Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: a Comparison

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: a Comparison WELFARE REFORMS IN POST-SOVIET STATES: A COMPARISON OF SOCIAL BENEFITS REFORM IN RUSSIA AND KAZAKHSTAN by ELENA MALTSEVA A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Elena Maltseva (2012) Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: A Comparison of Social Benefits Reform in Russia and Kazakhstan Elena Maltseva Doctor of Philosophy Political Science University of Toronto (2012) Abstract: Concerned with the question of why governments display varying degrees of success in implementing social reforms, (judged by their ability to arrive at coherent policy outcomes), my dissertation aims to identify the most important factors responsible for the stagnation of social benefits reform in Russia, as opposed to its successful implementation in Kazakhstan. Given their comparable Soviet political and economic characteristics in the immediate aftermath of Communism’s disintegration, why did the implementation of social benefits reform succeed in Kazakhstan, but largely fail in Russia? I argue that although several political and institutional factors did, to a certain degree, influence the course of social benefits reform in these two countries, their success or failure was ultimately determined by the capacity of key state actors to frame the problem and form an effective policy coalition that could further the reform agenda despite various political and institutional obstacles and socioeconomic challenges. In the case of Kazakhstan, the successful implementation of the social benefits reform was a result of a bold and skillful endeavour by Kazakhstani authorities, who used the existing conditions to justify the reform initiative and achieve the reform’s original objectives. By contrast, in Russia, the failure to effectively restructure the old Soviet social benefits system was rooted largely in the political instability of the Yeltsin era, and a lack of commitment to the reforms on the part of key political actors. And when the reform was finally launched, its ill-considered policies and the government’s failure to ii form the broad coalition and effectively frame the problem led to public protests and subsequent reform stagnation. Based on in-depth fieldwork conducted in Russia and Kazakhstan in 2006 and 2008, my study enriches the literature on the transformation of post-communist welfare regimes, and contributes important insights to the central question in the literature on public policy, that is, when, why and how policies change. It also enhances our understanding of political and public policy processes in transitional and competitive authoritarian contexts. iii To the two most important people in my life—my husband Denis and my dearest daughter Natasha. Thank you for waiting patiently “until mama finishes her book.” To my parents, whom I deeply love and who always believed in me. Thank you for your love, support and patience. iv Acknowledgments I am deeply indebted to all those who contributed to and helped me in the realisation of this work. First of all, I would like to sincerely thank my supervisor, Professor Peter Solomon, for his valuable advice and guidance throughout the conceptual and practical development of this dissertation. I am also very grateful to Professors Edward Schatz and Joe Wong for their insightful and valuable comments and continuous support throughout all these years. I also want to extend my heartfelt gratitude to all the people who assisted me during the various stages of my research in Russia, Kazakhstan and Canada. In particular, special thanks go to Tatiana Pomytkina, Natalia Evdokimova, Svetlana Koval’skaia and Zauresh Battalova. Finally, I also want to thank Petra Dreiser for proofreading the text and making sensitive observations about it. My gratitude also goes to my friends Olga Klymenko, Adilia Riou-Boulgakova and Vera Ashvarina who helped me immensely during these years. I am indeed blessed to have such wonderful friends. v Table of Contents ABSTRACT................................................................................................................................ ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS........................................................................................................... v TABLE OF CONTENTS………………………………………………………………………. vi LIST OF TABLES……………………………………………………………………………... ix LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………………………………………. x LIST OF APPENDICES………………………………………………………………………. xi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS………………………………………………………………….. xii NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION AND STYLE…………..…………………………………. xiii CHAPTER 1: SETTING THE SCENE: REFORMING THE POST-SOVIET WELFARE STATE…………………………………………………………………………... 1 1.1. Introduction…………………………………………………………….............................. 1 1.2. Public Policy-Making in Post-Soviet States: The Argument………................................... 19 1.3. Significance of the Topic..................................................................................................... 28 1.4. Chapter Outlines………………………………………………………............................... 30 CHAPTER 2: PUBLIC POLICY AND WELFARE REFORMS IN THEORY................. 32 2.1. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………….. 32 2.2. Policy Change and Welfare Reforms: Literature Review………………………................ 32 2.3. Ideas, Policy Discourse, and Political Framing…………………………………................ 40 2.4. From Policy Formulation to Policy Implementation: Understanding the Challenges of “Getting Things Done”…………………………………..................................... 47 2.5. Reform Experience in the Post-Soviet States: Literature Review………………................ 56 2.6. What Drives Policy Change? – Developing a Framework for Analysing the Social Benefits Reform in Kazakhstan and Russia…………………………………………………..... 66 CHAPTER 3: THE ORIGINS AND EVOLUTION OF THE PRE-SOVIET AND SOVIET WELFARE ARRANGEMENTS………………………………………………..… 80 3.1. Introduction........................................................................................................................... 80 3.2. Overview of the Social Care System in Imperial Russia…………….................................. 80 3.3. Kazakhstan’s Social Fabric in the pre-Soviet and Soviet Period………………………….. 93 3.4. The Birth and Evolution of the Soviet Welfare State……………………………………... 102 3.5. Concluding Remarks……………………………………………………………………..... 115 vi CHAPTER 4: POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION IN POST-SOVIET 118 KAZAKHSTAN.......................................................................................................................... 4.1. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………….... 118 4.2. Political Developments in Kazakhstan Since Independence………………………….......... 118 4.2.1. The Power Struggle on the Way to the 1995 Constitution……………………............. 120 4.2.2. The 1995 Constitution and Kazakhstan’s Institutional Structure………………........... 124 4.3. The Development of Political Parties and Party System in Kazakhstan…………………… 131 4.4. Understanding Nazarbaev’s Clan Politics………………………………………………...... 133 4.5. Centre-Regional Relations in Post-Soviet Kazakhstan…………………………………...... 137 4.6. Economic Decentralisation and the Dynamics in Centre-Periphery Relations...................... 143 4.7. Concluding Remarks……………………………………………………………………...... 149 CHAPTER 5: CHALLENGES OF TRANSITION IN THE POST-SOVIET KAZAKHSTAN……………………………………………………………………………….. 151 5.1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………... 151 5.2. Multi-Ethnic Population and Problems of Territorial Integration…………………………. 153 5.3. Reforming Kazakhstan’s Economy………………………………………………………... 159 5.4. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………. 167 CHAPTER 6: WELFARE REFORMS IN KAZAKHSTAN, 1991-2010.............................. 170 6.1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………... 170 6.2. Reforming the Welfare State Amidst Deep Economic Crisis and Social Collapse……...... 170 6.3. Developing Targeted Social Assistance Program, 1999-2004…………………………….. 200 6.4. What Explains the Success of Kazakhstan’s Welfare Reform?............................................ 208 CHAPTER 7: MUDDLING THROUGH: THE POLITICS OF WELFARE REFORM UNDER BORIS YELTSIN, 1991-1999…………………………………………………….... 215 7.1. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………..…. 215 7.2. The Fall of Communism and the Rise of Boris Yeltsin, 1985-1991………………………. 216 7.3. Gaidar’s Welfare Reforms in the Context of Institutional, Political and Economic Crises, 1992-1996……………………………………………………………………………..……….. 223 7.4. Restructuring the Russian Welfare State, Attempt Nr. 2: 1996-1999…………………….. 257 7.5. Understanding the Causes of Welfare Reform Stagnation Under Boris Yeltsin…………. 274 CHAPTER 8: THE POLITICS OF WELFARE REFORM UNDER VLADIMIR PUTIN, 2000-2008…………………………………………………………………………...... 278 8.1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………... 278 vii 8.2. Political, Institutional and Economic Changes under Putin, 2000-2004………………....... 279 8.3. Perception of the Problem by the Public before the Summer of 2004……………….…..... 286 8.4. Policy Formulation: The Context, the Framing Strategy and the Main Actors………........ 290 8.4.1. The Background……………………………………………………………………… 290 8.4.2. Framing the Problem: The Early Stages of the Reform................................................ 294 8.4.3. Preparing for Reform Implementation and Persuading the Public (Summer to Fall 2004)………………………………………………………………………………………… 298 8.4.4. Monetisation Law Nr. 122: The Essence of the Reform and Expected Policy Outcomes……………………………………………………………………………………. 315 8.5. Description of the Implementation Process: Reorganizing
Recommended publications
  • The Sovereign Wealth Fund Response
    The International Forum of Sovereign Wealth Funds (IFSWF) is a voluntary organisation of sovereign wealth funds. It is committed to working together and strengthening its activities through dialogue, research and self-assessment. IFSWF was formed in 2009 by a group of state-owned international investors from around the world. The Forum’s aim is to maintain an open and stable investment climate by setting and following a set of principles and practices, known as the Santiago Principles, which address issues around institutional governance and risk management. Today, helping members implement the Santiago Principles remains the foundation of the IFSWF’s activity. IFSWF represents sovereign wealth funds from all corners of the globe, with a variety of mandates and at various stages of development. As a result, the Forum’s focus has evolved. In addition to encouraging ongoing commitment to the Santiago Principles, the Forum undertakes research, peer assistance and holds workshops and seminars to help members enhance their investment capabilities. MEMBERS Angola Australia Azerbaijan Fundo Soberano de Angola Future Fund State Oil Fund of the Republic of Azerbaijan Botswana Canada Chile The Pula Fund Alberta Heritage Savings Economic and Social Stabilization, Trust Fund and Pension Reserve Funds China Iran Ireland China Investment Corporation National Development Fund Ireland Strategic Investment of Iran Fund Italy Kazakhstan Kazakhstan CDP Equity SpA JSC Samruk-Kazyna JSC National Investment Corporation of the National Bank of Kazakhstan Korea
    [Show full text]
  • The Russian Revolution: a Wider Perspective
    - THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION: A WIDER PERSPECTIVE PREFACE to the Source Collection on the Russian Revolution This is a collection of sources provided by members of the Euroclio network and curated by three members of the Historiana team. It Insert Source here: is not a comprehensive overview of the Russian Revolution. Its purpose is to provide some insights into how politicians, diplomats, senior military officers, other officials, revolutionaries, eye witnesses, bystanders, newspaper editors and journalists, ordinary people and even children perceived some of the key events in Russia from January 1917 through to December 1922. We hope that this transnational and multiperspective collection will widen students’ understanding of what happened in Russia in those critical years. The sources have been provided by history teachers and historians from 13 countries, including the Russian Federation, neighbouring states that in 1917 were part of the Russian Empire, states that were then allies or enemies of Russia and even states which were neutral non-combatants in 1917. To obtain these sources the contributors turned to their own national digital and physical archives. Where necessary, contributors summarised texts in English. Painting by British artist David For EUROCLIO this was a pilot experiment in collecting historical Jagger, entitled The Bolshevik sources and we are very grateful to everyone who took part. We (1918). The image combines the think the experiment was successful and EUROCLIO will be planning features of several Bolshevik further crowd-sourcing of collections on other significant moments leaders. and developments in world history in the future. Source: Canadian War Museum Bob Stradling, Louise Sträuli and Giulia Rossi Public Domain Summer 2019 THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT This collection is divided into four Introductionsections.
    [Show full text]
  • SCTIW Review
    SCTIW Review Journal of the Society for Contemporary Thought and the Islamicate World ISSN: 2374-9288 February 21, 2017 David Brophy, Uyghur Nation: Reform and Revolution on the Russia-China Frontier, Harvard University Press, 2016, 386 pp., $39.95 US (hbk), ISBN 9780674660373. Since the 1980s, Western scholarship on modern Chinese history has moved away from the narrative of a tradition-bound Middle Kingdom reacting to the dynamism of Japan and the West. A “China-centered” view of modern Chinese history has by now become standard, much to the benefit of historical research.1 In more recent years, Anglophone scholarship on Central Asia has increasingly assumed a comparable orientation, combining indigenous and imperial sources to recenter modern Central Asian history around Central Asian actors. David Brophy’s Uyghur Nation: Reform and Revolution on the Russia-China Frontier, the culmination of a decade of research, represents a major advance in this regard. In a wide- ranging study, Brophy carefully reconstructs the interplay of local elites, intellectuals, community, and state from which the contemporary Uyghur nation emerged: a Uyghur- centered view of modern Uyghur history.2 On the basis of extensive archival, published, and manuscript sources, Brophy has written the fullest and most convincing account to date of the twentieth-century development of the Uyghur national concept. Synthesizing intellectual and political history, he puts persuasively to rest the frequent assertion that modern Uyghur identity was imposed from above by Soviet bureaucrats and passively adopted by its designated subjects. Brophy demonstrates that the Uyghur national idea, and the bureaucratic reification of that idea, emerged from complex negotiations between proto-Uyghur elites and intellectuals, ethnographers of various backgrounds, and Soviet officials on the local and national level.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rev. Dr. Robert M. Roegner
    RLCMussiaS WORLD MISSIONandTOUR the Baltics May 22 - June 4, 2007 Hosted by The Rev. Dr. Robert & Kristi Roegner The Rev. Dr. William & Carol Diekelman The Rev. Brent & Jennie Smith 3 o c s o M , n i l m e r K e h t n a e r a u - S e R Dear Friends o. LCMS World Mission, One never knoIs Ihere and Ihen od Iill open a door for the ood NeIs of Jesus. /ith the fall of the Iron Curtain, od opened a door of huge opportunity in Russia and Eastern Europe. ,he collapse of European Communism also brought us in touch--and in partnership--Iith felloI Lutherans Iho by od's grace had remained steadfast in the faith through decades of persecuMOSCOWtion. ,oday, LCMS /orld Mission and its partners are AblaLe! as Ie seek to share the ospel Iith 100 million unreached or uncommitted people IorldIide by 2017, the 500th anniversary of the Reformation. I invite you to join me and my Iife, $risti, and LCMS First .ice President Bill Diekelman and his Iife, Carol, on a very special AblaLe! tour of Russia, Latvia, and Lithuania. Joining and guiding us Iill be LCMS /orld Mission's Eurasia regional director, Rev. Brent Smith, and his STIife, Jennie. PETERSBURG Not only Iill Ie visit some of the Iorld's most famous, historic, and grand sites, but you Iill have the rare opportunity to meet Iith LCMS missionaries and felloI Lutherans from our partner churches for a first-hand look at hoI od is using them to proclaim the ospel in a region once closed to us.
    [Show full text]
  • Australian Parliamentary Delegation
    The Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia Australian Parliamentary Delegation to the Russian Federation and the Italian Republic 17 April – 1 May 2005 REPORT June 2005 ii © Commonwealth of Australia 2005 ISBN 0 642 71532 7 This document was printed by the Senate Printing Unit, Department of the Senate, Parliament House, Canberra. iii MEMBERS OF THE DELEGATION Leader Senator the Hon. Paul Calvert President of the Senate Senator for Tasmania Liberal Party of Australia Deputy Leader Ms Jill Hall, MP Member for Shortland (NSW) Australian Labor Party Members Senator Jacinta Collins Senator for Victoria Australian Labor Party Mrs Kay Elson, MP Member for Forde (QLD) Liberal Party of Australia Senator Jeannie Ferris Senator for South Australia Liberal Party of Australia The Hon. Jackie Kelly, MP Member for Lindsay (NSW) Liberal Party of Australia Senator Ross Lightfoot Senator for Western Australia Liberal Party of Australia Delegation secretary Mr John Vander Wyk Department of the Senate Private Secretary to the Mr Don Morris President of the Senate iv The delegation with the Archimandrite of the Holy Trinity-St Sergius Lavra monastery at Sergiev Posad, Father Savva. From left, the Deputy Head of Mission and Counsellor at the Australian Embassy, Mr Alex Brooking, Senator Jacinta Collins, Mrs Kay Elson, MP, Senator the Hon. Paul Calvert (Delegation Leader), Father Savva, Senator Ross Lightfoot, Senator Jeannie Ferris, the Hon. Jackie Kelly, MP, and Mrs Jill Hall (Deputy Leader). v TABLE OF CONTENTS MEMBERS OF THE DELEGATION iii PREFACE
    [Show full text]
  • A Captive Island Kaliningrad Between MOSCOW and the EU
    41 A CAPTIVE ISLAND KAlInIngRAD bETWEEn MOSCOW AnD ThE EU Jadwiga Rogoża, Agata Wierzbowska-Miazga, Iwona Wiśniewska NUMBER 41 WARSAW JULY 2012 A CAPTIVE ISLAND KALININGRAD BETWEEN MOSCOW AND THE EU Jadwiga Rogoża, Agata Wierzbowska-Miazga, Iwona Wiśniewska © Copyright by Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia / Centre for Eastern Studies CONTENT EDITORS Adam Eberhardt, Marek Menkiszak EDITORS Katarzyna Kazimierska, Anna Łabuszewska TRANSLATION Ilona Duchnowicz CO-OPERATION Jim Todd GRAPHIC DESIGN PARA-BUCH CHARTS, MAP, PHOTOGRAPH ON COVER Wojciech Mańkowski DTP GroupMedia PuBLISHER Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a, Warsaw, Poland Phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 Fax: + 48 /22/ 525 80 40 osw.waw.pl ISBN 978–83–62936–13–7 Contents KEY POINTS /5 INTRODUCTION /8 I. KALININGRAD OBLAST: A SUBJECT OR AN OBJECT OF THE F EDERATION? /9 1. THE AMBER ISLAND: Kaliningrad today /9 1.1. Kaliningrad in the legal, political and economic space of the Russian Federation /9 1.2. Current political situation /13 1.3. The current economic situation /17 1.4. The social situation /24 1.5. Characteristics of the Kaliningrad residents /27 1.6. The ecological situation /32 2. AN AREA UNDER SPECIAL SURVEILLANCE: Moscow’s policy towards the region /34 2.1. The policy of compensating for Kaliningrad’s location as an exclave /34 2.2. The policy of reinforcing social ties with the rest of Russia /43 2.3. The policy of restricted access for foreign partners to the region /45 2.4. The policy of controlling the region’s co-operation with other countries /47 3.
    [Show full text]
  • The Petersburg Text in Russian Literature of the 1990 S
    THE PETERSBURG TEXT IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE OF THE 1990 S by DARIA S. SMIRNOVA A THESIS Presented to the Russian, East European, and Eurasian Studies Program and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts September 2012 THESIS APPROVAL PAGE Student: Daria S. Smirnova Title: The Petersburg Text in Russian Literature of the 1990s This thesis has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts degree in the Russian, East European, and Eurasian Studies Program by: Dr. Katya Hokanson Chairperson Dr. Jenifer Presto Member and Kimberly Andrews Espy Vice President for Research & Innovation/Dean of the Graduate School Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School. Degree awarded September 2012 ii © 2012 Daria S. Smirnova iii THESIS ABSTRACT Daria S. Smirnova Master of Arts Russian, East European, and Eurasian Studies Program September 2012 Title: The Petersburg Text in Russian Literature of the 1990s The image of Saint Petersburg has influenced the imagination of Russian writers since the establishment of this city in 1703. Today, it is common to speak about the Petersburg Text in Russian literature that has its own mythology, imagery, and stylistics. However, the research in this sphere is predominately concentrated on works written before the second half of the 20th century. This thesis addresses the revival of the Petersburg mythology in the 1990s in works by such authors as Mikhail Veller, Andrei Konstantinov, and Marusia Klimova. It illustrates how the reinvention of traditional Petersburg themes contributed to the representation of the “wild 1990s” reality.
    [Show full text]
  • Putin's Nationalist Challenge
    Conflict Studies Research Centre Russian Series 05/20 Putin's Nationalist Challenge Dr Mark A Smith Executive Summary * Putin is increasingly dominating the political system, which is becoming more authoritarian. * Administrative reform has been implemented in order to streamline the state with limited success. Three key issues: * Could "mild authoritarianism" be replaced by a harsher form of rule? * What will happen in 2008, when the next presidential elections are scheduled, and Putin will be constitutionally obliged to step down? * Could the scenario of the "orange revolution" in Ukraine be repeated in Russia? * There is now a strong possibility that Putin may either attempt to stay in power after his second term expires in 2008, or attempt to create an interim leadership from 2008 to 2012, and then return to power. * Any post-2008 leadership is likely to be more nationalist and authoritarian. 05/20 Putin's Nationalist Challenge Dr Mark A Smith The Russian political system has been going through a process of subtle evolution since Vladimir Putin was first elected president in 2000. In 2000, major changes were made to the structure of centre-regional relations: • Putin created seven federal districts, headed by a plenipotentiary representative, appointed by the president, and solely accountable to him. The plenipotentiary representative’s main task is to ensure that federal government policy is being carried out by the regional leaderships. During the Yel’tsin period, many regional leaders had often ignored federal law, and elevated regional law above it. • The regional leaders were removed from the upper house of the Russian parliament, the Federation Council, and the president acquired the legal power to dismiss regional governors who defied federal law.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russian-Chinese Oil Politik
    China-Russia Relations: The Russian-Chinese Oil Politik Yu Bin Associate Professor, Wittenberg University The specter of oil is haunting the world. The battle of oil, however, is not just being waged by oilmen from Texas and done with “shock-and-awe” in the era of preemption. Nor does it have anything to do with the billion-dollar contract awarded to the U.S. firm Halliburton for the reconstruction of postwar Iraq. This time, oil, or lack of it, is clogging the geostrategic pipeline between the world’s second largest oil producer (Russia) and second largest oil importing state (China) as they haggle over the future destination of Siberia’s vast oil reserves. To be sure, the “oil politik” between Moscow and Beijing is far from a full-blown crisis. Indeed, China-Russia relations during the third quarter were marked by dynamic interactions and close coordination over multilateral issues of postwar Iraq, the Korean nuclear crisis, and institution building for the SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization). Russia’s energy realpolitik, however, has led to such a psychological point that for the first time, a generally linear, decade-long emerging Russian-Chinese strategic partnership, or honeymoon, seems arrested and is being replaced by a routine, boring, or even jolting marriage of necessity in which quarrels and conflicts are part normal. Business still as Usual Unlike the more turbulent and/or spectacular second quarter, the post-Iraq and post- SARS (severe acute respiratory syndrome) third quarter seemed normal for Russia and China, at least on the surface. All border checkpoints were reopened with busier transactions to make up for the losses suffered during the SARS epidemic.
    [Show full text]
  • Jan Sobczak Alexei Nikolaevich, Tsarevich of Russia
    Jan Sobczak Alexei Nikolaevich, Tsarevich of Russia Echa Przeszłości 12, 143-156 2011 ECHA PRZESZŁOŚCI XII, 2011 ISSN 1509-9873 Jan Sobczak ALEXEI NIKOLAEVICH, TSAREVICH OF RUSSIA This article does not aspire to give an exhaustive account of the life of Alexei Nikolaevich, not only for reasons of limited space. The role played by the young lad who was much loved by the nation, became the Russian tsesarevich and was murdered at the tender age of 14, would not justify such an effort. In addition to delivering general biographical information about Alexei that can be found in a variety of sources, I will attempt to throw some light on the less known aspects of his life that profoundly affected the fate of the Russian Empire and brought tragic consequences for the young imperial heir1. Alexei Nikolaevich was born in Peterhof on 12 August (30 July) 1904 on Friday at noon, during an unusually hot summer that had started already in February, at the beginning of Russia’s much unfortunate war against Japan. Alexei was the fifth child and the only son of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna. He had four older sisters who were the Grand Duchesses: Olga (8.5 years older than Alexei), Tatiana (7 years older), Maria (5 years older) and Anastasia (3 years older). In line with the law of succession, Alexei automatically became heir to the throne, and his birth was heralded to the public by a 300-gun salute from the Peter and Paul Fortress. According to Nicholas II, the imperial heir was named Alexei to break away from a nearly century-old tradition of naming the oldest sons Alexander and Nicholas and to commemorate Peter the Great’s father, Alexei Mikhailovich, the second tsar of the Romanov dynasty that had ruled over Russia for nearly 300 years from the 17th century.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Strategy Towards Ukraine's Presidential Election
    BULLETIN No. 49 (49) August 19, 2009 © PISM Editors: Sławomir Dębski (Editor-in-Chief), Łukasz Adamski, Mateusz Gniazdowski, Beata Górka-Winter, Leszek Jesień, Agnieszka Kondek (Executive Editor), Łukasz Kulesa, Ernest Wyciszkiewicz Russian Strategy towards Ukraine’s Presidential Election by Jarosław Ćwiek-Karpowicz Dmitry Medvedev’s letter to Viktor Yushchenko is a clear signal of Russia’s intention to influ- ence internal developments in Ukraine, including the course of the presidential campaign. In the run-up to the January 2010 poll, unlike in the period preceding the Orange Revolution, Russia will very likely refrain from backing just a single candidate, and instead will seek a deepening of the existing divisions and further destabilization on the Ukrainian political scene, destabilization which it sees as helping to protect Russian interests in Ukraine. Medvedev’s Letter. In an open letter to Viktor Yushchenko, dated 11 August, Dmitry Medvedev put the blame for the crisis in bilateral relations on the Ukrainian president, and he explained that the arrival of the new ambassador to Kiev, Mikhail Zurabov—replacing Viktor Chernomyrdin, who was recalled last June—would be postponed. Medvedev accused his Ukrainian counterpart of having knowingly abandoned the principles of friendship and partnership with Russia during the past several years. Among the Yushchenko administration’s alleged anti-Russian actions, he listed weapons shipments and support extended to Georgia in last year’s armed conflict in South Ossetia; endeavors to gain
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's Peacetime Demographic Crisis
    the national bureau of asian research nbr project report | may 2010 russia’s peacetime demographic crisis: Dimensions, Causes, Implications By Nicholas Eberstadt ++ The NBR Project Report provides access to current research on special topics conducted by the world’s leading experts in Asian affairs. The views expressed in these reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of other NBR research associates or institutions that support NBR. The National Bureau of Asian Research is a nonprofit, nonpartisan research institution dedicated to informing and strengthening policy. NBR conducts advanced independent research on strategic, political, economic, globalization, health, and energy issues affecting U.S. relations with Asia. Drawing upon an extensive network of the world’s leading specialists and leveraging the latest technology, NBR bridges the academic, business, and policy arenas. The institution disseminates its research through briefings, publications, conferences, Congressional testimony, and email forums, and by collaborating with leading institutions worldwide. NBR also provides exceptional internship opportunities to graduate and undergraduate students for the purpose of attracting and training the next generation of Asia specialists. NBR was started in 1989 with a major grant from the Henry M. Jackson Foundation. Funding for NBR’s research and publications comes from foundations, corporations, individuals, the U.S. government, and from NBR itself. NBR does not conduct proprietary or classified research. The organization undertakes contract work for government and private-sector organizations only when NBR can maintain the right to publish findings from such work. To download issues of the NBR publications, please visit the NBR website http://www.nbr.org.
    [Show full text]