarak kullanıldıklarını ortaya çıkarmak önemlidir. Bu çalışma, Yeltsin ve Putin yönetimlerinin, dünyanın Batı ve Doğu bölgelerinde bulunan, Amerika Birleşik Devletleri (ABD), Avrupa Birliği (AB), NATO, ve diğer taraftan Asya (Doğu, Güneydoğu Asya, Kuzeydoğu Asya ve Asya-Pasifik bölgesi) ve Orta Doğu ülkeleri ile ilişkilerinde ne tür etkenlerin (örgütler, kuruluşlar, aktörler, geopolitik, güvenlik veya iktisadi düşünceler, yada ideolojiler) yer aldığını ortaya çıkarmaya çalışacak. Anahtar Kelimeler: Rus Dış Politikası, Yeltsin, Putin, Değişim, Devamlılık, Avrasyacılık, Batıcılık, ABD, NATO, Avrupa Birliği, Asya, Orta Doğu iv ABSTRACT Post Graduate Thesis The Eastern and Western Dimensions of the Russian Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Period Daniya USMANOVA Dokuz Eylül University Institute of Social Sciences Department of International Relations International Relations Post Graduate Program After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War the Russian Federation faced a number of tasks in drawing its new foreign policy agenda in the new world order. The thesis will analyze how Boris Yeltsin and Vladimir Putin managed to handle this task and which factors did play decisive role in Yeltsin’s and Putin’s administrations’ behavior considering foreign affairs. The foreign policy of two Russian presidents will be evaluated in the individual perspective and in the institutional framework of Russia in the respective period. Emerging trends in Russian foreign policy-making were numerous; the most prominent of them was Eurasianism versus Westernism ideological debate which persisted among Russian policy-makers and philosophers since the nineteenth century until nowadays. This debate was reflected in Russian foreign policy preferences when dealing with the Western and the Eastern parts of the world. It is important to find out whether Eurasianism or Westernism prevailed in Russian foreign policy agenda during Yeltsin’s and Putin’s periods or whether these ideologies were balanced or used instrumentally. This work will try to explore which factors (organizations, institutions, actors, geopolitical, security or economic considerations, as well as ideologies) stood behind one or another choice of both Yeltsin and Putin’s administrations when dealing with the Western part of the world, namely the United States (US), the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO); and the Eastern part in face of Asia (East, Southeast Asia, Northeast Asia and Asia-Pacific) and the Middle East. Key Words: Russian Foreign Policy, Yeltsin, Putin, Changes, Continuities, Eurasianism, Atlantism, Westernism, the United States, NATO, the EU, Asia, Middle East v THE EASTERN AND WESTERN DIMENSIONS OF THE RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE POST-COLD WAR PERIOD YEMİN METNİ ii TUTANAK iii ÖZET iv ABSTRACT v TABLE OF CONTENTS vi ABBREVIATIONS x INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I A GLANCE AT THE FUNDAMENTALS OF THE RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE POST-COLD WAR ERA 1.1. General Situation in the World Stage after the End of the Cold War 5 1.1.1. Russia in a New World Order 6 1.1.2. New Trends in Russian Foreign Policy after the Break of USSR 9 1.1.3. A General Look on the Institutional and Personal Aspects of the Russian Foreign Policy 13 1.1.3.1. The Yeltsin Period 13 1.1.3.2. The Putin Period 17 1.2. Rise of Assertiveness in Russian Foreign Policy 23 1.2.1. 1993 Elections and Its Aftermath 24 1.2.2. Rise of Geopolitics in Russian Foreign Affairs 25 1.2.3. Eurasianism versus Atlantism Debate in Russian Foreign Policy Agenda 27 CHAPTER II WESTERN DIMENSION OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY DURING THE YELTSIN ADMINISTRATION 2.1. Western Dimension of Russian Foreign Policy during Yeltsin’s administration 34 2.1.1. Russian-American Relations during Yeltsin 36 2.1.1.1. Return of Russia and Old Style of Politics with the West 39 vi 2.1.1.2. Security Dimension of Russian-American Relations 42 2.1.1.2.1. Strategic Disarmament and the Russian-US Relations 43 2.1.1.2.2. NATO Activism and Russia 46 2.1.1.2.3. Wars in Bosnia and Kosovo: Russia Becomes a Counterweighing Force 52 2.1.2. Russian-EU Relations during Yeltsin 55 2.1.2.1. Fundamentals of the Russian-European Relations 56 2.1.2.1.1. Russia-Europe Relations from Gorbachev to Yeltsin 58 2.1.2.1.2. Yeltsin’s “Our Europe” 59 2.1.2.2. Security Dimension of Russian-EU Relations 62 2.1.2.3. Russian-EU Relations and Democracy 68 CHAPTER III EASTERN DIMENSION OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY DURING THE YELTSIN ADMINISTRATION 3.1. Eastern Dimension of Russian Foreign Policy during Yeltsin 71 3.1.1. Fundamentals of the Russian Foreign Policy in Asia during Yeltsin 75 3.1.1.1. Russian Relations with China 81 3.1.1.1.1. Sino-Russian Alignment against US 85 3.1.1.1.2. The Shanghai Forum 87 3.1.1.2. Russia and Asia-Pacific Region 89 3.1.1.3. Relations with the Koreas 92 3.1.1.4. Relations with India 94 3.1.2. Fundamentals of the Russian Foreign Policy in the Middle East during Yeltsin 97 CHAPTER IV WESTERN DIMENSION OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY DURING THE PUTIN ADMINISTRATION 4.1. Western Dimension of Russian Foreign Policy during Putin 101 4.1.1. Russian-American Relations during Putin 106 4.1.1.1. Fundamentals of the Russian-American Relations 110 vii 4.1.1.1.1. 9/11 Attacks and Afterwards 111 4.1.1.1.2. 2003 War in Iraq and After 112 4.1.1.1.3. Putin’s Munich Speech – Open Opposition against the United States 114 4.1.1.1.4. 2008 Crisis in Georgia 116 4.1.1.2. Security Dimension of Russian-American Relations 117 4.1.1.2.1. Strategic Disarmament and the Russian-US Relations 117 4.1.1.2.2. NATO in Russian-American Security Relations Agenda 121 4.1.2. Russian-EU Relations during Putin 126 4.1.2.1. Fundamentals of Russian-EU Relations during Putin 126 4.1.2.1.1. A “Big Start” for Cooperation 128 4.1.2.1.2. 2003-2006 Period of Stagnation in Relations 131 4.1.2.1.3. 2006-late 2000s: the Period of Depression 132 4.1.2.2. Security Dimension of Russian-EU Relations 133 4.1.2.3. Russian-EU Relations and Democracy 138 CHAPTER V EASTERN DIMENSION OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY DURING THE PUTIN ADMINISTRATION 5.1. Eastern Dimension of Russian Foreign Policy during Putin 143 5.1.1. Fundamentals of the Russian Foreign Policy in Asia during Putin 145 5.1.1.1. Russian Relations with China 149 5.1.1.1.1. Russo-Chinese Relations in Terms of Multipolar Policies 150 5.1.1.1.2. Trade Relations and Arms Sales to China 152 5.1.1.2. Russia and Asia-Pacific Region 155 5.1.1.3. Relations with the Koreas 159 5.1.1.4.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Centenari De La Revolució Russa (1917-2017)
    Centenari de la revolució russa Centenari de la revolució russa 1917-2017 Andreu Mayayo Centenario José Manuel Rúa de la revolución Antoni Segura (eds.) rusa Centenary of the Russian Revolution Col·lecció Centre d’Estudis Històrics Internacionals (CEHI-UB) © Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona Aquest llibre forma part del projecte de recerca «La Adolf Florensa, s/n Guerra Civil española y tres décadas de guerra en 08028 Barcelona Europa: herencias y consecuencias (1914-1945/ Tel.: 934 035 430 2014)» (HAR2013-41460-P). www.edicions.ub.edu [email protected] ISBN 978-84-9168-714-6 Aquest document està subjecte a la llicència de Re- coneixement-NoComercial-SenseObraDerivada de Creative Commons, el text de la qual està dis- ponible a: http://creative commons.org/licenses/ by-nc-nd/4.0/. Sumari Presentación. Que cien años no es nada... Octubre (1917-2017): la Revolución que dio forma al siglo xx, por Andreu Mayayo i Artal, José Manuel Rúa Fernández, Antoni Segura i Mas ............................................................................ 11 PONÈNCIES Álvaro Soto Carmona, Entre el miedo y la esperanza. El impacto de la revolución rusa en España .......................................................................... 17 Alberto Pellegrini, La última aventura del zarismo: Rusia y la Primera Guerra Mundial ................................................................................ 41 José Manuel Rúa Fernández, Revolución y mundo del trabajo: del taylorismo soviético al estajanovismo estalinista ....................................... 73 Serge Wolikow, La révolution russe et l’Internationale communiste 1919-1929 ................................................................................................................ 91 Andreu Mayayo i Artal, Las miradas sobre la Revolución .................................. 113 Paola Lo Cascio, El miedo a la Revolución y el anticomunismo ......................... 131 Antoni Segura i Mas, Les conseqüències de la desaparició de l’URSS ............ 147 Francisco Veiga, En busca de un nuevo lugar en la historia.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's Many Foreign Policies
    Russia’s Many Foreign Policies MICHAEL MCFAUL hat are Russian foreign policy objectives? It depends on whom you ask. W In making assessments of Russia’s behavior in the world, it is absolutely critical that we recognize that Russia today is not a totalitarian state ruled by a Communist Party with a single and clearly articulated foreign policy of expand- ing world socialism and destroying world capitalism and democracy. That state disappeared in 1991. Rather, Russia is a democratizing state—a weakly institu- tionalized democracy with several deficiencies, but a democratizing state nonetheless. Russia’s foreign policy, in turn, is a product of domestic politics in a pluralistic system. In democracies, “states” do not have foreign policy objectives. Rather, indi- vidual political leaders, parties, and interest groups have foreign policy objec- tives. Under certain conditions, these various forces come together to support a united purpose in foreign affairs. At other times, these disparate groups can have conflicting views about foreign policy objectives. They can even support the same foreign policy objective for different reasons.1 Russia today is no different. Although Russian leaders share in supporting a few common, general foreign policy objectives, they disagree on many others. They also disagree on the means that should be deployed to achieve the same for- eign policy objective. The foreign policy that eventually results is a product of debate, political struggle, electoral politics, and lobbying by key interest groups. Because Russia is undergoing revolutionary change internally, the foreign policy that results from Russian domestic politics can change quickly. This article makes the case for the centrality of domestic politics in the artic- ulation and implementation of Russian foreign policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Sovyet Sonrasi Rusya'da Toplumsal Muhalefetin
    TÜRKİYE CUMHURİYETİ ANKARA ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ SİYASET BİLİMİ VE KAMU YÖNETİMİ (SİYASET BİLİMİ) ANABİLİM DALI SOVYET SONRASI RUSYA’DA TOPLUMSAL MUHALEFETİN EKONOMİ POLİTİĞİ Doktora Tezi Emek YILDIRIM Ankara, 2018 TÜRKİYE CUMHURİYETİ ANKARA ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ SİYASET BİLİMİ VE KAMU YÖNETİMİ (SİYASET BİLİMİ) ANABİLİM DALI SOVYET SONRASI RUSYA’DA TOPLUMSAL MUHALEFETİN EKONOMİ POLİTİĞİ Doktora Tezi Emek YILDIRIM Tez Danışmanı Prof. Dr. Filiz ZABCI Ankara, 2018 TÜRKİYE CUMHURİYETİ ANKARA ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ SİYASET BİLİMİ VE KAMU YÖNETİMİ ANABİLİM DALI SİYASET BİLİMİ BİLİM DALI SOVYET SONRASI RUSYA’DA TOPLUMSAL MUHALEFETİN EKONOMİ POLİTİĞİ DOKTORA TEZİ Tez Danışmanı Prof. Dr. Filiz ZABCI TEZ JÜRİSİ ÜYELERİ Adı ve Soyadı İmzası 1- 2- 3- 4- 5- Tez Savunması Tarihi T.C. ANKARA ÜNİVERSİTESİ Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Müdürlüğü’ne, Prof. Dr. Filiz ZABCI danışmanlığında hazırladığım “Sovyet Sonrası Rusya’da Toplumsal Muhalefetin Ekonomi Politiği (Ankara.2018)” adlı doktora tezimdeki bütün bilgilerin akademik kurallara ve etik davranış ilkelerine uygun olarak toplanıp sunulduğunu, başka kaynaklardan aldığım bilgileri metinde ve kaynakçada eksiksiz olarak gösterdiğimi, çalışma sürecinde bilimsel araştırma ve etik kurallarına uygun olarak davrandığımı ve aksinin ortaya çıkması durumunda her türlü yasal sonucu kabul edeceğimi beyan ederim. Tarih: Adı-Soyadı ve İmza Emek YILDIRIM TEŞEKKÜR Ortaya çıkan bu çalışmanın yazılması, hazırlanması sürecinde benden kıymetli katkılarını esirgemeyen başta tez danışmanım Prof. Dr. Filiz Zabcı olmak üzere Tez İzleme Jürisi’nin diğer iki değerli ismi olan Doç. Dr. Pınar Bedirhanoğlu’na ve Prof. Dr. Erel Tellal’a teşekkür etmeyi bir borç bilirim. Ayrıca, Tez Savunma Jürisi’nde yer alıp, verdikleri onulmaz katkılarıyla bu çalışmanın gelişimine destek sağlayan Doç. Dr. Şebnem Oğuz’a ve Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • SLAVOPHILES and COMMISSARS Also by Judith Devlin
    SLAVOPHILES AND COMMISSARS Also by Judith Devlin RELIGION AND REBELLION (editor with Ronan Fanning) THE RISE OF THE RUSSIAN DEMOCRATS: the Causes and Consequences of the Elite Revolution THE SUPERSTITIOUS MIND: French Peasants and the Supernatural in Nineteenth-Century France Slavophiles and Commissars Enemies of Democracy in Modern Russia Judith Devlin Lecturer in Modern History University College, Dublin First published in Great Britain 1999 by MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978-1-349-40232-8 ISBN 978-0-333-98320-1 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9780333983201 First published in the United States of America 1999 by ST. MARTIN’S PRESS, INC., Scholarly and Reference Division, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Devlin, Judith, 1952– Slavophiles and commissars : enemies of democracy in modern Russia / Judith Devlin. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Russia (Federation)—Politics and government—1991– 2. Nationalism—Russia (Federation) 3. Authoritarianism—Russia (Federation) 4. Russia (Federation)—Intellectual life—1991– I. Title. DK510.763.D486 1999 320.947'09'049—dc21 98–50836 CIP © Judith Devlin 1999 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 1999 978-0-333-69933-1 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1P 9HE.
    [Show full text]
  • Is It Power Or Princiiple? a Footnote on the Talbott Doctrine
    Is It Power or Princiiple? A Footnote on the Talbott Doctrine FREDO ARIAS-KING As long as there are reformers in the Russian Federation and the other states lead- ing the journey toward democracy's horizon, our strategy must be to support them. And our place must be at their side. -President Bill Clinton, May 1993 M uch has been written about the Clinton administration's excesisive focus on Boris Yeltsin at the expense of other democratic figures in Russia.) That policy has been attributed to Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott, the brainy former journalist who, under a succession of different titles, is the government official de facto in charge of Clinton's policy toward Russia and the other post- Soviet countries.2 Although the practice of putting Yeltsin and his interests first seems to have created generous and debatably warranted U.S. support for former prime minis- ter Viktor Chernomyrdin and his successors, there is doubt that this policy was also extended to the other democratic forces that ceased to dominate Russian pol- itice in late 1993. Yeltsin tacitly supported Russia's Choice as the preferred party to win the December 1993 elections for the Duma and carry out the reform agen- da that the late Supreme Soviet had stalled. However, the failure of Russia's Choice and other reform-oriented parties in that election forced Yeltsin to change his strategy, once again relying on Chernomyrdin, his emerging "Party of Power," the industrial-military complex, the armed forces, and the KGB--to ithe detriment of the legislature and Russian democracy.33 The leaders of the Democratic Russia Movement, the coalition that pressed Mikhail Gorbachev to annul the communist monopoly on power in February 1990, that launched Yeltsin into the Russian presidency in June 1991, and that then gave birth to the Russia's Choice party, believe that Strobe Talbott did not support them in that crucial hour of need in late 1993.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Federation, Country Information
    Russian Federation, Country Information RUSSIAN FEDERATION April 2003 Country Information & Policy Unit I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III ECONOMY IV HISTORY V STATE STRUCTURES VIA HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES VIB HUMAN RIGHTS - SPECIFIC GROUPS VIC HUMAN RIGHTS - OTHER ISSUES ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY OF MAIN EVENTS 1917-2000 ANNEX B: MAIN POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE REFERENCES TO SOURCE MATERIAL 1. INTRODUCTION SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1. This assessment has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a wide variety of recognised sources. The document does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. 1.2. The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum/human rights determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum/human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3. The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. These sources have been checked for currency and, as far as can be ascertained, remained relevant and up to date at the time the document was issued. 1.4. It is intended to revise the assessment on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum-seeker producing countries in the United Kingdom. file:///V|/vll/country/uk_cntry_assess/apr2003/0403_Russian%20Federation.htm[10/21/2014 10:08:59 AM] Russian Federation, Country Information 2.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of Political and Business Interests on the Contemporary
    THE IMPACT OF POLITICAL AND BUSINESS INTERESTS ON THE CONTEMPORARY RUSSIAN MEDIA. A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN RUSSIAN AT THE UNIVERSITY OF CANTERBURY BY GREGORY J. SIMONS University of Canterbury 2001 CONTENTS LIST OF GRAPHS v LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS vi LIST OF WORDS vii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS viii ABSTRACT ix 0.0 Chapter Objectives 1 0.1 Introduction 1 0.2 Principal Theories for the Thesis 5 CHAPTER 1: FOUNDATIONS OF THE MODERN RUSSIAN MEDIA 1.0 Media Theory 8 1.0.1 The Significance of the Mass Media 8 1.0.2 Social Functions of the Media 8 1.0.3 Requirements for the Freedom of the Press 9 1.1 Theories for the Press 10 1.2 Political Communication 18 1.3 Media Baron Profiles 20 1.3.1 Vladimir Gusinsky 20 1.3.2 Boris Berezovsky 21 1.3.3 Vladimir Potanin 22 1.4 Mass Media During Soviet Times 22 1.5 Late Soviet Media 25 1.6 Chapter Findings 28 CHAPTER II: BUSINESS AND POLITICAL INFLUENCES ON THE MEDIA 2.0 Chapter Objectives 30 2.1 Russian Politics 30 2.2 The Political Struggle 33 2.3 The Information War 33 2.4 Putin's Rise to Power 35 2.5 Berezovsky's Challenge 38 2.6 Chapter Findings 41 CHAPTER Ill: THE INFLUENCE OF CORRUPTION ON THE MEDIA 3.0 Chapter Objectives 44 3.1 Blat 44 3.2 Definition of Corruption 46 3.3 Corruption in the Soviet Union 48 3.4 A History of Corruption in Contemporary Russia 50 3.5 Government Campaigns Against Corruption 52 3.6 The Russian Privatisation Process 54 3.7 Media Involvement in Reporting on Corruption 56 3.8 Use of Corruption in Politics 58 3.9 Chapter
    [Show full text]
  • Regional Electoral Behaviour and Russian Nationalism
    1 The Office of Information and Press, Democratic Institutions Fellowship Programme, NATO Final Report, June 1997 REGIONAL ELECTORAL BEHAVIOUR AND RUSSIAN NATIONALISM Dr. Sergei Chugrov, Senior Researcher, Centre for Socio- Economic and Political Studies, Institute of World Economy and International Relations. Moscow, 1997 Regional Electoral Behaviour and Russian Nationalism. June 1997. 2 Contents I. INTRODUCTION II. Russian Nationalism (Review chapter) III. The 1993 Parliamentary Elections IV. The 1995 Parliamentary Elections V. The 1996 Presidential Elections IV. CONCLUSIONS Appendices Figure 1. Main dimensions of political conflict among Russian political parties (1993) Figure 2. Main dimensions of political conflicts among Russia’s regions (1993) Figure 3. Main dimensions of political conflict among Russian political parties (1995) Figure 4. Main dimensions of political conflicts among Russia’s regions (1995) Map 1. The north-south divide Map 2. The border regions (Zhirinovsky’s Russia) Tables. The results of elections (1993, 1995, 1996) and some socio-economic indicators by region (only for electronic version, Exel 5) Regional Electoral Behaviour and Russian Nationalism. June 1997. 3 I. INTRODUCTION Political developments in Russia demonstrate that Russian regions play an increasingly important role in domestic politics, and the proliferation of political parties has made a multidimensional study necessary. Another reason is that relations between regional authorities and national government seem chaotic to many researchers in the
    [Show full text]
  • The Communist Movement in Post-Soviet Russia
    The Communist Movement in Post-Soviet Russia JOAN BARTH URBAN T he Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) was the big winner in the Russian parliamentary elections of 17 December 1995, garnering some 22.3 percent of the party list vote and 157 of 450 seats in the State Duma, or lower house of the Federal Assembly. This represented a gain of 112 seats and a near doubling of the KPRF's share of the party preference vote compared to its showing in the 1993 parliamentary contest. But communist gains were not limited to the KPRF. In contrast to 1993, a group of more radical communist formations fielded a joint party list and candidates in single-member districts: the radical Marxist-Leninist electoral alliance, Kommunisty-Trudovaya Rossiya-za Sovetsky Soyuz. Although the radical communist bloc gained only one seat in the new State Duma, it won a surprising 4.53 percent of the party list vote (more than the Agrarian Party of Russia or Russia's Democratic Choice led by Yegor Gaidar), thereby establishing itself as a substantial challenger on the left to the KPRF. An assessment of the political profiles of both the KPRF and its more leftist competitors is therefore of more than academic interest. One of the most important questions to ask is the extent to which the KPRF has moved beyond the Leninist character of the old Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) toward a West European form of social democracy. Bluntly stated, is its present accommodation to the "democratic rules of the game" a political maneuver or a lasting commitment in principie? Any attempt to address this question is complicated by the fact that the KPRF's rhetoric may be influenced by its adversaria) relationship with the more radical and/or traditionalist Russian Marxist-Leninists.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Policy Towards the Cis, 1991-1996: Debates About
    1 RUSSIAN POLICY TOWARDS THE CIS, 1991-1996: DEBATES ABOUT THE MILITARY AND POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT IN THE MOLDOVA-TRANSDNIESTRIA, GEORGIA-ABKHAZIA AND TAJIKISTAN CONFLICTS Nicole Janine Jackson Ph.D. Dissertation London School of Economics UMI Number: U150835 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U150835 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T h £-s £ S F -T\SH Ufi-o OF POLITICAL AIMD t*. 7^0Lt i l sC*r. 2 Abstract The most serious foreign policy challenge that the Russian Federation faced from 1991 to 1996 was whether and how to respond to outbreaks of conflict within its neighbouring states. Unlike under the Soviet Union, there were open, diverse and complex debates about whether Russia should react to these conflicts, and if so, by what means. These foreign policy debates among the political elite and the ensuing policies form the subject of this thesis. The thesis asks what the dominant ideas expressed in these debates about foreign policy were, and whether they were reflected in Russia's policies towards specific military conflicts in the CIS States.
    [Show full text]
  • Dipartimento Di Scienze Politiche Cattedra Di Storia Contemporanea
    DIPARTIMENTO DI SCIENZE POLITICHE CATTEDRA DI STORIA CONTEMPORANEA LA RUSSIA DI BORIS ELTSIN RELATORE: Prof.ssa Vera Capperucci CANDIDATO: Riccardo Grisanti Matricola: 070612 Anno Accademico 2014 - 2015 1 INDICE Introduzione Pag. 3 Capitolo 1 - Dall'URSS alla Federazione Russa: l'avvento di Boris Eltsin Pag. 6 1.1 Perestrojka e Glasnost: l'era Gorbachev Pag. 6 1.2 La fine di un impero: il golpe del 1991 Pag. 23 1.3 Boris Eltsin: chi è e come arriva al potere Pag. 32 Capitolo 2 - La Politica Interna Pag. 40 2.1 La Russia dopo la caduta dell'URSS Pag. 40 2.2 I cambiamenti politici Pag. 45 2.3 L'economia russa negli anni Novanta Pag. 62 2.4 la società russa Pag. 72 Capitolo 3 - La politica estera Pag. 87 3.1 I nuovi rapporti tra Russia e Occidente Pag. 87 3.2 La Russia, la CSI e l'Asia Pag. 98 Conclusioni Pag. 109 Abstract Pag. 113 Bibliografia Pag. 120 2 INTRODUZIONE Nell’intero panorama internazionale non vi è mai stata una nazione così complessa ed eccezionale come la Russia: un paese con una superficie terrestre che si estende dal Baltico al Caucaso fino alla Cina, con gruppi etnici, linguistici, religiosi profondamente diversi. L’eccezionalità della Russia sta proprio nella mancanza di un’appartenenza geo- culturale, infatti ancora oggi la stessa geografia fatica a comprendere se la Russia sia Asia, sia Europa o entrambe. Dopo la Comune di Parigi del 1871, quando la città insorse e per 3 mesi instaurò un governo socialista ( nel significato marxista del termine ossia basato sulle elezione di consigli operai che gestivano la vita politica ed economica parigina), la Russia fu il primo paese al mondo a sperimentare un vero governo socialista nel lungo periodo.
    [Show full text]
  • Thwarting the Specter of a Russian Dictator a New Agenda for the Clinton Administration
    Thwarting the Specter of a Russian Dictator A New Agenda for the Clinton Administration Michael McFaul* MOSCOW, November 1993—After several days of bloody fighting, Russian troops have defeated the Ukrainian national guard and captured Kharkov, the industrial city in northeast Ukraine. Calling the military conquest a victory for human rights over Ukrainian fascism, Russian President Alexander Sterligov ominously vowed to continue his quest to liberate all Russian minorities living in other republics, whatever the cost, despite threats from Kiev of nuclear retaliation to any further acts of Russian aggression. Near Kazan, Tatar guerrilla forces claimed to have ambushed a Russian convoy, killing twenty and wounding another thirty-two, in their quest to regain their capital city. If these reports are accurate, the death toll in Tatarstan has risen to 1,250 since fighting began in June. Here in Moscow, the treason trial against former Democratic Russia leaders continues. Today, the state prosecutor produced receipts which allegedly document that Democratic Russia received over $100,000,000 from “the CIA, the Government of Israel, and other, anti-Russian, Jewish organizations in the United States and Great Britain.” Meanwhile, from Ankara, exiled Kazakh leader Nursultan Nazarbayev called on the U.N. Security Council to intervene militarily to restore the sovereignty of Kazakhstan, which was annexed by Russia last month. NATO troop movements have been reported in Turkey and Germany, despite President Sterligov's warning that further acts of aggression by NATO risks the start of World War III. Though Russia's ability to launch strategic nuclear weapons has been significantly damaged by the July mutiny within the Russian army, Pentagon officials warn that as many as 1,000 Russian warheads may still be aimed at the United States.
    [Show full text]