List of Phonetic Symbols

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

LIST OF PHONETIC SYMBOLS a open front unrounded vowel—modern RP man, bath æ front vowel between open and open-mid—traditional RP man ɐ near open central unrounded vowel—traditional RP gear [gɪɐ] ɑ: open back unrounded vowel—RP harsh ɒ open back rounded vowel—RP dog b voiced bilabial plosive—RP bet ɔ: open mid-back rounded vowel—RP caught d voiced alveolar plosive—RP daddy dʒ voiced palato-alveolar fricative—RP John ð voiced dental fricative—RP other e close-mid front unrounded vowel—traditional RP bed ɛ open-mid front unrounded vowel—modern RP bed ə(:) central unrounded vowel—RP initial vowel in another; modern RP nurse ɜ: open-mid central unrounded vowel—traditional RP bird f voiceless labiodental fricative—RP four g voiced velar plosive—RP go h voiceless glottal fricative—RP home i(:) close front unrounded vowel—RP fleece; modern RP final vowel in happy ɪ close-mid centralised unrounded vowel—RP sit j palatal approximant—RP you 241 List of phonetic symbols ɹ voiced alveolar approximant—RP row k voiceless velar plosive—RP car l voiced alveolar lateral approximant—RP lie ɫ voiced alveolar lateral approximant with velarisation—RP still m voiced bilabial nasal—RP man n voiced alveolar nasal—RP no ŋ voiced velar nasal—RP bring θ voiceless dental fricative—RP think p voiceless bilabial plosive—RP post s voiceless alveolar fricative—RP some ʃ voiceless palato-alveolar fricative—RP shoe t voiceless alveolar plosive—RP toe tʃ voiceless palato-alveolar affricate—RP choose u: close back rounded vowel—RP sue ʊ close-mid centralised rounded vowel—RP push v voiced labiodental fricative—RP very ɨ close central unrounded vowel—modern RP fronted foot [fɨt] ʉ close central rounded vowel—modern RP fronted foot [fʉt] ʌ open-mid back unrounded vowel—RP shut w labial-velar semi-vowel—RP will z voiced alveolar fricative—RP zest ʒ voiced palato-alveolar fricative—RP word medial seizure ʔ glottal plosive (also called glottal stop)—modern RP Gatwick | indicates tone-unit boundary : indicates full length of preceding vowel—RP caught [kɔ:t] ̩ indicates syllabicity—RP station [steɪʃn̩] ˈ indicates primary stress—RP put [ˈpʊt] ə indicates off-glide—traditional RP door [dɔ:ə] 242.

Copy Link

Recommended publications

A Contrastive Study of the Ibibio and Igbo Sound Systems
A CONTRASTIVE STUDY OF THE IBIBIO AND IGBO SOUND SYSTEMS GOD’SPOWER ETIM Department Of Languages And Communication Abia State Polytechnic P.M.B. 7166, Aba, Abia State, Nigeria. [email protected] ABSTRACT This research strives to contrast the consonant phonemes, vowel phonemes and tones of Ibibio and Igbo in order to describe their similarities and differences. The researcher adopted the descriptive method, and relevant data on the phonology of the two languages were gathered and analyzed within the framework of CA before making predictions and conclusions. Ibibio consists of ten vowels and fourteen consonant phonemes, while Igbo is made up of eight vowels and twenty-eight consonants. The results of contrastive analysis of the two languages showed that there are similarities as well as differences in the sound systems of the languages. There are some sounds in Ibibio which are not present in Igbo. Also many sounds are in Igbo which do not exist in Ibibio. Both languages share the phonemes /e, a, i, o, ɔ, u, p, b, t, d, k, kp, m, n, ɲ, j, ŋ, f, s, j, w/. All the phonemes in Ibibio are present in Igbo except /ɨ/, /ʉ/, and /ʌ/. Igbo has two vowel segments /ɪ/ and /ʊ/ and also fourteen consonant phonemes /g, gb, kw, gw, ŋw, v, z, ʃ, h, ɣ, ʧ, ʤ, l, r/ which Ibibio lacks. Both languages have high, low and downstepped tones but Ibibio further has contour or gliding tones which are not tone types in Igbo. Also, the downstepped tone in Ibibio is conventionally marked with exclamation point, while in Igbo, it is conventionally marked with a raised macron over the segments bearing it.
[Show full text]
A Brief Description of Consonants in Modern Standard Arabic
Linguistics and Literature Studies 2(7): 185-189, 2014 http://www.hrpub.org DOI: 10.13189/lls.2014.020702 A Brief Description of Consonants in Modern Standard Arabic Iram Sabir*, Nora Alsaeed Al-Jouf University, Sakaka, KSA *Corresponding Author: [email protected] Copyright © 2014 Horizon Research Publishing All rights reserved. Abstract The present study deals with “A brief Modern Standard Arabic. This study starts from an description of consonants in Modern Standard Arabic”. This elucidation of the phonetic bases of sounds classification. At study tries to give some information about the production of this point shows the first limit of the study that is basically Arabic sounds, the classification and description of phonetic rather than phonological description of sounds. consonants in Standard Arabic, then the definition of the This attempt of classification is followed by lists of the word consonant. In the present study we also investigate the consonant sounds in Standard Arabic with a key word for place of articulation in Arabic consonants we describe each consonant. The criteria of description are place and sounds according to: bilabial, labio-dental, alveolar, palatal, manner of articulation and voicing. The attempt of velar, uvular, and glottal. Then the manner of articulation, description has been made to lead to the drawing of some the characteristics such as phonation, nasal, curved, and trill. fundamental conclusion at the end of the paper. The aim of this study is to investigate consonant in MSA taking into consideration that all 28 consonants of Arabic alphabets. As a language Arabic is one of the most 2.
[Show full text]
Lexical Tone Perception in Chinese Mandarin Anna Björklund
Lexical Tone Perception in Chinese Mandarin Anna Björklund University of Florida 1 ABSTRACT Perceptual asymmetry, where Stimulus A is more often confused for B than B is for A or vice versa, has been observed in multiple lexical contexts, such as vowels (Polka & Bohn, 2003) and consonants (Dar, Mariam & Keren-Portnoy, 2018). Because historically perceptual space was assumed to be Euclidean, perception of stimuli was in turn assumed to be symmetrical, and observations of asymmetry were explained as simply response bias (Polka & Bohn, 2003). However, further examination of such biases has suggested that they are a much more fundamental occurrence. This study examines the effects of memory load and native language on perceptual bias in lexical tone perception of Mandarin Chinese for native speakers of Mandarin and English. Native speakers of both languages were given an AX categorical discrimination task with each combination of the four lexical Mandarin tones. To examine the effects of training on this bias, they were then trained on one of two tones (1 and 4) and given the same sequence of discrimination tasks again. Each pre- and post-training discrimination task featured both 250 ms and 1000 ms ISI intervals. 2 0. INTRODUCTION TO PERCEPTUAL ASYMMETRY It is often assumed that perception is symmetrical: that is, when presented with two stimuli, A and B, it is equally as easy to discriminate going from stimuli A to B as going from B to A. Although there had long been data that conflicted with such a model, the aberrant data was explained as response bias (Polka and Bohn, 2003), and subsequently ignored.
[Show full text]
The Violability of Backness in Retroflex Consonants
The violability of backness in retroflex consonants Paul Boersma University of Amsterdam Silke Hamann ZAS Berlin February 11, 2005 Abstract This paper addresses remarks made by Flemming (2003) to the effect that his analysis of the interaction between retroflexion and vowel backness is superior to that of Hamann (2003b). While Hamann maintained that retroflex articulations are always back, Flemming adduces phonological as well as phonetic evidence to prove that retroflex consonants can be non-back and even front (i.e. palatalised). The present paper, however, shows that the phonetic evidence fails under closer scrutiny. A closer consideration of the phonological evidence shows, by making a principled distinction between articulatory and perceptual drives, that a reanalysis of Flemming’s data in terms of unviolated retroflex backness is not only possible but also simpler with respect to the number of language-specific stipulations. 1 Introduction This paper is a reply to Flemming’s article “The relationship between coronal place and vowel backness” in Phonology 20.3 (2003). In a footnote (p. 342), Flemming states that “a key difference from the present proposal is that Hamann (2003b) employs inviolable articulatory constraints, whereas it is a central thesis of this paper that the constraints relating coronal place to tongue-body backness are violable”. The only such constraint that is violable for Flemming but inviolable for Hamann is the constraint that requires retroflex coronals to be articulated with a back tongue body. Flemming expresses this as the violable constraint RETRO!BACK, or RETRO!BACKCLO if it only requires that the closing phase of a retroflex consonant be articulated with a back tongue body.
[Show full text]
Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops
Title Page Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops by Eva Bacas University of Pittsburgh, 2019 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2019 Committee Page UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This thesis was presented by Eva Bacas It was defended on November 8, 2019 and approved by Alana DeLoge, Quechua Instructor, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh Melinda Fricke, Assistant Professor, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh Gillian Gallagher, Associate Professor, Department of Linguistics, New York University Thesis Advisor/Dissertation Director: Claude Mauk, Senior Lecturer, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh ii Copyright © by Eva Bacas 2019 iii Abstract Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops Eva Bacas, BPhil University of Pittsburgh, 2019 Quechua is an indigenous language of the Andes region of South America. In Cochabamba, Bolivia, Quechua and Spanish have been in contact for over 500 years. In this thesis, I explore sociolinguistic variation among bilingual speakers of Cochabamba Quechua (CQ) and Spanish by investigating the relationship between the production of the voiceless uvular stop /q/ and speakers’ sociolinguistic backgrounds. I conducted a speech production study and sociolinguistic interview with seven bilingual CQ-Spanish speakers. I analyzed manner of articulation and place of articulation variation. Results indicate that manner of articulation varies primarily due to phonological factors, and place of articulation varies according to sociolinguistic factors. This reveals that among bilingual CQ-Spanish speakers, production of voiceless uvular stop /q/ does vary sociolinguistically.
[Show full text]
Lecture 5 Sound Change
An articulatory theory of sound change An articulatory theory of sound change Hypothesis: Most common initial motivation for sound change is the automation of production. Tokens reduced online, are perceived as reduced and represented in the exemplar cluster as reduced. Therefore we expect sound changes to reflect a decrease in gestural magnitude and an increase in gestural overlap. What are some ways to test the articulatory model? The theory makes predictions about what is a possible sound change. These predictions could be tested on a cross-linguistic database. Sound changes that take place in the languages of the world are very similar (Blevins 2004, Bateman 2000, Hajek 1997, Greenberg et al. 1978). We should consider both common and rare changes and try to explain both. Common and rare changes might have different characteristics. Among the properties we could look for are types of phonetic motivation, types of lexical diffusion, gradualness, conditioning environment and resulting segments. Common vs. rare sound change? We need a database that allows us to test hypotheses concerning what types of changes are common and what types are not. A database of sound changes? Most sound changes have occurred in undocumented periods so that we have no record of them. Even in cases with written records, the phonetic interpretation may be unclear. Only a small number of languages have historic records. So any sample of known sound changes would be biased towards those languages. A database of sound changes? Sound changes are known only for some languages of the world: Languages with written histories. Sound changes can be reconstructed by comparing related languages.
[Show full text]
LT3212 Phonetics Assignment 4 Mavis, Wong Chak Yin
LT3212 Phonetics Assignment 4 Mavis, Wong Chak Yin Essay Title: The sound system of Japanese This essay aims to introduce the sound system of Japanese, including the inventories of consonants, vowels, and diphthongs. The phonological variations of the sound segments in different phonetic environments are also included. For the illustration, word examples are given and they are presented in the following format: [IPA] (Romaji: “meaning”). Consonants In Japanese, there are 14 core consonants, and some of them have a lot of allophonic variations. The various types of consonants classified with respect to their manner of articulation are presented as follows. Stop Japanese has six oral stops or plosives, /p b t d k g/, which are classified into three place categories, bilabial, alveolar, and velar, as listed below. In each place category, there is a pair of plosives with the contrast in voicing. /p/ = a voiceless bilabial plosive [p]: [ippai] (ippai: “A cup of”) /b/ = a voiced bilabial plosive [b]: [baɴ] (ban: “Night”) /t/ = a voiceless alveolar plosive [t]: [oto̞ ːto̞ ] (ototo: “Brother”) /d/ = a voiced alveolar plosive [d]: [to̞ mo̞ datɕi] (tomodachi: “Friend”) /k/ = a voiceless velar plosive [k]: [kaiɰa] (kaiwa: “Conversation”) /g/ = a voiced velar plosive [g]: [ɡakɯβsai] (gakusai: “Student”) Phonetically, Japanese also has a glottal stop [ʔ] which is commonly produced to separate the neighboring vowels occurring in different syllables. This phonological phenomenon is known as ‘glottal stop insertion’. The glottal stop may be realized as a pause, which is used to indicate the beginning or the end of an utterance. For instance, the word “Japanese money” is actually pronounced as [ʔe̞ ɴ], instead of [je̞ ɴ], and the pronunciation of “¥15” is [dʑɯβːɡo̞ ʔe̞ ɴ].
[Show full text]
Dominance in Coronal Nasal Place Assimilation: the Case of Classical Arabic
http://elr.sciedupress.com English Linguistics Research Vol. 9, No. 3; 2020 Dominance in Coronal Nasal Place Assimilation: The Case of Classical Arabic Zainab Sa’aida Correspondence: Zainab Sa’aida, Department of English, Tafila Technical University, Tafila 66110, Jordan. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6645-6957, E-mail: [email protected] Received: August 16, 2020 Accepted: Sep. 15, 2020 Online Published: Sep. 21, 2020 doi:10.5430/elr.v9n3p25 URL: https://doi.org/10.5430/elr.v9n3p25 Abstract The aim of this study is to investigate place assimilation processes of coronal nasal in classical Arabic. I hypothesise that coronal nasal behaves differently in different assimilatory situations in classical Arabic. Data of the study were collected from the Holy Quran. It was referred to Quran.com for the pronunciations and translations of the data. Data of the study were analysed from the perspective of Mohanan’s dominance in assimilation model. Findings of the study have revealed that coronal nasal shows different assimilatory behaviours when it occurs in different syllable positions. Coronal nasal onset seems to fail to assimilate a whole or a portion of the matrix of a preceding obstruent or sonorant coda within a phonological word. However, coronal nasal in the coda position shows different phonological behaviours. Keywords: assimilation, dominance, coronal nasal, onset, coda, classical Arabic 1. Introduction An assimilatory situation in natural languages has two elements in which one element dominates the other. Nasal place assimilation occurs when a nasal phoneme takes on place features of an adjacent consonant. This study aims at investigating place assimilation processes of coronal nasal in classical Arabic (CA, henceforth).
[Show full text]
Chapter 9 Consonant Substitution in Child Language (Ikwere) Roseline I
Chapter 9 Consonant substitution in child language (Ikwere) Roseline I. C. Alerechi University of Port Harcourt The Ikwere language is spoken in four out of the twenty-three Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Rivers State of Nigeria, namely, Port Harcourt, Obio/Akpor, Emohua and Ikwerre LGAs. Like Kana, Kalabari and Ekpeye, it is one of the major languages of Rivers State of Nigeria used in broadcasting in the electronic media. The Ikwere language is classified asan Igboid language of the West Benue-Congo family of the Niger-Congo phylum of languages (Williamson 1988: 67, 71, Williamson & Blench 2000: 31). This paper treats consonant substi- tution in the speech of the Ikwere child. It demonstrates that children use of a language can contribute to the divergent nature of that language as they always strive for simplification of the target language. Using simple descriptive method of data analysis, the paper identifies the various substitutions of consonant sounds, which characterize the Ikwere children’s ut- terances. It stresses that the substitutions are regular and rule governed and hence implies the operation of some phonological processes. Some of the processes are strengthening and weakening of consonants, loss of suction of labial implosives causing them to become labial plosives, devoicing of voiced consonants, etc. While some of these processes are identical with the adult language, others are peculiar to children, demonstrating the relationships between the phonological processes in both forms of speech. It is worthy of note that high- lighting the relationships and differences will make for effective communication between children and adults. 1 Introduction The Ikwere language is spoken in four out of the twenty-three Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Rivers State of Nigeria, namely, Port Harcourt, Obio/Akpor, Emohua and Ik- werre LGAs.
[Show full text]
Palatals in Spanish and French: an Analysis Rachael Gray
Florida State University Libraries Honors Theses The Division of Undergraduate Studies 2012 Palatals in Spanish and French: An Analysis Rachael Gray Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] Abstract (Palatal, Spanish, French) This thesis deals with palatals from Latin into Spanish and French. Specifically, it focuses on the diachronic history of each language with a focus on palatals. I also look at studies that have been conducted concerning palatals, and present a synchronic analysis of palatals in modern day Spanish and French. The final section of this paper focuses on my research design in second language acquisition of palatals for native French speakers learning Spanish. 2 THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES PALATALS IN SPANISH AND FRENCH: AN ANALYSIS BY: RACHAEL GRAY A Thesis submitted to the Department of Modern Languages in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with Honors in the Major Degree Awarded: 3 Spring, 2012 The members of the Defense Committee approve the thesis of Rachael Gray defended on March 21, 2012 _____________________________________ Professor Carolina Gonzaléz Thesis Director _______________________________________ Professor Gretchen Sunderman Committee Member _______________________________________ Professor Eric Coleman Outside Committee Member 4 Contents Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... 5 0.
[Show full text]
Velar Segments in Old English and Old Irish
In: Jacek Fisiak (ed.) Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference on Historical Linguistics. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1985, 267-79. Velar segments in Old English and Old Irish Raymond Hickey University of Bonn The purpose of this paper is to look at a section of the phoneme inventories of the oldest attested stage of English and Irish, velar segments, to see how they are manifested phonetically and to consider how they relate to each other on the phonological level. The reason I have chosen to look at two languages is that it is precisely when one compares two language systems that one notices that structural differences between languages on one level will be correlated by differences on other levels demonstrating their interrelatedness. Furthermore it is necessary to view segments on a given level in relation to other segments. The group under consideration here is just one of several groups. Velar segments viewed within the phonological system of both Old English and Old Irish cor relate with three other major groups, defined by place of articulation: palatals, dentals, and labials. The relationship between these groups is not the same in each language for reasons which are morphological: in Old Irish changes in grammatical category are frequently indicated by palatalizing a final non-palatal segment (labial, dental, or velar). The same function in Old English is fulfilled by suffixes and /or prefixes. This has meant that for Old English the phonetically natural and lower-level alternation of velar elements with palatal elements in a palatal environ ment was to be found whereas in Old Irish this alternation had been denaturalized and had lost its automatic character.
[Show full text]
IPA Bingo Individual Symbols
DescriptionMatching symbol DescriptionMatching symbol open voiceless back glottal unrounded stop vowel A / IPA Bingo individual symbols. © 2000 Cascadilla Press. IPA Bingo individual symbols. © 2000 Cascadilla Press. DescriptionMatching symbol DescriptionMatching symbol near-open voiced front bilabial unrounded æ stop vowel b IPA Bingo individual symbols. © 2000 Cascadilla Press. IPA Bingo individual symbols. © 2000 Cascadilla Press. DescriptionMatching symbol DescriptionMatching symbol open-mid voiced back dental rounded fricative vowel ç D IPA Bingo individual symbols. © 2000 Cascadilla Press. IPA Bingo individual symbols. © 2000 Cascadilla Press. DescriptionMatching symbol DescriptionMatching symbol open-mid voiced front alveolar unrounded stop vowel E d IPA Bingo individual symbols. © 2000 Cascadilla Press. IPA Bingo individual symbols. © 2000 Cascadilla Press. Descriptio Matching symbol Descriptio Matching symbol close-mid voiced front post-alveolar unrounded e affricate d vowel Z IPA Bingo individual symbols. © 2000 Cascadilla Press. IPA Bingo individual symbols. © 2000 Cascadilla Press. DescriptionMatching symbol DescriptionMatching symbol near-close voiceless near-front labiodental unrounded fricative vowel I f IPA Bingo individual symbols. © 2000 Cascadilla Press. IPA Bingo individual symbols. © 2000 Cascadilla Press. DescriptionMatching symbol DescriptionMatching symbol close voiced front velar unrounded stop g vowel i IPA Bingo individual symbols. © 2000 Cascadilla Press. IPA Bingo individual symbols. © 2000 Cascadilla Press.
[Show full text]