The Impact of Political and Business Interests on the Contemporary
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OPERATION NEMTSOV”: 307 Disinformation, Confusion MARCH and Some Worrying Hypotheses 2015
Centro de Estudios y Documentación InternacionalesCentro de Barcelona E-ISSN 2014-0843 D.L.: B-8438-2012 opiniónEuropa “OPERATION NEMTSOV”: 307 Disinformation, confusion MARCH and some worrying hypotheses 2015 Nicolás de Pedro, Research Fellow, CIDOB Marta Ter, Head of the North Caucasus department at the Lliga dels Drets dels Pobles he investigation into the assassination of Boris Nemtsov reminds previ- ous ones on high-profile political killings, although the uncertainties grow with every new revelation. The verified, documented connec- Ttion between the main suspect, Zaur Dadayev, and Ramzan Kadyrov, Chechen strongman and close ally of Putin strengthens the theory linking the crime to the Kremlin and suggests possible internal fighting within the state security apparatus. Nemtsov joins a long list of critics and opponents who have been assassinated in the last fifteen years. Among the most prominent are:Sergey Yushenkov, member of parliament for the Liberal Russia party (assassinated on April 17th, 2003); Yuri Shchekochikhin, journalist on the Novaya Gazeta (July 3rd, 2003); Paul Klebnikov, US journalist of Russian origin and editor of the Russian edition of Forbes (July 9th, 2004); Anna Politkovskaya, journalist for Novaya Gazeta (October 7th, 2006); Alexander Litvinenko, former KGB/FSB agent (November 23rd, 2006); and Na- talya Estemirova, human rights activist for the Chechen branch of the NGO Me- morial (July 15th, 2009). Each of these assassinations has its own particularities, but none has been properly explained and all of the victims were people who dis- comfited the Kremlin. Despite this, political motivations and possible connections with state apparatus are the only lines of investigation that have been systemati- cally ignored or explicitly denied in all of these cases. -
The Russia You Never Met
The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya. -
Privatization in Russia: Catalyst for the Elite
PRIVATIZATION IN RUSSIA: CATALYST FOR THE ELITE VIRGINIE COULLOUDON During the fall of 1997, the Russian press exposed a corruption scandal in- volving First Deputy Prime Minister Anatoli Chubais, and several other high- ranking officials of the Russian government.' In a familiar scenario, news organizations run by several bankers involved in the privatization process published compromising material that prompted the dismissal of the politi- 2 cians on bribery charges. The main significance of the so-called "Chubais affair" is not that it pro- vides further evidence of corruption in Russia. Rather, it underscores the im- portance of the scandal's timing in light of the prevailing economic environment and privatization policy. It shows how deliberate this political campaign was in removing a rival on the eve of the privatization of Rosneft, Russia's only remaining state-owned oil and gas company. The history of privatization in Russia is riddled with scandals, revealing the critical nature of the struggle for state funding in Russia today. At stake is influence over defining the rules of the political game. The aim of this article is to demonstrate how privatization in Russia gave birth to an oligarchic re- gime and how, paradoxically, it would eventually destroy that very oligar- chy. This article intends to study how privatization influenced the creation of the present elite structure and how it may further transform Russian decision making in the foreseeable future. Privatization is generally seen as a prerequisite to a market economy, which in turn is considered a sine qua non to establishing a democratic regime. But some Russian analysts and political leaders disagree with this approach. -
Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: a Comparison
WELFARE REFORMS IN POST-SOVIET STATES: A COMPARISON OF SOCIAL BENEFITS REFORM IN RUSSIA AND KAZAKHSTAN by ELENA MALTSEVA A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Elena Maltseva (2012) Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: A Comparison of Social Benefits Reform in Russia and Kazakhstan Elena Maltseva Doctor of Philosophy Political Science University of Toronto (2012) Abstract: Concerned with the question of why governments display varying degrees of success in implementing social reforms, (judged by their ability to arrive at coherent policy outcomes), my dissertation aims to identify the most important factors responsible for the stagnation of social benefits reform in Russia, as opposed to its successful implementation in Kazakhstan. Given their comparable Soviet political and economic characteristics in the immediate aftermath of Communism’s disintegration, why did the implementation of social benefits reform succeed in Kazakhstan, but largely fail in Russia? I argue that although several political and institutional factors did, to a certain degree, influence the course of social benefits reform in these two countries, their success or failure was ultimately determined by the capacity of key state actors to frame the problem and form an effective policy coalition that could further the reform agenda despite various political and institutional obstacles and socioeconomic challenges. In the case of Kazakhstan, the successful implementation of the social benefits reform was a result of a bold and skillful endeavour by Kazakhstani authorities, who used the existing conditions to justify the reform initiative and achieve the reform’s original objectives. -
Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia
Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia the fight against corruption, embezzlement and fraud, claiming that the whole system built by Putin was akin to a mafia. In 2009, he discovered that one of Putin’s allies, Mayor of Moscow City Yury Luzhkov, BORIS and his wife, Yelena Baturina, were engaged in fraudulent business practices. According to the results of his investigation, Baturina had become a billionaire with the help of her husband’s connections. Her real-estate devel- opment company, Inteco, had invested in the construction of dozens of housing complexes in Moscow. Other investors were keen to part- ner with Baturina because she was able to use NEMTSOV her networks to secure permission from the Moscow government to build apartment build- ings, which were the most problematic and It was nearing midnight on 27 February 2015, and the expensive construction projects for developers. stars atop the Kremlin towers shone with their charac- Nemtsov’s report revealed the success of teristic bright-red light. Boris Nemtsov and his partner, Baturina’s business empire to be related to the Anna Duritskaya, were walking along Bolshoy Moskovo- tax benefits she received directly from Moscow retsky Bridge. It was a cold night, and the view from the City government and from lucrative govern- bridge would have been breathtaking. ment tenders won by Inteco. A snowplough passed slowly by the couple, obscuring the scene and probably muffling the sound of the gunshots fired from a side stairway to the bridge. The 55-year-old Nemtsov, a well-known Russian politician, anti-corrup- tion activist and a fierce critic of Vladimir Putin, fell to the ground with four bullets in his back. -
The Siloviki in Russian Politics
The Siloviki in Russian Politics Andrei Soldatov and Michael Rochlitz Who holds power and makes political decisions in contemporary Russia? A brief survey of available literature in any well-stocked bookshop in the US or Europe will quickly lead one to the answer: Putin and the “siloviki” (see e.g. LeVine 2009; Soldatov and Borogan 2010; Harding 2011; Felshtinsky and Pribylovsky 2012; Lucas 2012, 2014 or Dawisha 2014). Sila in Russian means force, and the siloviki are the members of Russia’s so called “force ministries”—those state agencies that are authorized to use violence to respond to threats to national security. These armed agents are often portrayed—by journalists and scholars alike—as Russia’s true rulers. A conventional wisdom has emerged about their rise to dominance, which goes roughly as follows. After taking office in 2000, Putin reconsolidated the security services and then gradually placed his former associates from the KGB and FSB in key positions across the country (Petrov 2002; Kryshtanovskaya and White 2003, 2009). Over the years, this group managed to disable almost all competing sources of power and control. United by a common identity, a shared worldview, and a deep personal loyalty to Putin, the siloviki constitute a cohesive corporation, which has entrenched itself at the heart of Russian politics. Accountable to no one but the president himself, they are the driving force behind increasingly authoritarian policies at home (Illarionov 2009; Roxburgh 2013; Kasparov 2015), an aggressive foreign policy (Lucas 2014), and high levels of state predation and corruption (Dawisha 2014). While this interpretation contains elements of truth, we argue that it provides only a partial and sometimes misleading and exaggerated picture of the siloviki’s actual role. -
Ecobiz April
ECO-BIZ Inside this issue…….. Businessman with a difference VOLUME I ISSUE 1 Business Crossword Early Bird Prize News u can use Top stories….. Top ranking business schools We welcome you all to the first edition of ECO-BIZ the economics-commerce-accounts-essential info zone. Through this publication our aim is to make you all experience the power of knowledge, the power of economy and fi- nance, the power of media and advertising, the power of brands and logos, the power of industrialists….. We are proud and happy to present the first issue and hope you will enjoy reading it. We have come up with some innova- tive ideas of presenting information which we hope will make reading enjoyable. You will love the thrill it gives, cheer it creates, storm that will surround you, beat in the heart, the victory, the defeat of men….machine etc. The last decade or so has seen a proliferation of brands like never before, paralleled by a furious upsurge in advertising activity. A million messages inundate the consumer urging him to buy bigger, better and more products. In this stimulating issue the readers will be faced with new challenges in the form of questions, made aware of economic news that will rack their brains and encourage them to keep themselves abreast of all the latest in the field of branding, ad- vertising and marketing. Update your business knowledge and see how you score in the quiz given in the newsletter and allow us the opportunity of introducing you to a world which hitherto might have seemed not so interesting……. -
The Cornerstone Eagle
THE CORNERSTONE EAGLE July 2016 Edition Cornerstone International Group’s MISSION is to be the best executive recruiting group worldwide, but our VISION is to be a true mentor and coach, one-on-one, with our clients, candidates and partners locally. We believe the way to do it is to promote our 3C VALUES of Community, Credibility, and Continuity. We succeed when our partners have achieved Healthier Businesses and Lives. The Cornerstone Eagle is not a sales letter to promote activities of our 70 offices globally, but a 3C tool to inspire you to maximize your personal and professional potential to be a Better Leader and a Better Person both at home and at business. We shall be your Faithful Companion / Coach / Mentor on your life and career journey, supporting you to discover yourself and offering good advice regarding the SIX important aspects of your professional Life: Identity, Money, Career Options, Health, Relationships and Your Future (spiritual and your legacy reminders). In this issue, we pause and consider the REAL meaning of riches, wealth and treasures. They all seem at first to carry monetary value. However, they also possess the non-monetary aspect of cost and burdens in your life. We pray that these powerful wings of the Eagle shall continue to enable you to soar to new heights. Best Wishes, Simon Wan Chief Executive Cornerstone International Group Phone No.: +86 21 6474 7064 |: [email protected] WHERE IS YOUR TREASURE? Treasure is what you deem to be valuable and what your heart & mind yearns for constantly. This could be your pursuit of money and wealth; maybe it is power and the desire to be recognized as a leader; maybe it is looking spiritual on the outside so that people think you have it together. -
Treisman Silovarchs 9 10 06
Putin’s Silovarchs Daniel Treisman October 2006, Forthcoming in Orbis, Winter 2007 In the late 1990s, many Russians believed their government had been captured by a small group of business magnates known as “the oligarchs”. The most flamboyant, Boris Berezovsky, claimed in 1996 that seven bankers controlled fifty percent of the Russian economy. Having acquired massive oil and metals enterprises in rigged privatizations, these tycoons exploited Yeltsin’s ill-health to meddle in politics and lobby their interests. Two served briefly in government. Another, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, summed up the conventional wisdom of the time in a 1997 interview: “Politics is the most lucrative field of business in Russia. And it will be that way forever.”1 A decade later, most of the original oligarchs have been tripping over each other in their haste to leave the political stage, jettisoning properties as they go. From exile in London, Berezovsky announced in February he was liquidating his last Russian assets. A 1 Quoted in Andrei Piontkovsky, “Modern-Day Rasputin,” The Moscow Times, 12 November, 1997. fellow media magnate, Vladimir Gusinsky, long ago surrendered his television station to the state-controlled gas company Gazprom and now divides his time between Israel and the US. Khodorkovsky is in a Siberian jail, serving an eight-year sentence for fraud and tax evasion. Roman Abramovich, Berezovsky’s former partner, spends much of his time in London, where he bought the Chelsea soccer club in 2003. Rather than exile him to Siberia, the Kremlin merely insists he serve as governor of the depressed Arctic outpost of Chukotka—a sign Russia’s leaders have a sense of humor, albeit of a dark kind. -
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Index Abalkin, L 95 International Accounting Standards Board Abbassi, P 416 and IFRS accounting 316–17, 319, 320, Abbott, K 335 322, 328 Abdelal, R 105 negative equity 321, 324, 330 Abuka, C 221 operating costs 325, 326–7 accountability profit recognition and distribution 328–9 central banks’ policies 520–23, 530, 531–2, quantitative easing (QE) 330 533 realised gains and losses on foreign exchange European System of Central Banks (ESCB) 320–21 158, 159–60, 164, 171–4 revaluation deficits 321 lender of last resort (LOLR) 546–7 securities holdings 321–2, 323, 326, 327 supervisory, and institutional path of central seigniorage 326 bank independence 299–300, 311–13 shareholder distribution and foreign see also transparency exchange 321 accounting 314–32 shareholder value issues and equity 323–4 assets 319–23, 326, 327 shareholders, financial ‘buffers’ and balance sheet 317–24, 331 potential losses 329 bank notes as liabilities 318–19 unrealised valuation gains 320 bank reserves 330 valuation using current values 322 brand/reputation as asset 323 see also balance sheet policies central bank currency swaps (CBCS) 330–31 Acemoglu, D 366 cost-based accounting 322 Adam, C 3, 208–28 credit risks and equity financing 324 Adler, G 324 digital currency development 330 Africa, sub-Saharan see sub-Saharan Africa, equity 323–4, 330 monetary policy European System of Central Banks (ESCB) Ahamed, L 16 160, 317, 322 Ahmed, S 432 exchange rate movements and foreign Aikman, D 375 currency reserves 320, 328 Ainslie, G 368 expected loss approach to impairments -
The Ukrainian Weekly 2000, No.21
www.ukrweekly.com INSIDE:• Jewish organizations, members of Congress host Yuschenko — page 3. • UUARC delivers aid to miners’ families in Krasnodon — page 9. • SUM holds world Internet conference — page 11. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXVIII HE KRAINIANNo. 21 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MAY 21, 2000 EEKLY$1/$2 in Ukraine House passes bill UYuschenko sees Washington visit as a success T by Roman Woronowycz W to combat trafficking Kyiv Press Bureau KYIV – Prime Minister Viktor of human beings Yuschenko said on May 17 that he had ful- filled all his objectives during his visit to by Chadwick R. Gore the United States and expressed satisfaction with the results of talks with U.S leaders WASHINGTON – The House of and world financial organization represen- Representatives on May 10 adopted the tatives. “Trafficking Victim’s Protection Act,” a The prime minister’s visit was seen as bill sponsored by Helsinki Commission critical to U.S.-Ukraine strategic relations Chairman Rep. Christopher H. Smith (R- with various high-level issues on the agen- N.J.), aimed at combating the buying and da, including Ukraine’s entry into the World selling of human beings into the com- Trade Organization, the closure of the dam- mercial sex industry, slavery, or slavery- aged Chornobyl nuclear facility and the like conditions. The bill had 37 co-spon- International Monetary Fund’s continuing sors, including Rep. Sam Gejdenson (D- financing for Ukraine, which came under Conn.) and Commissioner Reps. Frank attack after critical reports – chiefly issued R. Wolf (R-Va.), Joseph R. -
Too Big, Too Quick? an Institutional and Systemic Overview of the Rise of Russian Metallurgical Transnationals
TOO BIG, TOO QUICK? AN INSTITUTIONAL AND SYSTEMIC OVERVIEW OF THE RISE OF RUSSIAN METALLURGICAL TRANSNATIONALS Cédric DURAND, University Paris 13, Sorbonne Paris Cité, CEPN (CNRS, UMR 7234) and CEMI (EHESS) Marc LAUTIER, University Paris 13, Sorbonne Paris Cité, CEPN (CNRS, UMR 7234) Mots-clés : Transnationales, institutions, développement, crise, métallurgie, investissement direct étranger, Russie Keywords : Transnationals, Institutions, Development, Crisis, Metallurgy, Foreign Direct Investment, Russia 1. INTRODUCTION Russian outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) has expanded rapidly during the years 2000. The country has become the leading foreign inves- tor among the BRIC countries (Figure 1), but the global crisis led to a spec- tacular retreat since 2008. The rise of multinational companies from non- triadic countries has attracted growing attraction in the recent period (see Goldstein, 2007 for a review), but the Russian case has been somewhat neglected, given the scale and the speed of the phenomenon. It is also highly original as far as the sectoral concentration of these FDI is concer- ned. After the oil and gas sector, metallurgy is the second sector to parti- cipate to this foreign expansion (Liuhto and Vahtra, 2007; Kalotay, 2008; Skolkovo, 2008). REVUE D’ÉCONOMIE INDUSTRIELLE ➻ N° 142 ➻ 2 E TRIMESTRE 2013 41 TOO BIG, TOO QUICK? Russia benefits from a strong relative position in metal production. The United Company Rusal is the world’s largest producer of aluminium and alumina and Norilsk is the world’s leading producer of nickel and palla- dium. Russia is also the fourth largest steel producer and exporter in the world, with four companies ranking among the top 30 of the industry in 2009.