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Municipal Elections in Russia: the Opposition’S Chance Key Findings of the Report
Municipal elections in Russia: the opposition’s chance Key findings of the report April 2020 1 Students of Russian politics rightly focus on the “vertical of power” that Vladimir Putin has created since he first became President of Russia two decades ago. Taking the top office in a country moving tentatively toward democracy, Putin’s “vertical” or “managed democracy” set the country back toward its authoritarian traditions. Without doubt, Vladimir Putin has control of the major sources of hard and soft power in a Russia. And many analysts believe this system has staying power, even after Putin leaves the stage. Yet the authoritarian features of the Putin system are not all encompassing. While he and his team may control the major issues on the agenda, they do not dominate all politics. This is particularly evident at the municipal level, where, despite all the advantages enjoyed by Putin and his United Russia party, competitive elections take place and real opposition party candidates can win. In this paper, produced by the Dossier Center, a project developed and supported by Mikhail Khodorkovsky, the authors provide interesting data from recent local elections. These data provide some indications of how Russian politics may evolve. For instance, the authors point out that with greater mobilization efforts, opposition candidates could defeat and replace as many as 3000 United Russia representatives. Historically, one interesting thing about authoritarian and totalitarian systems, is that they seem irresistible, until suddenly they are not. Recognizing this, we should be attuned to developments in Russian outside the big politics of the Kremlin. Municipal elections are a natural place to begin. -
Centenari De La Revolució Russa (1917-2017)
Centenari de la revolució russa Centenari de la revolució russa 1917-2017 Andreu Mayayo Centenario José Manuel Rúa de la revolución Antoni Segura (eds.) rusa Centenary of the Russian Revolution Col·lecció Centre d’Estudis Històrics Internacionals (CEHI-UB) © Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona Aquest llibre forma part del projecte de recerca «La Adolf Florensa, s/n Guerra Civil española y tres décadas de guerra en 08028 Barcelona Europa: herencias y consecuencias (1914-1945/ Tel.: 934 035 430 2014)» (HAR2013-41460-P). www.edicions.ub.edu [email protected] ISBN 978-84-9168-714-6 Aquest document està subjecte a la llicència de Re- coneixement-NoComercial-SenseObraDerivada de Creative Commons, el text de la qual està dis- ponible a: http://creative commons.org/licenses/ by-nc-nd/4.0/. Sumari Presentación. Que cien años no es nada... Octubre (1917-2017): la Revolución que dio forma al siglo xx, por Andreu Mayayo i Artal, José Manuel Rúa Fernández, Antoni Segura i Mas ............................................................................ 11 PONÈNCIES Álvaro Soto Carmona, Entre el miedo y la esperanza. El impacto de la revolución rusa en España .......................................................................... 17 Alberto Pellegrini, La última aventura del zarismo: Rusia y la Primera Guerra Mundial ................................................................................ 41 José Manuel Rúa Fernández, Revolución y mundo del trabajo: del taylorismo soviético al estajanovismo estalinista ....................................... 73 Serge Wolikow, La révolution russe et l’Internationale communiste 1919-1929 ................................................................................................................ 91 Andreu Mayayo i Artal, Las miradas sobre la Revolución .................................. 113 Paola Lo Cascio, El miedo a la Revolución y el anticomunismo ......................... 131 Antoni Segura i Mas, Les conseqüències de la desaparició de l’URSS ............ 147 Francisco Veiga, En busca de un nuevo lugar en la historia. -
Russia's Many Foreign Policies
Russia’s Many Foreign Policies MICHAEL MCFAUL hat are Russian foreign policy objectives? It depends on whom you ask. W In making assessments of Russia’s behavior in the world, it is absolutely critical that we recognize that Russia today is not a totalitarian state ruled by a Communist Party with a single and clearly articulated foreign policy of expand- ing world socialism and destroying world capitalism and democracy. That state disappeared in 1991. Rather, Russia is a democratizing state—a weakly institu- tionalized democracy with several deficiencies, but a democratizing state nonetheless. Russia’s foreign policy, in turn, is a product of domestic politics in a pluralistic system. In democracies, “states” do not have foreign policy objectives. Rather, indi- vidual political leaders, parties, and interest groups have foreign policy objec- tives. Under certain conditions, these various forces come together to support a united purpose in foreign affairs. At other times, these disparate groups can have conflicting views about foreign policy objectives. They can even support the same foreign policy objective for different reasons.1 Russia today is no different. Although Russian leaders share in supporting a few common, general foreign policy objectives, they disagree on many others. They also disagree on the means that should be deployed to achieve the same for- eign policy objective. The foreign policy that eventually results is a product of debate, political struggle, electoral politics, and lobbying by key interest groups. Because Russia is undergoing revolutionary change internally, the foreign policy that results from Russian domestic politics can change quickly. This article makes the case for the centrality of domestic politics in the artic- ulation and implementation of Russian foreign policy. -
In the Lands of the Romanovs: an Annotated Bibliography of First-Hand English-Language Accounts of the Russian Empire
ANTHONY CROSS In the Lands of the Romanovs An Annotated Bibliography of First-hand English-language Accounts of The Russian Empire (1613-1917) OpenBook Publishers To access digital resources including: blog posts videos online appendices and to purchase copies of this book in: hardback paperback ebook editions Go to: https://www.openbookpublishers.com/product/268 Open Book Publishers is a non-profit independent initiative. We rely on sales and donations to continue publishing high-quality academic works. In the Lands of the Romanovs An Annotated Bibliography of First-hand English-language Accounts of the Russian Empire (1613-1917) Anthony Cross http://www.openbookpublishers.com © 2014 Anthony Cross The text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC BY 4.0). This license allows you to share, copy, distribute and transmit the text; to adapt it and to make commercial use of it providing that attribution is made to the author (but not in any way that suggests that he endorses you or your use of the work). Attribution should include the following information: Cross, Anthony, In the Land of the Romanovs: An Annotated Bibliography of First-hand English-language Accounts of the Russian Empire (1613-1917), Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/ OBP.0042 Please see the list of illustrations for attribution relating to individual images. Every effort has been made to identify and contact copyright holders and any omissions or errors will be corrected if notification is made to the publisher. As for the rights of the images from Wikimedia Commons, please refer to the Wikimedia website (for each image, the link to the relevant page can be found in the list of illustrations). -
The Growing Influence of the Russian Orthodox Church in Shaping Russia’S Policies Abroad
02 BLITT.DOC (DO NOT DELETE) 11/28/2011 10:25 PM RUSSIA’S “ORTHODOX” FOREIGN POLICY: THE GROWING INFLUENCE OF THE RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH IN SHAPING RUSSIA’S POLICIES ABROAD PROF. ROBERT C. BLITT* TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction ................................................................................364 2. The Russian Orthodox Church’s Foreign Policy Mandate ......................................................................................365 3. Russian Foreign Policy and Disregard for the Constitutional Obligations of Secularism, Separation, and Nondiscrimination .............................................................367 3.1. The Ideological Centrality of Orthodoxy in Russian Foreign Policy as Expressed through Euphemism ...................... 368 3.1.1. The Role of “Spirituality" in Russia’s National Security Strategy .................................................................. 368 3.1.2. A Note on Culture as a Synonym for Orthodoxy ......374 3.1.3. “Spiritual Security” & “Spiritual Revival” ..............377 3.2. Putting Rhetoric into Practice: The Ascendancy of “Spirituality” in Russia’s Foreign Policy ....................................380 3.2.1. Russian Orthodox Church-Ministry of Foreign Affairs Working Group .........................................................380 3.2.2. Russkiy Mir Foundation: A Chimera State-Church Foreign Policy Tool ................................................................383 3.2.3. Support for Days of Spiritual Culture .....................390 3.2.4. Facilitating an Exclusive -
Sovyet Sonrasi Rusya'da Toplumsal Muhalefetin
TÜRKİYE CUMHURİYETİ ANKARA ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ SİYASET BİLİMİ VE KAMU YÖNETİMİ (SİYASET BİLİMİ) ANABİLİM DALI SOVYET SONRASI RUSYA’DA TOPLUMSAL MUHALEFETİN EKONOMİ POLİTİĞİ Doktora Tezi Emek YILDIRIM Ankara, 2018 TÜRKİYE CUMHURİYETİ ANKARA ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ SİYASET BİLİMİ VE KAMU YÖNETİMİ (SİYASET BİLİMİ) ANABİLİM DALI SOVYET SONRASI RUSYA’DA TOPLUMSAL MUHALEFETİN EKONOMİ POLİTİĞİ Doktora Tezi Emek YILDIRIM Tez Danışmanı Prof. Dr. Filiz ZABCI Ankara, 2018 TÜRKİYE CUMHURİYETİ ANKARA ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ SİYASET BİLİMİ VE KAMU YÖNETİMİ ANABİLİM DALI SİYASET BİLİMİ BİLİM DALI SOVYET SONRASI RUSYA’DA TOPLUMSAL MUHALEFETİN EKONOMİ POLİTİĞİ DOKTORA TEZİ Tez Danışmanı Prof. Dr. Filiz ZABCI TEZ JÜRİSİ ÜYELERİ Adı ve Soyadı İmzası 1- 2- 3- 4- 5- Tez Savunması Tarihi T.C. ANKARA ÜNİVERSİTESİ Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Müdürlüğü’ne, Prof. Dr. Filiz ZABCI danışmanlığında hazırladığım “Sovyet Sonrası Rusya’da Toplumsal Muhalefetin Ekonomi Politiği (Ankara.2018)” adlı doktora tezimdeki bütün bilgilerin akademik kurallara ve etik davranış ilkelerine uygun olarak toplanıp sunulduğunu, başka kaynaklardan aldığım bilgileri metinde ve kaynakçada eksiksiz olarak gösterdiğimi, çalışma sürecinde bilimsel araştırma ve etik kurallarına uygun olarak davrandığımı ve aksinin ortaya çıkması durumunda her türlü yasal sonucu kabul edeceğimi beyan ederim. Tarih: Adı-Soyadı ve İmza Emek YILDIRIM TEŞEKKÜR Ortaya çıkan bu çalışmanın yazılması, hazırlanması sürecinde benden kıymetli katkılarını esirgemeyen başta tez danışmanım Prof. Dr. Filiz Zabcı olmak üzere Tez İzleme Jürisi’nin diğer iki değerli ismi olan Doç. Dr. Pınar Bedirhanoğlu’na ve Prof. Dr. Erel Tellal’a teşekkür etmeyi bir borç bilirim. Ayrıca, Tez Savunma Jürisi’nde yer alıp, verdikleri onulmaz katkılarıyla bu çalışmanın gelişimine destek sağlayan Doç. Dr. Şebnem Oğuz’a ve Prof. -
SLAVOPHILES and COMMISSARS Also by Judith Devlin
SLAVOPHILES AND COMMISSARS Also by Judith Devlin RELIGION AND REBELLION (editor with Ronan Fanning) THE RISE OF THE RUSSIAN DEMOCRATS: the Causes and Consequences of the Elite Revolution THE SUPERSTITIOUS MIND: French Peasants and the Supernatural in Nineteenth-Century France Slavophiles and Commissars Enemies of Democracy in Modern Russia Judith Devlin Lecturer in Modern History University College, Dublin First published in Great Britain 1999 by MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978-1-349-40232-8 ISBN 978-0-333-98320-1 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9780333983201 First published in the United States of America 1999 by ST. MARTIN’S PRESS, INC., Scholarly and Reference Division, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Devlin, Judith, 1952– Slavophiles and commissars : enemies of democracy in modern Russia / Judith Devlin. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Russia (Federation)—Politics and government—1991– 2. Nationalism—Russia (Federation) 3. Authoritarianism—Russia (Federation) 4. Russia (Federation)—Intellectual life—1991– I. Title. DK510.763.D486 1999 320.947'09'049—dc21 98–50836 CIP © Judith Devlin 1999 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 1999 978-0-333-69933-1 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1P 9HE. -
The Gender Gap in Russian Politics and Elections
The Gender Gap in Russian Politics and Elections PONARS Policy Memo No. 259 Valerie Sperling Clark University October 2002 Introduction After the Soviet Communist Party's regime was replaced by a multiparty system in the 1990s, voting in Russia became a subject of intense interest to political scientists. Voters in Russia, as elsewhere, now make choices based on many issues, such as perceptions about the economy. Demographic characteristics, such as ethnicity and income, highly predictive in the United States, and age, particularly salient in Russia, also play a role in voter choice. In recent years, scholars of U.S. politics have paid increasing attention to the role of gender as a demographic characteristic contributing to voter preference and have labeled this phenomenon the electoral “gender gap.” The availability of reliable polling data in Russia has now made it possible to explore the gendered dynamics of Russian politics as well. What Is the Gender Gap? The gender gap is a term used largely to describe several phenomena, including the under-representation of women in political positions and the fact that women and men often differ in the political parties they support on Election Day. Several aspects of the gender gap are evident in U.S. politics. For instance, American female and male voters differ in turnout rates, party identification, issue positions, and vote choices. The proportion of men elected and appointed as politicians to women elected and appointed as politicians in the United States is highly skewed as well, with men dominating the political field across the board. The gender gap in voter choice in the United States has made a large impression in recent years. -
Full Text (Pdf)
Feminist Encounters: A Journal of Critical Studies in Culture and Politics, 4(2), 25 ISSN: 2468-4414 Russian Suffragists and International Suffragist Organisations: Solidarity, Discipleship, Victory Irina Iukina 1* Published: September 8, 2020 ABSTRACT This article serves to throw light on how suffragism developed in Russia at the beginning of the 20th Century. In 1905, the first Russian electoral law was enacted, granting men, but not women, the right to vote. Russian suffragists began forming organisations with the specific goal of achieving women’s voting. This paper intends to describe the strategies and tactics Russian suffragists employed in order to achieve female suffrage. This will include analysing the successful practices of their ‘Western sisters’, as Russian suffragists labelled their foreign colleagues, and adapting their practices to the circumstances prevailing in Russia, as well as promoting suffragism in the Russian press as well as maintaining contacts with international suffragist organisations. The result was the granting of full voting rights to Russian women in 1917. The history of Russian suffragism is barely known in the overall history of suffragism worldwide. This was the result of Soviet propaganda which instilled the idea that women’s suffrage in Russia was solely due to the Soviet authority. In modern research, this trend has been overcome, though we still do not know much about Russia’s key contributions to suffragism. The article also serves as a tribute to a majority of unknown Russian suffragists for their immense efforts achieved the right voting for women in Russia. Keywords: Russian suffragists, women’s suffrage, international suffragist organisations, sisterhood, solidarity INTRODUCTION The history of interaction Russian suffragism with international women’s organisations, as well as national suffragism movements of Europe and America is insufficiently studied. -
Chechnya's Status Within the Russian
SWP Research Paper Uwe Halbach Chechnya’s Status within the Russian Federation Ramzan Kadyrov’s Private State and Vladimir Putin’s Federal “Power Vertical” Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 2 May 2018 In the run-up to the Russian presidential elections on 18 March 2018, the Kremlin further tightened the federal “vertical of power” that Vladimir Putin has developed since 2000. In the North Caucasus, this above all concerns the republic of Dagestan. Moscow intervened with a powerful purge, replacing the entire political leadership. The situation in Chechnya, which has been ruled by Ramzan Kadyrov since 2007, is conspicuously different. From the early 2000s onwards, President Putin conducted a policy of “Chechenisation” there, delegating the fight against the armed revolt to local security forces. Under Putin’s protection, the republic gained a leadership which is now publicly referred to by Russians as the “Chechen Khanate”, among other similar expressions. Kadyrov’s breadth of power encompasses an independ- ent foreign policy, which is primarily orientated towards the Middle East. Kadyrov emphatically professes that his republic is part of Russia and presents himself as “Putin’s foot soldier”. Yet he has also transformed the federal subject of Chechnya into a private state. The ambiguous relationship between this republic and the central power fundamentally rests on the loyalty pact between Putin and Kadyrov. However, criticism of this arrange- ment can now occasionally be heard even in the Russian president’s inner circles. With regard to Putin’s fourth term, the question arises just how long the pact will last. -
Russia: Political Parties in a 'Managed Democracy'
At a glance December 2014 Russia: political parties in a 'managed democracy' From the October 1917 Bolshevik Revolution until 1989, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was the country's only legal party. Since then, the number has grown, with a record 69 parties participating in the September 2014 regional elections. However, this apparent diversity does not mean that Russian voters have a real choice, as Vladimir Putin's grip on power is increasingly unchallenged, gradually reversing the gains made in the post-1989 democratisation process. United Russia – the 'party of power' (UR) In an inversion of the usual democratic procedure whereby political parties choose their leaders, the party was set up in 1999 to mobilise support for Vladimir Putin, at the time serving as prime minister under Boris Yeltsin. (Initially it went by the name of Unity, but was renamed United Russia after a merger in 2001). Thanks to the popularity of Putin's strong action on Chechnya, UR quickly became the dominant party in both national and most regional parliaments. It has held onto its majority in the lower house of the national parliament (State Duma) ever since 2003, despite a large drop in its share of the vote in 2011 (from 64% to 49%). Regional elections held in September 2014, in which UR-nominated candidates won in 28 out of 30 provinces, suggest that UR's grip on power is likely to remain as firm as ever for the foreseeable future. Ideology: in its manifestos, UR advocates centrist policies which will appeal to the largest possible number of voters while remaining consistent with the government's general approach – economic liberalism but with state regulation and social protection, alongside an emphasis on conservative values and patriotism. -
THE TWILIGHT of IMPERIAL RUSSIA
THE TWILIGHT of IMPERIAL RUSSIA Richard Charques OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON OXFORD NEW YORK ©Richard Charques 1958 First published 1958 First issued as an Oxford University Press paperback, 1965 printing, last digit: 10 Printed in the United States of America Contents List of Maps6 6 Preface7 7 1. Russia at the Accession of Nicholas II 11 2. The Heritage and the Heir 48 3. The Hungry Village 59 4. The Industrial Proletariat 16 5. War on Two Fronts 88 6. The Revolutionary Year 1905 111 7. A Demi-Semi-Constitutional Monarchy 140 8. Necessities of State 158 9. For the Sober and the Strong 175 10. On the Eve of World War 190 11. Defeat and Dissolution 211 The Bolshevik Epilogue 242 Bibliography25 251 Index 253 Maps The provinces of European Russia is The Russian Empire: Communications and principal towns and industrial centres in the early years of the twentieth century 34-5 The Far Eastern theatre of war, 19O4-5 97 The Eastern Front, 1914-15 214 To KB. in memory Preface Since the reign of the last of the Romanov tsars is a classic testing- ground of Marxist theory, it is more than ordinarily vain to look to Soviet historians for the objective account of the period which, counsel of perfection though it may be, still represents the normal ideal of western historiography. In this narrative history of the reign I have pursued no special thesis nor subscribed to any par- ticular doctrine of historical causation. I have kept to the limits of the reign, adding only by way of balance to the introductory survey of the condition of Russia at the accession a short epilogue on the logic of events between the fall of the monarchy and the Bolshevik seizure of power.