RESEARCH ARTICLE

Ethnobiology and Conservation 2018, 7:12 (07 September 2018) doi:10.15451/ec2018-08-7.12-1-26 ISSN 2238­4782 ethnobioconservation.com Wildlife and spiritual knowledge at the edge of protected areas: raising another voice in conservation Sarah Bortolamiol1,2,3,4,5*; Sabrina Krief1,3; Colin A. Chapman5; Wilson Kagoro6; Andrew Seguya6; Marianne Cohen7

ABSTRACT

International guidelines recommend the integration of local communities within protected areas management as a means to improve conservation efforts. However, local management plans rarely consider communities knowledge about wildlife and their traditions to promote biodiversity conservation. In the Sebitoli area of Kibale National Park, , the contact of local communities with wildlife has been strictly limited at least since the establishment of the park in 1993. The park has not develop programs, outside of touristic sites, to promote local traditions, knowledge, and beliefs in order to link neighboring community members to nature. To investigate such links, we used a combination of semi­directed interviews and participative observations (N= 31) with three communities. While human and wildlife territories are legally disjointed, results show that traditional wildlife and spiritual related knowledge trespasses them and the contact with nature is maintained though practice, culture, and imagination. More than 66% of the people we interviewed have wild animals as totems, and continue to use plants to medicate, cook, or build. Five spirits structure human­wildlife relationships at specific sacred sites. However, this knowledge varies as a function of the location of local communities and the sacred sites. A better integration of local wildlife­friendly knowledge into management plans may revive communities’ connectedness to nature, motivate conservation behaviors, and promote biodiversity conservation.

Keywords: Chimpanzee; Kibale National Park; Local Communities; Spirits; Totems; Uganda; Wildlife

1 Sebitoli Chimpanzee Project (SCP), Great Apes Conservation Project (GACP), Sebitoli Station, Kibale National Park, Uganda

2 UMR 7533 Laboratoire Dynamiques Sociales et Recomposition des Espaces ­ Université Paris Diderot (Sorbonne Paris Cité), 200 avenue de la République, Nanterre Cedex 92001, France

3 UMR 7206 Eco­Anthropologie et Ethnobiologie (MNHN/CNRS/Paris Diderot), 17 place du Trocadéro, Paris 75016, France

4 Department of Geography, McGill University, 805 Sherbrooke street West, Montreal H3A 0B9, Canada

5 Department of Anthropology, McGill University, 3460 McTavish street, Montreal H3A 1X9, Canada

6 Uganda Wildlife Authority, P.O. Box 3530, , Uganda

7 UMR 8185 Espaces, Nature, Culture (Sorbonne Université), Maison de la Recherche, 28 rue Serpente, Paris 75005, France 

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INTRODUCTION species that are regarded as sacred prosper (Dagba et al. 2013) and are often denser in African protected areas (PAs) are mainly areas where they were protected by administered by non­governmental traditional knowledge (Ntiamoa­Baidu 2008). organizations (NGOs) or governmental As the world’s biodiversity loss is departments, and local communities are only increasing (Ceballos et al. 2017), it is remotely involved in the writing of important to provide additional means to conservation management plans (Bennett et reduce threats. This is particularly the case al. 2017). Success in national parks at the highly populated edges of PAs, where conservation has been suggested to be wild plant and animal species collection is linked to education, awareness, and restricted or prohibited, as this may increase outreach programs to the communities a cultural or psychological distance with neighbouring parks (Muhumuza and Balkwill wildlife, while people are suffering from 2013) or promotion of tourism activities wildlife’s damage on their property, such as (Archabald and Naughton­Treves 2001). crop feeding. In this context, conservation However, Mugisha and Jacobson (2004) programs should consider including positive showed that conservation successes did not local values and wildlife beliefs to reinforce differ between Ugandan PAs with and the connection between people and nature without community­based conservation to promote positive conservation behavior programs. (Tam et al. 2013; Zylstra et al. 2014). Traditional societies often have extensive Here, we focus on Kibale National Park, biodiversity and ecological knowledge and Uganda (hereafter Kibale) where local maintain a deep connection to nature communities’ perception of the park became (Descola 2005; Friedberg 1997; Gadgil et al. negative (MacKenzie et al. 2017). People’s 1993; Kohn 2013) through social and perspective is a function of historical religious values, which were previously management rules; wild animals damaging strong enough to make people obey the crops (Bortolamiol et al. 2017; environmental regulations. For example, MacKenzie and Ahabyona 2012), a clans, totems, and taboos played a prohibition of local communities to enter the significant role in biodiversity conservation park and use its resources, and a concept of by restricting human access to some places nature as a marketable good (i.e., tourism). or species (Gorjestani 2004) through a This negative perception is made worse as variety of norms, practices, and beliefs the park’s management of revenue sharing (Attuquayefio and Gyampoh 2010; Dagba et programs does not directly benefit the al. 2013; Friedberg 2014; Ghanashyam individuals suffering from wild animals’ Niroula and Singh 2015; Holmes et al. 2017; eating their crops, human injuries, and loss Infield 2001; Klepeis et al. 2016; Koponen of property. Tourism, especially the one 1988; Rim­Rukeh et al. 2013). Also, taboos focusing on primates, is the second most often protect sacred groves which results in important income earner of Uganda the protection of plants (Mgumia and Oba (MacKay and Campbell 2012; Republic of 2003); forest loss is less important in forest Uganda 2012; Uganda Vision 2040 2013). considered sacred (Byers et al. 2001); and Kibale is a hotspot for primate tourism and hunting taboos allow wildlife population to was recently recognized the primate capital increase (Saj et al. 2006). As a result, wildlife of Africa by safari circles1, and the main

1 Chimp reports: https://chimpreports.com/discover­worlds­primate­capital­kibale­forest­national­park/, consulted June 24th, 2018

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attraction is chimpanzee (Pan troglodytes We first provide historical background of schweinfurthii) vision tourism (Kagoro the area since the arrival of British unpublished data). Tourism generates most administrators to understand how local of Kibale’s revenue. Within local communities have been gradually distanced communities, chimpanzees are generally from wildlife and its management. Second, known to show "respect" towards people (by we carry qualitative, quantitative, and their discretion), while they are also geographical analysis, including "dangerous" (Hill and Webber 2010). georeferenced inquiries and mapping, to Sebitoli area, the northern section of analyze the above four points. Finally, we Kibale (25 km2, Figure 1) is embedded in an consider the importance of these links for anthropogenic landscape (large tea, conservation in this and other regions. plantain, and eucalyptus plantations, small gardens, tarmac road). Here chimpanzee density is relatively high (Bortolamiol et al. MATERIAL AND METHODS 2016). To protect endangered chimpanzees (Appendix I CITES, Endangered on the Study area IUCN red list) and their forest ecosystem, a Uganda Wildlife Authority (UWA) camp Kibale’s primate biomass is one of the hosting rangers and eco­tourists is located highest in the world (Chapman and Lambert near the village of Sebitoli. In the area, eco­ 2000; Chapman et al. 2018) and the park tourism consists in bird watching and nature hosts a number of endangered species, walks, but primate watching is not including chimpanzees and elephants developed. However, scientific research on (Loxodonta africana). Outside Kibale there chimpanzee ecology has been carried out are up to 335 people/km2 inhabiting a five since 2008 (Sebitoli Chimpanzee Project – kilometers buffer zone (Hartter 2010) SCP). dedicated to agriculture: local communities Here we investigate if a positive grow crops on small farms and some people relationship remains between local work in large tea plantations, a large part of communities and the forest in Sebitoli area this labor force (40 to 60%) being from that could promote human­wildlife districts other than those neighbouring the relationships, and help both human park or even from outside Uganda (Mbale development and nature conservation. If so, and Ogwal 2015). Within this zone, human we explore if its persistence expressed density is growing faster than employment through four ways: 1) local communities’ opportunities and local communities are memory of wildlife related knowledge (plant disappointed that the number of people and animal species); 2) cultural traditions, employed by the PA did not increase, as specifically clans and totems, and 3) spiritual much as the number of researchers and beliefs about the forest that both link humans tourists (MacKenzie et al. 2017). to wildlife; and 4) people’s locations where inhabitants living near the park and far from modern infrastructures have a more diverse and vivid memory about wildlife.

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Kibale culture and history of Morris 1978), but wildlife damages to crops biodiversity management were so problematic in the 1960s that elephants were killed en masse. Also, Kibale Kibale is located in the Tooro kingdom Forest Reserve was commercially logged at and local communities are composed of two that time, especially the Sebitoli area where major ethnic groups: Batooro and Bakiga. a saw­mill was operating (Struhsaker 1997). Bakiga are fewer and arrived in the region In the 1970s, eight years of Idi Amin later than Batooro, primarily in the 1950s, dictatorship and starvation seriously but they have similar social system and impacted wildlife (De Merode et al. 2007; beliefs (Hartter et al. 2015). The roots of Hamilton 1984). In Tooro, elephants, both groups are linked to the Cwezi dynasty buffaloes, hippopotamus were decimated so (ancestral gods) who reigned over the Great Idi Amin forbid all types of hunting (GDA Lake region and had mystical powers, such 1979 cited in Naughton­Treves 1999). In the as control over rain, hunting, and human 1970­80s, settlers moved into the south of 2 fertility (Chrétien 1985; Doyle 2007; Kibale and cleared approximately 70 km of Steinhart 1977). People in the region forest (MISR 1989; van Orsdol 1986). When remember vivid narratives about these the current president Yoweri Museveni came ancestral gods (Steinhart 2011). Also, clans to power (1986), the Ugandan government (a collective of people who descend from the again started to enforce regulation with same distant ancestor; Beattie 1971; Roscoe respect to wildlife and biodiversity 1968) have a central role in social and conservation. The population that moved environmental interactions in the area. Each into the south were expelled outside the clan has one to several totems – an animal, Game Reserve and in 1993 the area a plant and/or an object – that clan members became a national park. must respect and not kill or harm because of When the area changed designation from its links to a clan’s ancestor (taboo). a Forest and Game Reserve to a National 2 When the Imperial British East African Park (795 km ), it was placed under the Company arrived in the area (1891), it management of the UWA, itself under the supported Tooro against kingdom Tourism, Wildlife and Antiquities Ministry. and British were granted powers over The Uganda Wildlife Act (Republic of Batooro resources. It institutionalized Uganda 1996) regulates the uses and biodiversity management and changed the practices towards protected spaces and established hierarchical system (Johnstone species, and grantees local communities’ a and Kasagama 1906; Kasagama and Lugard limited access to exploit wildlife sustainably 1891; Naughton­Treves 1999; Toro under the supervision of UWA rangers (not agreement 1900). Hunting rules were recruited locally and regularly transferred) in defined (1906) distinguishing noble animals ­ resource use zones. UWA shares 20% of elephants ­ that only an elite could hunt from revenues generated by park entrance fees vermin ­ lions, leopards, hyenas, bush pigs, with local communities (UWA 2000) and the vervets, baboons ­ that everyone could hunt money is distributed to benefit community (Graham 1973). In the mid­1920s, game projects (Hartter and Ryan 2010). The funds reserves were established to control are channeled through the district local dangerous wild animals threatening humans, government, where they are taxed. Both crops, and cattle (Brooks and Buss 1962; resources’ access and revenue sharing

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programs successes are controversial and Sebitoli village and experiences high losses difficult to monitor, but UWA is seeking due to crop feeding; Nyakabingo is located improvements (Adams and Infield 2003; closer to the park, but further to the road and MacKenzie 2012; Tumusiime and Vedeld UWA station than Kihingami and 2012). experiences medium losses due to crop feeding. Semi directed interviews and Our objectives were presented to village participative observations with human chiefs who directed us to volunteer communities informants. Participants were ensured of anonymity in an informed consent form and Georeferenced surveys were conducted the research followed the guidelines of the in three villages: Kihingami, Nyakabingo, Declaration of Helsinki and Tokyo for and Sebitoli, around Sebitoli area (January­ humans, and complied with a Memorandum April 2012, some information relative to of Understanding [MoU] for research and clans and totems were confirmed in 2016) conservation in Kibale National Park with the help of a local translator (Figure 1). between Museum national d'Histoire This sample was designed to be in the close naturelle, Uganda Wildlife Authority and vicinity of the park and respondents were Makerere University (SJ445­12). selected according to the distance between Georeferenced semi­directed interviews their home and the park’s edge, their loss and participative observations were due to crop feeding (MacKenzie 2012), and conducted simultaneously with 30 proximity to landscape features (Table 1): participants (10/village) at the respondents’ Sebitoli village is the closest village to the home during their daily activities (Bortolamiol park, the UWA station and the asphalt road 2014). For brevity, we cite the information as and experiences medium losses due to crop followed: “Ni= 30” designates the population feeding; Kihingami is located further from the interviewed in the three villages; “Nspirits= 31” park, the tarmac road, and UWA station than

Table 1. Spatial characteristics of the survey area

Legend: Characteristics of Kihingami, Nyakabingo, and Sebitoli villages around Kibale National Park, Uganda

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the people interviewed in the three villages spirits), social (tribe, totem) and and a supplementary conversation about geographical variables (households’ specific tree spirits. None of the 12 women residence distance to the park, villages’ and 18 men we interviewed were employed location; Add file 1). SPSS Statistics (IBM, by the park and their main activity was version 24) was used to conduct parametric agriculture. They were aged between 17 and (Fisher exact test – several qualitative 74 years old (mean 40 years old) and apart variables, Pearson correlation – two a mother and her daughter, none of them qualitative variables) and non­parametric were related. tests (Mann­Whitney – a quantitative All villagers were asked about their tribe, variable and two groups of qualitative clan, and totem, about plants they used in variables, Kruskall­Wallis – quantitative their daily activity, and wild animals they variable and more than two groups of knew from the park. We used the excel qualitative variables). The combination of FLAME 1.1 supplement (Pennec et al. 2012) such methods produced a qualitative to list the frequency and rank citation of analysis supported by a simple quantitative animal species. We classified responses approach. about animals in nine groups based on morphological/biological criteria (Table 2). RESULTS Respondents used vernacular names to identify plant and animal species, which Wildlife related knowledge: plants were later translated. When they did not as useful resources and animals as know the species, they often cited the abundant neighbours general taxa. As for questions related to beliefs about chimpanzees and spirits, The people we interviewed use plant respondents were asked two questions: "Do species for medicine (Ni=22 respondents, 48 you know stories about chimpanzees/spirits species), firewood (Ni=22 respondents, 23 in the area?" If respondents answer was species), timber (Ni=5 respondents, 16 "Yes" we would ask "Can you tell us more species), and other uses (Ni=10 about these stories?" and if the answer was respondents, 12 species; baskets, building, "No" we would move to another question. charcoal, fence, fertilizer, hygiene, planting These two questions were open ended and trees, poultry, roof top). For medicine, led to a diversity of narratives that we Vernonia amygdalina (Ni=13), Ocimum compiled by themes. Finally, spirits locations gratissimum (Ni=8), and Bidens pilosa (Ni= ­ Ebiigasaigasa, Kaliisa, and Nyakakaikuru ­, 6) are mostly found in bushland, gardens, or were mapped based on the village where forest edges. For firewood, respondents respondents cited them, to verify the mostly used planted species, such as influence of geographical factors using GIS Eucalyptus sp. (Ni=14), Bridelia micrantha (Bortolamiol 2014; ArcGIS 10.2; Figure 1). (Ni=6), and Sesbania sesban (Ni=5; Add file The specific locations of some features 2). (Rugamba, magical stones) were mapped Ethno­zoological knowledge was thanks to respondents who brought gathered by asking which animals lived in interviewers to these specific locations. Kibale. Respondents cited 45 answers: 29 We verified the relationships between referred to distinct species and 16 to general wildlife related knowledge (plants, animals, taxa – monkeys, red monkeys

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(Cercopithecus ascanius or Procolobus fearful, but three women stated they were at rufomitratus), colobus monkeys (P. risk of sexual abuse by chimpanzees and rufomitratus or Colobus guereza), antelopes, two stated there was a risk of chimpanzees wild pigs, wild rabbits, rats, squirrels, birds, kidnapping their baby. butterflies, snakes, frogs, insects, small A mother and her daughter had a insects, millipedes, ants. Among nine narrative about chimpanzees in Kihingami morphological groups, primates (N=15) and and stated that a long time ago humans fled ungulates (N=11; Table 2) had the highest to the forest to avoid paying taxes and diversity of species. Among the animal transformed into chimpanzees over citations, gorillas, de Brazza monkeys, patas generations because they lived in the forest monkeys, cranes, goats, and rhinoceros are (Add file 4). not present in Kibale. Hippopotamus are found 40 km to the south of the Sebitoli area. Traditions linking humans to The presence of lion or leopard in the area is wildlife: wild and domestic totems extremely rare (lions do not reside in Kibale and leopard are very rare ­ Chapman The people interviewed were primarily unpublished data). Batooro (70%; Ni=21) and Bakiga (20%; Ni= Elephant (93.1%, citation rank=1.6), 6), but immigrants from Rwanda were also chimpanzee (89.7%, citation rank=4.4), and included (10%; Ni=3). Each village had a baboon (86.2%, citation rank=2.3) were the similar number of clans (9 or 10; 13 different most cited taxa (2/3 of the sample). The clans in total; Table 3). Clans’ membership morphological group that was cited more influences social relationships and members often was primates (120/218 citations, 55%). of the same clan often help each other in times of financial needs "when someone is Human­wildlife relationships: a sick, they help, when someone dies they distended link with chimpanzees help, when someone needs to go to school they help". However, nowadays clans inter­ All villagers stated that baboons and marry while it is "not wise to mix­up because chimpanzees caused less damages than of inbreeding risks and general confusions elephants. The most mentioned physical trait with ancestral clans' rules". of chimpanzees was their resemblance to Each respondent is a clan member and humans (Ni=17) and the fact that they have has a totem, with a duty to protect (Ni=21) no tail (Ni=7) unlike other primates. and not to eat or hurt his or her totem (Ni= Chimpanzees are reported to be more 20). Eight out of 13 totems were wild animals selective than elephants and baboons in the (Table 3), but some of these species are not crops they feed, preferring maize and now in Sebitoli (lion, leopard, and sugarcane (Ni=9). Villagers noted that some hippopotamus). Two­third of respondents chimpanzees play a sentinel role, while have wild animals as totems (Ni=20), and others feed on crops (Ni=4; Add file 3) and one­third have domestic animals, crops, or often chimpanzees wait until humans are not object as totems (Ni=10). in their field before entering it (Ni=5) or wait until the night (Ni=4; verified with infrared Beliefs linking humans to wildlife cameras ­ Krief et al. 2014). Chimpanzees are easy to scare away because they are Out of 31 people asked about spiritual

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Table 2. General knowledge about wild animals

Legend: Wild animal species cited by villagers from Kihingami, Nyakabingo and Sebitoli (Ni= 30) to be within Kibale National Park, Uganda. The information was classified by morphological/biological traits (NB: general taxa are underlined)

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Table 3. Respondents’ tribes, clans and totems

Legend: Tribes, clans, and totems of respondents (Ni= 30) in Kihingami, Nyakabingo and Sebitoli villages (* missing data) around Kibale National Park, Uganda knowledge, 20 shared information; these knowledgeable about the tree because people described two types of spirits: fixed he/she used to visit the tree (Add file 6a). and transient (Figure 1). All transient spirits Rugamba is not a vernacular name for a tree navigate at the forest edge, some go within species, but refers to a specific individual the forest and some stay outside, while fixed tree. The main respondent led us to the spirits are located along an anthropogenic “remaining babies of the tree”, located in the element, the tarmac road. All spirits are met park, 20 m from the tarmac road (Nspirits=6) in particular areas linked to villagers’ daily and/or by rivers (Nspirits=3). The original tree life (i.e., stones, trees, valleys, wetlands, was cut (Nspirits=3) when the road was built forest edges), mostly at night, and can be by "Italian white men" (Nspirits=4), leaving associated to alcohol consumption (Add file sprouting stems (Nspirits=2; “There is a small 5). one, inherited from the other one”, “After three days, (….), a young one came out and Rugamba and Engote trees: fixed was produced from that main big one. Up to spirits symbolizing nature’s now it is still there”). However, the sucker resistance to human activities does not have the same powers as the original tree that was possessed by a spirit, The Rugamba tree (a Ficus could talk, and people would come to saussaureana tree) was mentioned in eight sacrifice to that tree (Nspirits=5). Three interviews; one person living in Sebitoli villagers said that the tree was talking while village was identified by four of the people being cut but each informer had a different that we interviewed as being particularly version of this speech (Add file 6a).

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Figure 1. Locations of fixed and transient spirits within/around Sebitoli area (Kibale National Park,

Uganda) according to respondents (Nspirits=31) from Kihingami, Nyakabingo and Sebitoli villages.

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The Engote tree (vernacular name for Ni=2; wetland/valleys Ni=1; water hole Ni=1). Prunus africana) was mentioned in two Three people mentioned that the risk of interviews (the same person identified in encountering Ebiigasaigasa increased with Sebitoli about Rugamba, and one person in alcohol consumption and with the proximity Kihingami ­ Add file 6b, c). The story of to magical stones (Figure 1). Engote tree was less detailed, but resembles Nyakakaikuru, a "greedy" spirit mentioned the one of Rugamba as the tree resisted to in nine interviews, is encountered at night be cut by humans. However, its resistance (Ni=4). A third of the respondents mentioned continued after its death as respondents that Nyakakaikuru is harmless as it only stated that the spirit inhabiting the tree passes through land (Ni=3). It comes at night revenged itself from being cut by killing eight and visits villagers’ kitchens to find food. people in a bus accident where the tree was According to all interviews, each household originally located. leaves a dish full of food in the kitchen at night. If Nyakakaikuru comes and finds no Transient spirits food, it can destroy materials in the house.

During interviews, respondents (Ni=4) Kaliisa, a forest hunter spirit (Ni=3), was stated that fixed and transient spirits were cited in 11 interviews. It is described to move evils that no one still believe in. When with barking dogs (Ni=3), crying (Ni=1), respondents were asked why people no difficult to observe (Ni=1), and resembling a longer believed in them, they stated that tall human (Ni=2) or an animal (Ni=1). The belief in them disappeared when Christianity association between Kaliisa and sacrifice developed (Ni=4) and with modernization

(offering animal parts to the spirit) was made (Ni=3). in two interviews, but Kaliisa has been described more frequently as guarding and Geographical and social variations grazing cattle in pasture (Ni=5). If hunters of wildlife related knowledge and ask Kaliisa's permission to hunt in the forest, spiritual beliefs the spirit will watch the hunter's safety, as well as his cattle. Kaliisa is bridging the gap Statistically significant relationships between the agricultural and forested worlds, between wildlife related knowledge, social watching cattle, humans and wild animals and geographical factors are few (Add file 1). (Figure 1). Batooro are over­represented in Kihingami, Ebiigasaigasa, the "carrier", was and under­represented in Nyakabingo (p= mentioned in 11 interviews. This spirit is of 0.004) and they live further from the forest edge than Bakiga (p= 0.044; mean=327.3 m great height (Ni=5), and shows a similarity vs. 81.5 m). A higher diversity of firewood with humans in general (Ni=2) or “white species are cited in Nyakabingo (p=0.036; people” in particular (Ni=3). When it is mean Sebitoli=1.3; Kihingami=2.8; moving, it is surrounded by light (Ni=4). Ebiigasaigasa "kidnaps" a person it meets at Nyakabingo=3.3). Also, the number of timber species is higher for other tribes (p=0.033; the forest edge (Figure 1; Ni=11) and mean=4.3), than Batooro (mean=1) and transports he/her "somewhere else" (Ni=4) Bakiga (mean=0.24). Villagers’ residency or inside the forest (Ni=3). This spirit is influenced spiritual beliefs (p=0.028) as most associated with night encounters (Ni=8) and citations were obtained in Nyakabingo and particular places (stones Ni=6; mountain/hills

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Kihingami (Ni=33), and the least in Sebitoli approximations (general taxa, species that village (Ni=5). Rugamba fixed spirit was do not live in Kibale), the most frequently mostly cited in Sebitoli village (5 out of 8; cited species (e.g., elephants, chimpanzees, Figure 1). Kaliisa and Nyakakaikuru baboons) are also the most frequent species (respective p=0.0006, 0.037) were mostly coming out of the forest and feeding in cited at Nyakabingo. gardens (MacKenzie 2012, MacKenzie and Ahabyona 2012). Other animal species DISCUSSION occur in fields and houses (e.g., rats, squirrels, frogs, mongooses, goats, insects) Although the local populations were or are hunted (ungulates, elephants, and largely excluded from biodiversity small terrestrial mammals), an activity which management around Kibale, wildlife related is illegal. Also, wild plant species are still knowledge remains in the Sebitoli area used by local communities in their daily through animals and plants’ knowledge, activities (medicine, firewood, timber), but culture (totems), spiritual beliefs (fixed, are likely found at the park’s edges, in transients), but knowledge varies among bushlands, or are being planted. villages. Wildlife related knowledge was not Legends and traditions related to animals generally related to social and geographical are rare (or rarely mentioned), but factors. This could be due either to our chimpanzees are resembling humans, no sample size, a weakened link between matter respondents’ tribe or location. We humans and wildlife, and/or a relatively small suggest that the narrative of local quantity of wildlife related knowledge shared communities depicting a close affiliation equally and independently from social or between humans and chimpanzees implies geographical characteristics. In Nyakabingo, four things: (1) chimpanzees are the village with fewer facilities and shops “descendants” of humans; (2) the way of life and further from the tarmac road, there are distinguishes humans from the great apes; more Bakiga (who live closer to the park in (3) the fragility of the human condition, and general), spirits’ citations (especially their economic vulnerability; and (4) the transients), and species used for firewood. forest seems to play a filtering role and No social and geographical links are reveals the discontinuity between the two established with animal related knowledge, species. This narrative is similar to others but wild animal remain the major totems of that refers to the bonobos in the Democratic local populations. Republic of Congo (Narat et al. 2015) and the chimpanzees in Republic of Congo Wildlife related traditions and (Köhler 2005), Nigeria (Nyanganji et al. knowledge 2010), and Guinea Bissau where local people said that chimpanzees were the Villagers’ identities include wild animal species they would like to be if they were not totems, which they have a duty to protect human and they noticed a close independently from their tribes’ membership. resemblance between species in terms of Thus, totems may still play a significant role morphology (face, feet) and behavior in biodiversity conservation, as evoked in our (gestures, bipedalism; Costa et al. 2013; literature review. Villagers are aware of a Sousa et al. 2014). diversity of wild animal species and besides Unlike the stories about wolf­children

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(Aroles 2007) and the fictional character of exist and link humans with the wildlife of the Mowglie (Kipling 1895), chimpanzees park. Spirits symbolize the relationship descending from humans never returned to between wild and human territories that are their original environment, which has currently perceived by villagers as interesting conservation dimensions: the asymmetrical, since they are forbidden to forest is today the territory of chimpanzees enter Kibale without UWA permission (but and not the "natural" territory of men, but they trespass it; Bortolamiol unpublished their refuge in case of threat. Each species data), while spirits and wild animals have the belongs to a specific area: the park is "permission" to cross or make humans cross currently inhabited by chimpanzees and the forest edge for certain activities (e.g., villages are inhabited by humans. Looking crop feeding). This perceived asymmetry alike human, the chimpanzee is not usually can lead people to feel left aside of consumed for its meat in Uganda (Peterson conservation management (MacKenzie and Goodall 1993). However, one 2012) and may promote actions the park chimpanzee was recently hunted and killed views as negative (e.g., poaching ­ near Sebitoli village (Krief unpublished data) Bortolamiol unpublished data). which may reflect a detachment of traditions, Narratives we collected about wildlife and or may have resulted because many workers spirits testify a complex relationship to come from other areas of Uganda or from foreign elements, such as fear of taxes and neighbouring countries with different food fear of “white man”. When Christian taboos. missionaries arrived in Uganda, some cults were driven underground (Behrend 2011) A link with wildlife through spiritual but their positive and rehabilitating aspects beliefs could be used in conservation awareness programs (Rubongoya 2003). In Sebitoli Wild animals remain in villagers’ area, modernization and development may knowledge about nature (totems, species participate in blurring traditional and wildlife diversity), but they are absent in spiritual knowledge as it was showed in Bolivia beliefs which are mainly trees, minerals or where plant use changes were more acute in human shaped. The power of nature villages close to market towns than in (trespassing boundaries; seismic activities; remote villages over time (Reyes­Garcia et thunder, rain, fire, etc., ­ Chapman et al. al. 2013). This is why the weak influence of 1999; Krief and Brunois­Pasina 2017) is geographical distance (to infrastructures: illustrated by transient spirits, but their roads, tea factories; fixed spirit etc.) is an representations are influenced by indirect factor, suggesting the importance of geographical features. For example, people acculturation. living in villages beside the tarmac road have a less persistent perception of an intangible Changing scale: promoting link with natural elements. Also, close regional conservation efforts through proximity to facilities and the tarmac road local ecological knowledge facilitates contacts with tea workers and foreigners, and may promote loss of these Positive aspects of totemic and spiritual links to nature. beliefs are not currently integrated in Orally transmitted stories about spirits still biodiversity conservation programs within

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local communities around Kibale, because promote, and how they want to promote it there was no clear evidence about them. (school education, agricultural program, However, as the world faces new animal etc.). Researchers, NGOs, biodiversity extinction (Ceballos et al. 2017) besides the managers and local communities could international conservation programs that jointly develop an innovative biodiversity were set the last 30 years, scientists “urge conservation management strategy to the conservation community to move beyond conserve wildlife and human related superficial engagement with the knowledge. conservation of social sciences” (Bennett et al. 2017). They also urge for a better CONCLUSION application of international guidelines (integration of local communities’ We investigated wildlife, traditional, and knowledge) into local management plans. spiritual related knowledge among villagers Indeed, informal institutions (Rim­Rukeh et living adjacent to Kibale National Park, al. 2013), such as totemic and spiritual Uganda and identified links between local systems, can drive human behaviors and communities and natural elements which are self­connectedness to nature (Schultz 2011; not currently emphasized in biodiversity Tam et al. 2013; Zelenski and Nisbet 2014). management. Helping to maintain, revive, Then, they can influence positively human­ and integrate orally transmitted narratives in wildlife relationships and people’s will to biodiversity management may increase participate in nature conservation. Learning conservation effectiveness in a more co­ from and using local communities’ traditional owned perspective. As Kibale became a knowledge (such as why/which species and center of primate vision tourism, a real places are protected in the traditions) may exchange between biodiversity managers, not only be a tool to help build the much­ tourists, and local communities could value needed consensus between conservationists and promote the links between humans and and local people, but it can also give wildlife. communities a sense of ownership of wildlife management projects (Berkes 2004). ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Historical, social, and geographical factors contribute to the connection of local We are grateful to Uganda Wildlife communities with nature and should be Authority and Uganda National Council for considered alongside species, places, and Science and Technology for giving us the ecological knowledge when formulating authorization to conduct this survey. We conservation and management plans. thank Great Ape Conservation Project and However, care should be given to revive its co­director J.M Krief for hosting our specific narratives and practices that research, our translator N. Kwezi, and encourage biodiversity friendly behaviors Sebitoli Chimpanzee Project's field rather than destroy it (Etiendem et al. 2011; assistants. We also thank A. Basemera Holmes et al. 2017; Masius and Sprenger (Kogere foundation, ) for 2015). In Kibale, further surveys should discussions over spiritual beliefs. We are inquire if local communities wish to particularly grateful to respondents for their implement their traditional knowledge in time and interests. We thank colleagues conservation, what knowledge they want to from Paris Diderot, Museum national

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d'Histoire naturelle (especially C. Friedberg), Bortolamiol S, Cohen M, Jiguet F, Pennec F, and McGill University for their worthy Seguya A, Krief S (2016) Chimpanzee non­ avoidance of hyper­proximity to humans. comments on our work. Field trips were Journal of Wildlife Management 80: 924­934 funded by the MNHN/ATM 16, ANR JC­JC Bortolamiol S, Cohen, Krief S (2017) Territoires SAFAPE, GACP, Université Paris Diderot protégés, humains et chimpanzés. Une lisière (Ecole doctorale EESC 382), Laboratoire fluctuante dans le temps et l’espace. Annales des Dynamiques Sociales et Recomposition de Géographie 716: 435­463 des Espaces and Société Francophone de Brooks AC, Buss IO (1962) Past and present Primatologie. status of the elephant in Uganda. Journal of Wildlife Management 26: 38­50 REFERENCES Byers BA, Cunliffe RN, Hudak AT (2001) Linking the conservation of culture and nature: A case study of sacred forests in Zimbabwe. Adams M, Infield M (2003) Who is on the Human Ecology 29: 187­218 gorillas payroll? Claims on tourist revenue Ceballos G, Ehrlich PR, Dirzo R (2017) from a Ugandan National Park. World Biological annihilation via the ongoing sixth Development 31: 177­190 mass extinction signaled by vertebrate Archabald K, Naughton­Treves L (2001) Tourism population losses and declines. PNAS 114: revenue­sharing around National Parks in E6089­E6096 Western Uganda: Early efforts to identify and Chapman CA, Chapman LJ, Kaufman L, Zanne reward local communities. Environnemental AE (1999) Potential causes of arrested Conservation 28: 135­ 149 succession in Kibale National Park, Uganda: Aroles S (2007) L'énigme des enfants­loups: Growth and mortality of seedlings. African Une certitude biologique mais un déni des Journal of Ecology 37: 81­92 archives. Publibook, Paris, France Chapman CA, Lambert JE (2000) Habitat Attuquayefio DKS, Gyampoh S (2010) The alteration and the conservation of african Boabeng­Fiema Monkey Sanctuary, Ghana: A primates: Case study of Kibale National Park, case for blending traditional and introduced Uganda. American Journal of Primatology 50: wildlife conservation systems. West African 169­185 Journal of Applied Ecology 17: 1­10 Chapman CA, Bortolamiol S, Matsuda I, Omeja Beattie JHM (1971) “Cutting Kinship” in P, Paim F, Sengupta R, Valenta K (2018) Bunyoro. Ethnology 10: 211­214 Primate population dynamics: Variation in Behrend H (2011) Resurrecting cannibals. The abundance over space and time. Biodiversity Catholic Church, witch­hunts, and the and Conservation 27: 1221­1238 production of Pagans in Western Uganda. Chrétien JP (1985) L’empire des Bacwezi. La James Currey, Woodbridge, UK construction d’un imaginaire géopolitique. Bennett NJ, Roth R, Klain SC, Chan KMA, Clark Annales Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations 40: DA, Cullman G (2017) Mainstreaming the 1335–1377 social sciences in conservation. Conservation Costa S, Casanova C, Sousa C, Lee P (2013) Biology 31: 56–66 The good, the bad and the ugly: Perceptions Berkes F (2004) Rethinking community­based of wildlife in Tombal (Guinea­Bissau, West conservation. Conservation Biology 18: 621­630 Africa). Journal of Primatology 2: 110 Bortolamiol S (2014) Interactions hommes ­ Dagba BI, Sambe LN, Shomkegh SA (2013) chimpanzés ­ forêt. Approche spatiale et Totemic beliefs and biodiversity conservation territoriale de la répartition des chimpanzés, among the Tiv People of Benue State, Nigeria. des perceptions locales et de la gestion de la Journal of Natural Sciences Research 3: biodiversité (Sebitoli, parc national de Kibale, 145–149 Ouganda). PhD Dissertation, Université Paris Diderot, Paris, France

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Roscoe J (1968) The Banyankole. Cambridge Tam KP, Lee SL, Chao MM (2013) Saving Mr. University Press, Cambridge, UK Nature: Anthropomorphism enhances Rubongoya LT (2003) Naaho Nubo ­ The ways connectedness to and protectiveness toward of our ancestors. Rüdiger Köppe, Cologne, nature. Journal of Experimental Social Germany Psychology 49: 514­521 Saj TL, Mather C, Sicotte P (2006) Traditional Toro Agreement (1900) Uganda Protectorate. taboos in biological conservation: The case [http://nointervention.com/archive/Africa/Uganda/ of Colobus vellerosus at the Boabeng­Fiema British_Protectorate/toro_agreement_1900.htm] Monkey Sanctuary, Central Ghana. Social No intervention. Accessed 3 February 2016 Science Information 45: 285–310 Tumusiime MD, Vedeld P (2012) False promise Schultz P (2011) Conservation means or false premise? Using tourism revenue behavior. Conservation Biology 25: 1080­1083 sharing to promote conservation and poverty reduction in Uganda. Conservation and Society Sousa J, Vicente L, Gippoliti S, Casanova C, 10: 15­28 Sousa C (2014) Local knowledge and perceptions of chimpanzees in Cantanhez Uganda Vision 2040 (2013) National Planning National Park, Guinea Bissau. American Authority. Republic of Uganda, Kampala, Journal of Primatology 76: 122­134 Uganda Steinhart E (1977) Conflict and collaboration in UWA – Uganda Wildlife Authority (2000) Western Uganda. Princeton University Press, Revenue sharing around Protected Areas. Princeton, USA UWA, Kampala, Uganda Steinhart E (2011) The ways of the past are not Zelenski JM, Nisbet EK (2014) Happiness and all bad’: Gender, poverty and power in the feeling connected: The distinct role of nature representation of the Bacwezi. Mawazo 10: 2­ relatedness. Environment and Behavior 46: 3­ 11 23 Struhsaker TT (1997) Ecology of an African Zylstra MJ, Knight AT, Esler KJ, Le Grange LL rainforest: Logging in Kibale and the conflict (2014) Connectedness as a core conservation between conservation and exploitation. concern: An interdisciplinary review of theory University Press of Florida, Gainesville, USA and a call for practice. Springer Science Reviews 2: 119­143

Received: 05 February 2017 Accepted: 15 August 2018 Published: 07 September 2018

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Additional information 1: Social, spiritual and spatial variables statistical relationships (KW= Kruskal­Wallis, MWU= Mann­Whitney), Sebitoli area, Kibale National Park, Uganda.

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Additional information 2a: Medicinal plant species used by respondents (Ni=30), Sebitoli area, Kibale National Park, Uganda.

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Additional information 2b: Firewood plant species used by respondents (Ni=30), Sebitoli area, Kibale National Park, Uganda.

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Additional information 2c: Other plant species used by respondents (Ni=30), Sebitoli area, Kibale National Park, Uganda.

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Additional information 3: Description of chimpanzee behavior while crop feeding, Sebitoli area, Kibale National Park, Uganda.

A villager described how two chimpanzees entered the field by one access point and as the owner of the field was trying to scare them away, two other chimpanzees entered by the opposite side of the field to obtain maize (entrance points were 90 m apart) and suggested this was an intentional strategy. This villager described having to go back and forth several times between the different points of the field to scare both groups away.

Additional information 4: Narrative told by a mother and her daughter evoking a distant subsidiary relationship between humans and chimpanzees, Sebitoli area, Kibale National Park, Uganda.

Long time, there used to be a family, the man and his wife. During that time, they had to pay taxes but they wanted to avoid paying them since they didn’t have the money and the conditions were difficult. So they decided to go inside the forest. After reaching the forest, they stayed there for a long time and they gave birth. The kids they gave birth had hairs all over the body because of staying in the forest a lot, the food they found there and the conditions of the forest. They had kids and those kids also had kids. They happened to stay in the forest for their entire life. They accumulated, they became many and the population was extremely high. They ended up being called chimpanzees and that is how they came to exist.

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Ethnobio Conserv 7:12 Additional information 5: Aside respondents’ answers about spirits and local beliefs around Sebitoli area, Kibale National Park, Uganda.

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Additional information 6a: Stories told about Rugamba tree by one person living in Sebitoli village (identified by four of the people that we interviewed as being particularly knowledgeable about Rugamba tree) and tree villagers, Kibale National Park, Uganda.

"It is very different from other trees; it was the only one like that. Only people who were initiated could tell you more, it was secret. People used to sacrifice there, to that tree, and asked it services. They also throw money and coins to that tree.

In 1958, the road constructors wanted to bypass the road besides that tree so they wanted it off. I went to enquire about what happened and they said it refused to be cut. They tried to eliminate it but in vain, even two machine drivers died from there. That is when they proved that it had spirits, may be evil spirits.

It used to cry when you tried to cut it and it cried blood when they cut it. They finally used dynamite, it is meant for busting stones and it finally worked. The workers displaced it from where it was. At the time, local people around here were sent away and they were not allowed to be at the site when they eliminated that tree. After it was pushed far away, people were allowed to be around. After three days, a young one came out and was produced from that main big tree. Up to now, it is still there. People used to sacrifice [money, poultry] for that tree. It used to talk like a person. When they were trying to cut it, an old woman came out of the tree. The Italians [The constructors] wanted to photo shoot it and it disappeared. It was in form of an old woman. She was just shooting and jumping from the tree. It is not possible that we know what it used to talk. People who were involved in eliminating the tree are the ones who know what it said since local people were never allowed to be around.

Now people are informed, they no longer believe in such spirits. People of long time are the ones who got involved in such spirits. Right now, it is not possible that people still sacrifice because the young generation is informed about religion; they are not interested in such evil spirits. They no longer believe in spirits of long times. The same applies to me, when I was young, I believed in it."

Three villagers said that the tree was talking while being cut but each informer had a different version of this speech: (1) the tree asked why it was being cut; (2) the tree asked not to be cut as well as its suckers (“Don’t cut me or my child”); (3) the tree asked to be cut instead of its suckers, as the Engote tree.

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Additional information 6b: Story told about Engote tree by one person living in Sebitoli village (the same person identified by four of the people that we interviewed as being particularly knowledgeable about Rugamba tree), Kibale National Park, Uganda.

“There are different tree species around. I can tell you about Engote tree, where a bus crashed seven years ago. People wanted to cut that tree. They cut it all around but it failed to fall. The axe went through but it failed to fall down. It asked people to sacrifice two heads of people. Then a person disappeared from that area. After some good time, not very long, the tree felt down. Few weeks after falling down, a bus accident occurred. Almost eight people died, including white people who were in that Kalita bus [name of national company]. They were travelling from Kampala to Fort Portal. People who know think the tree and its spirit sacrificed for itself, even thought it was already cut. There are very weird trees with those kind of spirits in the area.”

Additional information 6c: Story told about Engote tree by one person living in Kihingami village, Kibale National Park, Uganda.

“There was another tree as heading to the forest fragment outside the park. The Mukwano employees [Tea company] used to cut it, and the next day they would find it there, standing. They did it several times and even made sacrifice (goats, bloody animals) to please the tree spirit. After scarifying, they tried to cut it again and they found it standing again the next day. So next time they bought a bulldozer. They finally managed to apprut it. After some good time, a Kalita bus [name of a national company] got an accident at the exact same place where Engote used to be and many people died. So people think that Engote spirit sacrified for itself.”

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