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An Autosegmental Account of Melodic Processes in Jordanian Rural Arabic

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International Journal of Applied Linguistics & English Literature E-ISSN: 2200-3592 & P-ISSN: 2200-3452 www.ijalel.aiac.org.au An Autosegmental Account of Melodic Processes in Jordanian Rural Arabic Zainab Sa’aida* Department of English, Tafila Technical University, P.O. Box 179, Tafila 66110, Jordan Corresponding Author: Zainab Sa’aida, E-mail: [email protected] ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Article history This study aims at providing an autosegmental account of feature spread in assimilatory situations Received: October 02, 2020 in Jordanian rural Arabic. I hypothesise that in any assimilatory situation in Jordanian rural Arabic Accepted: December 23, 2020 the undergoer assimilates a whole or a portion of the matrix of the trigger. I also hypothesise Published: January 31, 2021 that assimilation in Jordanian rural Arabic is motivated by violation of the obligatory contour Volume: 10 Issue: 1 principle on a specific tier or by spread of a feature from a trigger to a compatible undergoer. Advance access: January 2021 Data of the study were analysed in the framework of autosegmental phonology with focus on the notion of dominance in assimilation. Findings of the study have revealed that an undergoer assimilates a whole of the matrix of a trigger in the assimilation of /t/ of the detransitivizing Conflicts of interest: None prefix /Ɂɪt-/, coronal sonorant assimilation, and inter-dentalization of dentals. However, partial Funding: None assimilation occurs in the processes of nasal place assimilation, anticipatory labialization, and palatalization of plosives. Findings have revealed that assimilation occurs when the obligatory contour principle is violated on the place tier. Violation is then resolved by deletion of the place node in the leftmost matrix and by right-to-left spread of a feature from rightmost matrix to leftmost matrix. It has been also revealed that spread of a primary or a non-primary feature from a trigger to an undergoer can motivate assimilation to occur in some assimilatory situations in Jordanian rural Arabic. Key words: Melody, Autosegmental Phonology, Dominance Model, Obligatory Contour Principle, Assimilation, Jordanian Rural Arabic INTRODUCTION description of JRA phonemes). In section 3, I summarise the Assimilation involves spread of phonological features in main aspects of Goldsmith’s (1976a, 1976b, 1990) theory of an autosegmental representation. This study aims at inves- autosegmental phonology and Mohanan’s (1993) notion of tigating melodic processes in Jordanian rural Arabic (JRA, dominance in assimilation. I analyse melodic processes of henceforth) and providing an autosegmental account of fea- assimilation in JRA in section 4. A conclusion is provided ture spread in different assimilatory situations. I hypothesise in section 5. that in any assimilatory situation in JRA the undergoer as- similates a whole or a portion of the matrix of the trigger. PHONOLOGICAL FEATURES OF JRA I also hypothesise that assimilation in JRA is motivated by PHONEMES violation of the obligatory contour principle (OCP, hence- The feature geometry tree for Arabic shown in (1) below forth) on a specific tier or by spread of a feature from a trig- which is adopted in this article combines proposals by ger to a compatible undergoer. Being myself a phonologist Clements (1985), Sagey (1986), McCarthy (1988), Selkirk and a native speaker of Jordanian Arabic, I collected my (1988, 1993), Shaw (1991), and Halle (1992). data by observing native speakers of Jordanian rural Arabic (1) Feature Geometry Tree for Arabic (Watson: 2002, 25) and communicating with them in cafes, neighbourhood and Root [consonantal], [sonorant] workplace. Data of the study will be analysed in the framework of Goldsmith’s (1976a, 1976b, 1990) theory of autosegmental phonology, mainly adopting Mohanan’s (1993) notion of dominance in assimilation, as it deals primarily with assimi- Laryngeal[continuant] [nasal] [lateral][strident]Place lation and non-tonal feature spread. In section 2, I outline the phonological features assumed for the underlying specifica- tions of the phonemes of JRA (see appendix 1 for phonetic [voice] [labial] [coronal][dorsal][guttural] Published by Australian International Academic Centre PTY.LTD. Copyright (c) the author(s). This is an open access article under CC BY license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.10n.1p.50 An Autosegmental Account of Melodic Processes in Jordanian Rural Arabic 51 As shown in the geometry tree, there are four groups of (4) Laryngeal features of JRA phonemes features in Arabic: root features which include [consonantal] [+voice]: b, d, ḍ, ,ð ̣ ð, g, z, ʤ, ɣ, ʕ, m, n, l, r, j, w and [sonorant], stricture features which include [continuant], [-voice]: t, ṭ, θ, k, Ɂ, f, s, ṣ, ʃ, ʧ, x, ḥ, h [nasal], [lateral], and [strident], place features which include [labial], [coronal], [dorsal] and [guttural], and the laryngeal feature [voice]. Place Features of JRA Phonemes There are four place features in JRA: [labial], [coronal], [dorsal] and [guttural], which are presented in detail in the Root Features following subsections. Following Selkirk (1993: 3; cited in The root features are [consonantal] and [sonorant]. The fea- Watson, 2002: 29), phonetic interpretation of place features ture [consonantal] denotes segments produced in the oral can be used to reduce the number of phonological features cavity with a major obstruction (Odden, 2005, cf. Halle, as shown in (5). 1992). The definition excludes the JRA consonants /h/, /ḥ/, (5) The Phonetic Interpretation of Place Features (Selkirk, /ʔ/ and /ʕ/ as these segments are produced in the pharyngeal 1993: 3; cited in Watson, 2002: 29). cavity. To include these consonants, the feature [consonan- a. The Phonetic Interpretation of Primary Place (PIPP) tal] should be redefined as sounds which have a major ob- The phonetic realization of a primary feature is neces- struction in the oral cavity or pharyngeal cavity. Accordingly, obstruents, nasals and liquids are [+cons]. Glides and vow- sarily contingent on the stricture features of the segment els are [-cons]. ‘Sonorants are sounds produced with a vocal containing it. It may also be contingent on non-primary tract cavity configuration in which spontaneous voicing is features of the segment. possible’ (Chomsky and Halle, 1968: 302). Nasals, liquids, b. The Phonetic Interpretation of Non-primary Place glides and vowels are [+son]. Obstruents are [-son]. The root (PINP) features distinguish between consonants and vowels in JRA The phonetic realization of a non-primary place feature as shown in (2). may be independent of the other features of the segment 2) Root features of JRA phonemes containing it, or it may be contingent on the other place and/or stricture features of the segment. Obstruent Sonorant Vocoid c. Rank–Stricture Correspondence (RSC) [son] - + + The degree of constriction in the articulation realizing a [cons] + + - non-primary place feature in a segment does not exceed the degree of constriction of the articulation of a prima- Stricture Features ry place feature in the same segment. For Selkirk (1993; cited in Watson, 2002: 30), there is a Segments in JRA can also be defined in terms of their man- ner or stricture features. The stricture feature [continuant] primary/non primary place distinction for the segment which denotes segments where ‘the primary constriction is not has more than one articulation even in the case where the narrowed so much that airflow through the oral cavity is two articulations have the same degree of constriction, as blocked’ (Odden, 2005: 145). Segments which are labelled shown in (6). [+lateral] are produced by lowering the mid-section of the (6) No dual primary place (Selkirk, 1993: 32; cited in tongue at one side in which lateral release of air occurs. Watson. 2002: 30) Segments which are [+nasal] are produced by lowering the *Root velum in which nasal release of air occurs. The acoustic fea- ture [strident] denotes segments which are ‘produced with Place greater noisiness’ (Odden, 2005: 162). The table in (3) shows stricture features of JRA consonantal phonemes. place i place ii (3) Stricture features of JRA consonantal sonorants and Accordingly, the JRA /bw/ is represented as shown in (7), obstruents in which the place node dominates the primary feature which Plosive Fricative Sibilant Nasal Lateral in turn dominates immediately the non-primary feature. [cont] - + + - - (7) The Representation of Primary and Non-Primary [lateral] - - - - + Features of JRA /bw/ [nasal] - - - + - /bw/ [strident] - - + - - Laryngeal Features Place JRA phonemes have one applicable laryngeal feature which Primary [labial] is [voice]. The feature [voice] refers to vibration of vocal cords. Segments involving the feature [-voice] are produced with the vocal cords being far apart, see (4). Non-primary [round] 52 IJALEL 10(1):50-57 The feature [labial] (13) Features of the [dorsal] segments in JRA The feature [labial] denotes sounds ‘produced with the lips’ k g x ɣ j (Odden, 2005: 162). The [labial] consonants in JRA are /b, [son] - - - - + m, f, w/, see (8) below. [cont] - - + + + (8) Features of [labial] consonants in JRA [voice] - + - + + b m f w [son] - + - + [cons] + + + - The feature [guttural] [cont] - - + + The feature [guttural] denotes ‘those sounds having a con- [nasal] - + - - striction in the pharyngeo-laryngeal zone, i.e., in that part [voice] + + - + of the vocal tract which extends from the end of the oral cavity (i.e. the uvula) to the larynx’ (Hayward and Hayward, Based on the observation of labial sounds in several lan- 1989: 187-8). The [guttural] phonemes in JRA include the guages, Selkirk (1993, 54; cited in Watson, 2002: 29) comes pharyngeal /ḥ, ʕ/ and the laryngeals /Ɂ, h/. The pharyngeal- out with the generalization in (9). ized coronals /ṣ, ḍ,, ð ̣ ṭ/ are assigned [+guttural] as a non-pri- (9) The phonetic interpretation of primary [labial] mary feature. The phonetic interpretation of the [guttural] 1. A primary [labial] stop is bilabial. phonemes are summed up in (14). 2. A primary [labial] fricative is labiodental.
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    Wagner 1 Dutch Fricatives Dutch Is an Indo-European Language of The

    Wagner 1 Dutch Fricatives Dutch is an Indo-European language of the West Germanic branch, closely related to Frisian and English. It is spoken by about 22 million people in the Netherlands, Belgium, Aruba, Suriname, and the Netherlands Antilles, nations in which the Dutch language also has an official status. Additionally, Dutch is still spoken in parts of Indonesia as a result of colonial rule, but it has been replaced by Afrikaans in South Africa. In the Netherlands, Algemeen Nederlands is the standard form of the language taught in schools and used by the government. It is generally spoken in the western part of the country, in the provinces of Nord and Zuid Holland. The Netherlands is divided into northern and southern regions by the Rijn river and these regions correspond to the areas where the main dialects of Dutch are distinguished from each other. My consultant, Annemarie Toebosch, is from the village of Bemmel in the Netherlands. Her dialect is called Betuws Dutch because Bemmel is located in the Betuwe region between two branches of the Rijn river. Toebosch lived in the Netherlands until the age of 25 when she relocated to the United States for graduate school. Today she is a professor of linguistics at the University of Michigan-Flint and speaks only English in her professional career. For the past 18 months she has been speaking Dutch more at home with her son, but in the 9 years prior to that, she only spoke Dutch once or twice a week with her parents and other relatives who remain in the Netherlands.