Palatals in Spanish and French: an Analysis Rachael Gray
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Phonetics and Phonology of Contrastive Palatal Affricates*
Working Papers of the Cornell Phonetics Laboratory 2003, v.15, pp.130-193 Phonetics and Phonology of Contrastive Palatal Affricates* Amanda Miller-Ockhuizen and Draga Zec Serbian contains two classes of contrastive palatal affricates exemplified in tsar ‘gain’ vs. tar ‘magic’. In the phonological process of iotization, [t] patterns with [ts], and [k] with [t]. Articulatorily, [ts] is laminal, more front with compressed lips, while [t] is apical, more back with protruded lips. Acoustically, the affricates are distinguished by two prominent spectral peaks in the frication noise interval. [t]/[k] display lower frequency spectral peaks than [t]/[ts]. Different frequency ranges in the spectra of frication noise vs. stop bursts derive from constriction degree. Temporal acoustic attributes show that they behave as a class of affricates, different from both stops and fricatives. Phonetic differences in several articulatory attributes in the input contribute to cavity volume differences in the output, which result in higher frequency spectral peaks for the laminal affricate than the apical affricate. These differences define the natural classes observed in iotization and allow a phonetically accurate statement of the [t]/[ts] and [k]/[t] patterning. 1. Introduction Standard Serbian (formerly known as the eastern variant of Serbo-Croatian) possesses two classes of contrastive palatal affricates, each containing a voiced/voiceless pair. The difference between these classes can be broadly captured in terms of apical vs. laminal articulation. The apical class includes [t], which is voiceless, and [d], which is voiced. The members of the laminal class are [ts] and [dz], which are voiceless and voiced respectively.1 Articulatorily, the sounds in the laminal class are more front and produced with compressed lips, while the sounds in the apical class are more back and produced with protruded lips. -
4. R-Influence on Vowels
4. R-influence on vowels Before you study this chapter, check whether you are familiar with the following terms: allophone, centring diphthong, complementary distribution, diphthong, distribution, foreignism, fricative, full vowel, GA, hiatus, homophone, Intrusive-R, labial, lax, letter-to-sound rule, Linking-R, low-starting diphthong, minimal pair, monophthong, morpheme, nasal, non-productive suffix, non-rhotic accent, phoneme, productive suffix, rhotic accent, R-dropping, RP, tense, triphthong This chapter mainly focuses on the behaviour of full vowels before an /r/, the phonological and letter-to-sound rules related to this behaviour and some further phenomena concerning vowels. As it is demonstrated in Chapter 2 the two main accent types of English, rhotic and non-rhotic accents, are most easily distinguished by whether an /r/ is pronounced in all positions or not. In General American, a rhotic accent, all /r/'s are pronounced while in Received Pronunciation, a non-rhotic variant, only prevocalic ones are. Besides this, these – and other – dialects may also be distinguished by the behaviour of stressed vowels before an /r/, briefly mentioned in the previous chapter. To remind the reader of the most important vowel classes that will be referred to we repeat one of the tables from Chapter 3 for convenience. Tense Lax Monophthongs i, u, 3 , e, , , , , , , 1, 2 Diphthongs and , , , , , , , , triphthongs , Chapter 4 Recall that we have come up with a few generalizations in Chapter 3, namely that all short vowels are lax, all diphthongs and triphthongs are tense, non- high long monophthongs are lax, except for //, which behaves in an ambiguous way: sometimes it is tense, in other cases it is lax. -
Phonological Domains Within Blackfoot Towards a Family-Wide Comparison
Phonological domains within Blackfoot Towards a family-wide comparison Natalie Weber 52nd algonquian conference yale university October 23, 2020 Outline 1. Background 2. Two phonological domains in Blackfoot verbs 3. Preverbs are not a separate phonological domain 4. Parametric variation 2 / 59 Background 3 / 59 Consonant inventory Labial Coronal Dorsal Glottal Stops p pː t tː k kː ʔ <’> Assibilants ts tːs ks Pre-assibilants ˢt ˢtː Fricatives s sː x <h> Nasals m mː n nː Glides w j <y> (w) Long consonants written with doubled letters. (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 4 / 59 Predictable mid vowels? (Frantz 2017) Many [ɛː] and [ɔː] arise from coalescence across boundaries ◦ /a+i/ ! [ɛː] ◦ /a+o/ ! [ɔː] Vowel inventory front central back high i iː o oː mid ɛː <ai> ɔː <ao> low a aː (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 5 / 59 Vowel inventory front central back high i iː o oː mid ɛː <ai> ɔː <ao> low a aː Predictable mid vowels? (Frantz 2017) Many [ɛː] and [ɔː] arise from coalescence across boundaries ◦ /a+i/ ! [ɛː] ◦ ! /a+o/ [ɔː] (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 5 / 59 Contrastive mid vowels Some [ɛː] and [ɔː] are morpheme-internal, in overlapping environments with other long vowels JɔːníːtK JaːníːtK aoníít aaníít [ao–n/i–i]–t–Ø [aan–ii]–t–Ø [hole–by.needle/ti–ti1]–2sg.imp–imp [say–ai]–2sg.imp–imp ‘pierce it!’ ‘say (s.t.)!’ (Weber 2020) 6 / 59 Syntax within the stem Intransitive (bi-morphemic) vs. syntactically transitive (trimorphemic). Transitive V is object agreement (Quinn 2006; Rhodes 1994) p [ root –v0 –V0 ] Stem type Gloss ikinn –ssi AI ‘he is warm’ ikinn –ii II ‘it is warm’ itap –ip/i –thm TA ‘take him there’ itap –ip/ht –oo TI ‘take it there’ itap –ip/ht –aki AI(+O) ‘take (s.t.) there’ (Déchaine and Weber 2015, 2018; Weber 2020) 7 / 59 Syntax within the verbal complex Template p [ person–(preverb)*– [ –(med)–v–V ] –I0–C0 ] CP vP root vP CP ◦ Minimal verbal complex: stem plus suffixes (I0,C0). -
Effects of Listening/Reading Comprehension and Morphological Awareness on First Graders’ Writing to Dictation: a Comparison of the Effect of Memorization
International Journal of Education and Practice 2020 Vol. 8, No. 2, pp. 278-288. ISSN(e): 2310-3868 ISSN(p): 2311-6897 DOI: 10.18488/journal.61.2020.82.278.288 © 2020 Conscientia Beam. All Rights Reserved. EFFECTS OF LISTENING/READING COMPREHENSION AND MORPHOLOGICAL AWARENESS ON FIRST GRADERS’ WRITING TO DICTATION: A COMPARISON OF THE EFFECT OF MEMORIZATION 1 Naya Choi1 Dept. of Child Development & Family Studies, Seoul National University, 1 Gwanak-ro, Gwanak-gu, Seoul, Republic of Korea. 2 Jieun Kiaer 3 2 Eunock Jun Oriental Institute, Faculty of Oriental Studies, University of Oxford, 4+ Oxford, United Kingdom. Taeyeon Kim (+ Corresponding author) 3Dept. of Child Development & Family Studies, The Catholic University of Korea, Republic of Korea. 4Policy Research Team, Gyeonggi Family and Women Research Institute, Gyeongsu-daero, Jangan-gu, Suwon-si, Gyeonggi-do, Republic of Korea. ABSTRACT Article History The purpose of this study was to determine whether the cognitive abilities of listening Received: 12 February 2020 and reading comprehension and morphological awareness affect children’s writing to Revised: 16 March 2020 Accepted: 20 April 2020 dictation. Data were collected from 194 first-grade elementary schoolchildren in South Published: 18 May 2020 Korea on the effects of repetitive practice and memorization by comparing impromptu and one semester’s regular dictation tests. The results first revealed that spelling, Keywords spacing, and punctuation were highly correlated with the three cognitive abilities in the Listening comprehension Reading comprehension impromptu writing to dictation, but far less in the regular dictation test. Second, it was Morphological awareness found that children’s listening and reading comprehension and morphological Dictation Memorization effect awareness influenced their spelling, while reading comprehension and morphological Literacy development. -
Repercussions of the History of a Typological Change in Germanic
Repercussions of the history of a typological change in Germanic. Roland Noske Université Lille 3 / CNRS UMR 8163 [email protected] Abstract. In acoustic experimental phonetic investigations, the distinction made by Pike (1945) and Abercrombie (1967) between syllable-timed and stress timed has been refuted on several occasions. (e.g. by Wenk and Wioland 1982). However, perceptual research (Dauer 1983, 1987) has given rise to re-instalment of this typology by Auer (1993, 2001). Auer proposes a gradual, multi-factorial typology between syllable counting languages (also called simply syllable languages) and stress counting languages (or word languages). In this typology, several indicators are used for positioning a language on the continuous scale between the syllable language prototype and the word language prototype. These indicators include, among others, complexity of syllable structure, the occurrence of geminate clusters, tonality, tonal phenomena, the occurrence of vowel harmony or metaphony, epenthesis, vowel deletion, liaison, the occurrence of internal and external sandhi, as well as morphological reanalyses. In this paper, this typology will be used to show that in the course of time, most West- Germanic dialects have moved gradually from the syllable type to the word type. Evidence for this comes from research done on Old High German and Midlle High German texts, as well as from German dialectology. It will be shown that the contrast between Northern an Southern Dutch with respect to liaison across word boundaries and the vowel deletion promoting regular syllable structure (both indicators for syllable language-hood), is not the result of a French influence (as assumed by Noske (2005, 2006, 2007). -
The Phonetics-Phonology Interface in Romance Languages José Ignacio Hualde, Ioana Chitoran
Surface sound and underlying structure : The phonetics-phonology interface in Romance languages José Ignacio Hualde, Ioana Chitoran To cite this version: José Ignacio Hualde, Ioana Chitoran. Surface sound and underlying structure : The phonetics- phonology interface in Romance languages. S. Fischer and C. Gabriel. Manual of grammatical interfaces in Romance, 10, Mouton de Gruyter, pp.23-40, 2016, Manuals of Romance Linguistics, 978-3-11-031186-0. hal-01226122 HAL Id: hal-01226122 https://hal-univ-paris.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01226122 Submitted on 24 Dec 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Manual of Grammatical Interfaces in Romance MRL 10 Brought to you by | Université de Paris Mathematiques-Recherche Authenticated | [email protected] Download Date | 11/1/16 3:56 PM Manuals of Romance Linguistics Manuels de linguistique romane Manuali di linguistica romanza Manuales de lingüística románica Edited by Günter Holtus and Fernando Sánchez Miret Volume 10 Brought to you by | Université de Paris Mathematiques-Recherche Authenticated | [email protected] Download Date | 11/1/16 3:56 PM Manual of Grammatical Interfaces in Romance Edited by Susann Fischer and Christoph Gabriel Brought to you by | Université de Paris Mathematiques-Recherche Authenticated | [email protected] Download Date | 11/1/16 3:56 PM ISBN 978-3-11-031178-5 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-031186-0 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-039483-2 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. -
The Violability of Backness in Retroflex Consonants
The violability of backness in retroflex consonants Paul Boersma University of Amsterdam Silke Hamann ZAS Berlin February 11, 2005 Abstract This paper addresses remarks made by Flemming (2003) to the effect that his analysis of the interaction between retroflexion and vowel backness is superior to that of Hamann (2003b). While Hamann maintained that retroflex articulations are always back, Flemming adduces phonological as well as phonetic evidence to prove that retroflex consonants can be non-back and even front (i.e. palatalised). The present paper, however, shows that the phonetic evidence fails under closer scrutiny. A closer consideration of the phonological evidence shows, by making a principled distinction between articulatory and perceptual drives, that a reanalysis of Flemming’s data in terms of unviolated retroflex backness is not only possible but also simpler with respect to the number of language-specific stipulations. 1 Introduction This paper is a reply to Flemming’s article “The relationship between coronal place and vowel backness” in Phonology 20.3 (2003). In a footnote (p. 342), Flemming states that “a key difference from the present proposal is that Hamann (2003b) employs inviolable articulatory constraints, whereas it is a central thesis of this paper that the constraints relating coronal place to tongue-body backness are violable”. The only such constraint that is violable for Flemming but inviolable for Hamann is the constraint that requires retroflex coronals to be articulated with a back tongue body. Flemming expresses this as the violable constraint RETRO!BACK, or RETRO!BACKCLO if it only requires that the closing phase of a retroflex consonant be articulated with a back tongue body. -
Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops
Title Page Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops by Eva Bacas University of Pittsburgh, 2019 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2019 Committee Page UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This thesis was presented by Eva Bacas It was defended on November 8, 2019 and approved by Alana DeLoge, Quechua Instructor, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh Melinda Fricke, Assistant Professor, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh Gillian Gallagher, Associate Professor, Department of Linguistics, New York University Thesis Advisor/Dissertation Director: Claude Mauk, Senior Lecturer, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh ii Copyright © by Eva Bacas 2019 iii Abstract Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops Eva Bacas, BPhil University of Pittsburgh, 2019 Quechua is an indigenous language of the Andes region of South America. In Cochabamba, Bolivia, Quechua and Spanish have been in contact for over 500 years. In this thesis, I explore sociolinguistic variation among bilingual speakers of Cochabamba Quechua (CQ) and Spanish by investigating the relationship between the production of the voiceless uvular stop /q/ and speakers’ sociolinguistic backgrounds. I conducted a speech production study and sociolinguistic interview with seven bilingual CQ-Spanish speakers. I analyzed manner of articulation and place of articulation variation. Results indicate that manner of articulation varies primarily due to phonological factors, and place of articulation varies according to sociolinguistic factors. This reveals that among bilingual CQ-Spanish speakers, production of voiceless uvular stop /q/ does vary sociolinguistically. -
Issue 31.2.Indd
Akanlig-Pare, G../Legon Journal of the Humanities Vol. 31.2 (2020) DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ljh.v31i2 .3 Palatalization in Central Bùlì George Akanlig-Pare Senior Lecturer University of Ghana, Legon Email: [email protected] Submitted: May 6, 2020/Accepted: November 20, 2020/Published: January 28, 2021 Abstract Palatalization is a process through which non-palatal consonants acquire palatality, either through a shift in place of articulation from a non-palatal region to the hard palate or through the superimposition of palatal qualities on a non-palatal consonant. In both cases, there is a front, non-low vowel or a palatal glide that triggers the process. In this paper, I examine the palatalization phenomena in Bùlì using Feature Geometry within the non- linear generative phonological framework. I argue that both full and secondary palatalization occur in Buli. The paper further explains that, the long high front vowel /i:/, triggers the formation of a palato-alveolar aff ricate which is realized in the Central dialect of Bùlì, where the Northern and Central dialects retain the derived palatal stop. Keywords: Palatalization, Bùlì, Feature Geometry, synchronic, diachronic Introduction Although linguists generally agree that palatalization is a process through which non-palatal consonants acquire palatality, they diff er in their accounts of the phonological processes that characterize it. As Halle (2005, p.1) states, “… palatalization raises numerous theoretical questions about which there is at present no agreement among phonologists”. Cross linguistic surveys conducted on the process reveal a number of issues that lead to the present state of aff airs. -
Lecture 5 Sound Change
An articulatory theory of sound change An articulatory theory of sound change Hypothesis: Most common initial motivation for sound change is the automation of production. Tokens reduced online, are perceived as reduced and represented in the exemplar cluster as reduced. Therefore we expect sound changes to reflect a decrease in gestural magnitude and an increase in gestural overlap. What are some ways to test the articulatory model? The theory makes predictions about what is a possible sound change. These predictions could be tested on a cross-linguistic database. Sound changes that take place in the languages of the world are very similar (Blevins 2004, Bateman 2000, Hajek 1997, Greenberg et al. 1978). We should consider both common and rare changes and try to explain both. Common and rare changes might have different characteristics. Among the properties we could look for are types of phonetic motivation, types of lexical diffusion, gradualness, conditioning environment and resulting segments. Common vs. rare sound change? We need a database that allows us to test hypotheses concerning what types of changes are common and what types are not. A database of sound changes? Most sound changes have occurred in undocumented periods so that we have no record of them. Even in cases with written records, the phonetic interpretation may be unclear. Only a small number of languages have historic records. So any sample of known sound changes would be biased towards those languages. A database of sound changes? Sound changes are known only for some languages of the world: Languages with written histories. Sound changes can be reconstructed by comparing related languages. -
L Vocalisation As a Natural Phenomenon
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Essex Research Repository L Vocalisation as a Natural Phenomenon Wyn Johnson and David Britain Essex University [email protected] [email protected] 1. Introduction The sound /l/ is generally characterised in the literature as a coronal lateral approximant. This standard description holds that the sounds involves contact between the tip of the tongue and the alveolar ridge, but instead of the air being blocked at the sides of the tongue, it is also allowed to pass down the sides. In many (but not all) dialects of English /l/ has two allophones – clear /l/ ([l]), roughly as described, and dark, or velarised, /l/ ([…]) involving a secondary articulation – the retraction of the back of the tongue towards the velum. In dialects which exhibit this allophony, the clear /l/ occurs in syllable onsets and the dark /l/ in syllable rhymes (leaf [li˘f] vs. feel [fi˘…] and table [te˘b…]). The focus of this paper is the phenomenon of l-vocalisation, that is to say the vocalisation of dark /l/ in syllable rhymes 1. feel [fi˘w] table [te˘bu] but leaf [li˘f] 1 This process is widespread in the varieties of English spoken in the South-Eastern part of Britain (Bower 1973; Hardcastle & Barry 1989; Hudson and Holloway 1977; Meuter 2002, Przedlacka 2001; Spero 1996; Tollfree 1999, Trudgill 1986; Wells 1982) (indeed, it appears to be categorical in some varieties there) and which extends to many other dialects including American English (Ash 1982; Hubbell 1950; Pederson 2001); Australian English (Borowsky 2001, Borowsky and Horvath 1997, Horvath and Horvath 1997, 2001, 2002), New Zealand English (Bauer 1986, 1994; Horvath and Horvath 2001, 2002) and Falkland Island English (Sudbury 2001). -
The Role of Morphology in Generative Phonology, Autosegmental Phonology and Prosodic Morphology
Chapter 20: The role of morphology in Generative Phonology, Autosegmental Phonology and Prosodic Morphology 1 Introduction The role of morphology in the rule-based phonology of the 1970’s and 1980’s, from classic GENERATIVE PHONOLOGY (Chomsky and Halle 1968) through AUTOSEGMENTAL PHONOLOGY (e.g., Goldsmith 1976) and PROSODIC MORPHOLOGY (e.g., McCarthy & Prince 1999, Steriade 1988), is that it produces the inputs on which phonology operates. Classic Generative, Autosegmental, and Prosodic Morphology approaches to phonology differ in the nature of the phonological rules and representations they posit, but converge in one key assumption: all implicitly or explicitly assume an item-based morphological approach to word formation, in which root and affix morphemes exist as lexical entries with underlying phonological representations. The morphological component of grammar selects the morphemes whose underlying phonological representations constitute the inputs on which phonological rules operate. On this view of morphology, the phonologist is assigned the task of identifying a set of general rules for a given language that operate correctly on the inputs provided by the morphology of that language to produce grammatical outputs. This assignment is challenging for a variety of reasons, sketched below; as a group, these reasons helped prompt the evolution from classic Generative Phonology to its Autosegmental and Prosodic descendants, and have since led to even more dramatic modifications in the way that morphology and phonology interact (see Chapter XXX). First, not all phonological rules apply uniformly across all morphological contexts. For example, Turkish palatal vowel harmony requires suffix vowels to agree with the preceding stem vowels (paşa ‘pasha’, paşa-lar ‘pasha-PL’; meze ‘appetizer’, meze-ler ‘appetizer-PL’) but does not apply within roots (elma ‘apple’, anne ‘mother’).