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POST SCRIPT: Essays in Film and the Humanities Volume 32, No. 2 Winter/Spring 2013 ISSN-0277-9897

Special Issue: Holocaust and Film Guest Editors: Yvonne Kozlovsky Golan and Boaz Cohen

Contents Introduction Yvonne Kozlovsky Golan and Boaz Cohen 3

The “Sub-epidermic” Shoah: , the Migration of the Holocaust, and Contemporary Cinema Nathan Abrams 6

Indirected by Stanley Kubrick Geoffrey Cocks 20

A Filmmaker in the Holocaust Archives: Photography and Narrative in Peter Thompson’s Universal Hotel Gary Weissman 34

The Missing Links of Holocaust Cinema: Evacuation in Soviet Films Olga Gershenson 53

Jews, Kangaroos, and Koalas: The Animated Holocaust Films of Yoram Gross Lawrence Baron 63

"Was Bedeutet Treblinka?”: Meanings of Silence in Jean-Pierre Melville’s First Film Marat Grinberg 74

"What do you feel now?' The Poetics of Animosity in Fateless” Brian Walter 91

Volume 32, No. 2 1 Post Script Exhibiting the Shoah: A Curator's Viewpoint Yehudit Kol-Inbar 100

Book Reviews The Holocaust & Historical Methodology Reviewed by JoAnn DiGeorgio-Lutz 111

The Modern Jewish Experience in World Cinema Reviewed by Alexis Pogorelskin 113

Review Essay The Filmic and the Jew: A Re-view A Discussion of Nathan Abram's The New Jew in Film: Exploring Jewishness and Judaism in Contemporary Cinema Reviewed by Itzhak Benyamini 115

Volume 32, No. 2 2 Post Script The missing links of Holocaust cinema: Evacuation in Soviet films

Olga Gershenson

One of the unique features of the Ho- witnessed an arrival of dejected Jewish refu- locaust on Soviet soil was the evacuation gees at Tashkent train station, was so moved of from Nazi-occupied territories to that he penned a deeply compassionate 1 the Soviet rear. Its effects are hard to over- poem, I Am a Jew (1941), placing Nazi atroci- estimate. As historian Mordechai Altshuler ties in the long line of historical persecutions points out, escape and evacuation “marked Jews faced. Not everyone was as sympathetic. the watershed between a chance to live and In addition to the objective difficulties, 2 almost certain death.” Even if the Soviet evacuees also had to cope with the stigma of evacuation policy did not favor Jews, close evacuation, which was perceived as some- to a million-and-a-half Jews were saved by thing shameful in wartime , as fleeing eastward to Central Asia and other a cowardly act of running away and betrayal 3 hinterlands. Some Jews were among the staff of one’s civic duty. Evacuees were perceived of important industries, cultural institutions, as “useless” people who contributed neither 5 and elites, whom the Soviets evacuated in to the society nor to the war effort. The a relatively organized manner, while less stigma attached to the evacuation was worst privileged Jews fled on their own, covering for men, but women also felt it. The only hundreds of miles by foot or makeshift trans- category of evacuees excused from stigma port. Soviet Jewish refugees were joined by and shame were children. They were seen Polish Jews who escaped from Nazi-occupied as a legitimately “weak” group in need of 4 territories. protection and sustenance. Indeed, children All evacuees faced great challenges, but were overrepresented among the refugees those unaffiliated with any Soviet institution and evacuees, many of them lost or orphaned. (like so many Jewish refugees) struggled the For Jewish evacuees, increasing antisem- most. They had to secure housing in a city itism exacerbated the stigma of evacuation. overrun with new arrivals, procure food, There were even cases of antisemitic attacks and find a means of existence when most on fleeing Jews. Underpinning this behavior of their professional and personal networks was an unfortunate assumption that “all Jews 6 were disrupted. Survival was far from guar- are cowards.” As historian Rebecca Manley anteed: hunger, homelessness, and disease puts it, “The popular post-war joke that Jews were rampant, and death was common. For had served on the ‘Tashkent front’ merely Jewish refugees, growing antisemitism made underscores the degree to which the associa- the situation even worse. In short, Central tion between Jews and flight fostered a new Asia was no promised land. wave of popular antisemitism that became a 7 The presence of Jewish refugees was felt staple of the postwar period.” Indeed, when in every major city that became an evacuation Jewish evacuees returned to their destroyed hub. Ghafur Ghulom, an Uzbek poet who hometowns from evacuation, they encoun-

Volume 32, No. 2 53 Post Script 9 tered antisemitism refueled during the war characteristics. Unfortunately, Stalin’s by Nazi propaganda and Soviet policies. ideological watchdogs found the film’s de- Clearly, the stories of Jewish escape, piction of the war effort wanting and banned 10 survival, and return are significant chapters it as “erroneous.” Leonid Trauberg soon in the history of the Holocaust on Soviet fell victim to Stalin’s antisemitic campaign territory. However, in my research on Soviet against “cosmopolitans.” was films representing the Holocaust I noticed released only in the post-Stalin era, in 1956, that Jewish evacuees almost never appear during Khrushchev’s Thaw, when other 8 on screen. Even in the context of the overall films on the subject were starting to be made. limited representation of the Soviet-Jewish The Thaw in the late 1950s and early war experience in Soviet movies, this fact 1960s was an era of liberalization, when stands out. This chapter aims to understand war films became less heroic and began to 11 the absence of Jewish evacuees from Soviet focus more on individual experiences. But films. even in Thaw movies, there is something compromised about evacuation, and evacu- ees themselves are hardly heroes: they are Evacuation on Soviet screens portrayed either as morally suspect or hope- Let us first attempt to understand a lessly naïve. A case in point is the Soviet cult general positioning of evacuation in Soviet film, The Cranes are Flying (Letiat Zhuravli, films. When we consider Soviet war films, 1957, dir. ). At the center it becomes quickly apparent that most of of the plot is a beautiful young woman, Ve- them deal with action on the front, and fewer ronika (). After Veronika’s with life in the rear. Of the latter movies, boyfriend, Boris, volunteers for the front even fewer are concerned with evacuation. and her parents are killed in an air raid, she The meager representation of evacuation on evacuates with Boris’s family. She meets his Soviet screens is mainly relegated to films cousin Mark, who pursues and rapes her. made after the war, in the post-Stalin era. Demoralized by her losses, Veronika mar- During the war, only one film representing ries him. She is an enigmatic character, most evacuation was made, Simple People (Prostye unusual for a Soviet on-screen heroine; she Liudi, , 1945) by the great Soviet is passive, despondent, and unable to make directors, Grigorii Kozintsev and Leonid rational choices, while Mark is truly evil: he Trauberg. It was a story of an airplane fac- evades army service and lies his way into tory evacuating to Soviet Central Asia. The evacuation. He is equally immoral in his entire staff, together with new local work- personal life, cheating on Veronika even after ers, are united in a heroic effort to restart he forces himself on her. It takes Veronika production as soon as possible. They are considerable effort to finally leave Mark and safe in the hinterlands, but they are fight- put the evacuation behind her. At the end, ing as if they are on the front. Despite the she returns to , herself again, but fact that both directors were ethnic Jews, her relationship with Mark, and the evacua- there are no explicitly Jewish characters on tion site where it took place, remain equally screen. Moreover, despite the Orientalist tainted with shame. setting, the film abounds with Christian There are no Jewish characters in The references. To the degree to which it is pos- Cranes are Flying. Still, Mark exemplifies all sible to read Jewishness into this film, one the negative stereotypes that haunted Jews evacuee (played by a famous actress, Tatiana during wartime. His foreign name (Mark), Peltzer, ethnically Jewish) is an upbeat and his profession (pianist), and even his crafty sympathetic woman from . Odessa resourcefulness, are all associated with is famed as a Jewish city, and so any Odes- Soviet Jewish stereotypes. In short, Mark san in Soviet film might be read as having is “fighting on a Tashkent front,” using at least some ephemeral or residual Jewish an unfortunate Soviet idiom. Mark is not

Volume 32, No. 2 54 Post Script Jewish, but the mere fact of his evacuation evacuation had a bad reputation in Soviet (as opposed to front fighting) immediately movies. In evacuation there were no heroes, endows him with stereotypically negative no feats of courage, and no foundations for Jewish characteristics. He is an emasculated, greatness. If this is how non-Jews are por- selfish coward. trayed in the evacuation, how were Jews The Cranes are Flying was embraced by represented? the filmmaking community and audiences 12 alike. But conservative critics and the es- tablishment objected to the film on ideo- logical grounds. Most controversial was the Jews on Soviet screens: character of Veronika, whom they perceived The present absence as “morally weak.” So unacceptable was Soviet commemorative practices were she for the establishment, that Khrushchev 13 highly selective: many categories of people allegedly called her “a whore.” were excluded from the memory of the so- Different types of evacuees appeared called “Great Patriotic War,” first and fore- 15 in another significant Soviet film, Twenty most, Jews. There was no institution of Ho- Days without War (Dvadtsat’ Dnei bez Voiny, locaust memory within Soviet borders. The 1977, dir. Aleksei German). Here, they are word “Holocaust” itself was not used—the 16 hopelessly naïve. The film’s main char- particular Jewish loss had no name. There acter, a war correspondent serving at the was no clearly formulated, consistent policy front, Lopatin (Yurii Nikulin), must travel regarding the Holocaust, but the tendency to Tashkent, where a film based on his war was to silence any discussion of the matter. essays is being shot. All the people whom Although this vague policy and its enforce- he encounters there are either women and ment fluctuated over time, throughout most children or theater actors, poets, and other of the Soviet era the silencing mechanism “creative intelligentsia” (using Soviet lingo), remained the same: the Holocaust was not who are laughable in their attempt to convey explicitly denied, instead it was not treated 17 the war experience on film without ever as a unique, separate phenomenon. Mostly, having encountered it personally. Here they the Holocaust was universalized by subsum- are not morally suspect, but rather weak ing it into the general Soviet tragedy, with and inadequate next to the more masculine Jews euphemistically labeled “peaceful 18 figures of fighters. Evacuees keep coming to Soviet citizens.” consult Lopatin on various matters, as if the In accordance with this policy, few mere fact of his front experience renders him Soviet films represented the Holocaust or an adult next to all these child-like dupes. any Soviet-Jewish experiences during the And yet, even Lopatin, once he finds himself war. Still, throughout the Soviet era over in the rear, appears weak and inadequate. 20 films were made featuring the histori- He regains his confidence and energy only cal events of the Holocaust (such as Nazi when he returns to the front. Like Cranes, antisemitism, mass executions, and death Twenty Days without War became one of the camps) or Jewish service in the 19 most important Soviet films of its era. It also and partisan units. In contrast, only three encountered objections by the establishment. Soviet-era films deal with Jewish evacuees. Film industry functionaries (read: censors) Who are these Jewish evacuees then, and did not like the fact that life on screen ap- how are they represented? peared so bleak and un-heroic. After at- As I showed, evacuation in Soviet tempts to stall the film’s release, it was finally 14 films in general was represented through authorized for a limited release only. two tropes: shame and naiveté. Films about All three of the abovementioned evacu- Jews in evacuation are careful to avoid the ation films encountered resistance from first trope in order not to appear antisemitic. Soviet officials. As seen in this analysis, Instead, Jews in these films are mostly de-

Volume 32, No. 2 55 Post Script picted as children or child-like in some way. hate the Jews.” In another scene, the camera The first such film wasYou Are Not an Orphan pans over emaciated, dirty children arriving (Ty ne Sirota, 1962, dir. Shukhrat Abbasov, on trains bearing the names of their cities Uzbekfilm). Once a major film, even today of origin—Kiev and Kishinev, sites of mass it is considered one of the best of Uzbek executions of Jews on Soviet soil. 20 cinema. Behind Abbasov’s inspiration for Unlike other films dealing with the Jew- the film is the real-life story of an Uzbek ish experience and the Holocaust, You Are not couple who adopted 14 war orphans, a feat an Orphan was embraced by the film appa- of courage memorialized in an eponymous ratchiks. The fact that it was an Uzbek film poem by the aforementioned Ghafur Ghu- also helped, as studios on the Soviet periph- lom. The filmmaker also drew on memories ery enjoyed a greater degree of freedom than of his own hungry wartime childhood spent in the center. The film’s production went in an Uzbek village among refugees from smoothly, with no extensive revisions, no 21 all over the Soviet Union. Abbasov recalls turned-down subplots, nor any of the other that there were many Jews among them. problems I have seen in the archival files of Indeed, there is a Jewish boy, Abram other Holocaust-themed films. On the con- (Fima Kaminer), among the adopted chil- trary, Abbasov recalls that when Ekaterina dren in the film too. Of necessity, an inter- Furtseva, then Minister of Culture, watched nationalist message is conveyed throughout the film as part of its authorization process, the narrative, and Abram is only one of the she was moved to tears. She came out of the adopted kids of various Soviet ethnicities, screening room sobbing, hugged Abbasov, which including even a German boy. But and said: “You’ve made us feel their suffer- it is this Jewish boy who is particularly ing! I will promote your film everywhere!” And she was true to her word—Abbasov’s haunted by traumatic memories. In the most film was screened in 33 countries.22 You Are dramatic scene of the film, children play Not an Orphan was unconditionally praised war, with young Abram dressed as a Nazi, by Soviet critics, and even nominated for the in a uniform and with a Hitler-style mus- Lenin Prize, the highest honor at the time.23 tache. He holds another child, cast as a Why was this film not considered problem- Soviet partisan, at a gunpoint, and screams, atic? Even though it featured the Jewish “Speak, you dirty partisan!” As he mouths child and his tragic story, Abram was only the words, Abram experiences a flashback to one of the many war orphans, each one with his past. He hears the same words said by a his or her own tragedy. In that way, the film Nazi, followed by shooting. Abram faints. was not about the uniqueness of the Jewish Clearly, his game was a reenactment of his Holocaust, but about the internationalism trauma: he had witnessed Nazis murder his of the Soviet regime, and about celebrating parents. Importantly, they were killed as “the big family of .” Abram’s partisans, not as Jews. Yet, the scene might story was possible because the film’s main be read otherwise: echoing the words of the subject was not a little Jewish boy, but a he- Nazi executioner, Abram says in Russian, roic and selfless Uzbek family. This was fully “Govori, partisanskaia morda.” Literal transla- in agreement with the party line circa 1962. tion: “Speak, you partisan mug.” In Russian, The film had perfect timing for rep- these words clearly reference a notorious resenting a Jewish story. You Are not an antisemitic slur, “zhidovskaia morda,” or “yid Orphan was produced at the peak of the mug.” His parents were killed as partisans, liberal era, soon after 1961, when Evgenii but they were also Jews. Evtushenko shattered Soviet complacency There are other hints in the film of about the Holocaust with his famous poem the unique place of Jews. Thus, one of the Babi Yar.24 Yet, the film came out before 1963, children says to his adoptive Uzbek father, when Khrushchev berated Evtushenko for “If Germans come here, they’ll execute you singling out the Jews, and announced that because you adopted Abram. The fascists in the Soviet Union there is no “Jewish ques-

Volume 32, No. 2 56 Post Script tion.”25 Khrushchev’s dictum effectively put Besides Naum, there is also a boy an end to any kind of public discussion of named Grisha, a dead ringer for Abram in the Holocaust. the earlier film: he is a dark-haired, nervous Indeed, the subject of Jews in evacu- boy. His name, (Grisha—a Russian substi- ation reappeared on Soviet screens only tute for Hirsch) may signal Jewishness to many years later, in 1980, in a much weaker Soviet audiences,26 although his story is not and completely forgotten film,Leningraders, developed as distinct from other kids. My Children (Leningradtsy—Deti Moi, dir. The third and last—and by far the Damir Salimov). Like You Are not an Orphan, best—Soviet film featuring Jewish evacu- this film was also produced at Uzbekfilm, ation is a remarkable cinematic autobiog- and was also inspired by an eponymous raphy by the filmmaker Mikhail Kalik, a poem, written by Dzhambul Dzhabaev, a figurehead of the Soviet poetic cinema of the Kazakh poet. The plot is also similar: it is 1960s, along with directors such as Andrey set in wartime , in an orphan- Tarkovsky and Sergey Paradjanov. Follow- age for children who survived the siege of ing an onset of antisemitism, leading to the Leningrad and are traumatized by war and banning or shelving of several of his works, hunger, haunted by persistent flashbacks. Kalik emigrated to Israel in 1971. In 1990, One of the staff members is Naum Markov- in the Soviet Union, he made And the Wind ich, a tailor turned jack-of-all-trades at the Returneth (I Vozvrashchaetsia Veter) as a guest orphanage. Unlike the earlier film, the word director from Israel. “Jew” is never uttered on screen although And the Wind Returneth is radically dif- Naum’s name, dialogue, body language, ferent from the earlier two movies. Not only and casting are all very Jewish. Played by is it made by a Jewish director concerned Lev Lemke, one of the “court Jews” of So- both with Jewish themes and antisemitism, viet cinema, Naum keeps lamenting, “What but it is also a -era film, made a Singer [sewing machine] have I left at after censorship ceased to exist, and pre- home!” He continuously dispenses bits of viously unspoken topics such as Stalin’s pseudo-folksy shtetl wisdom, such as, “My repressions and camps (both featured in this father used to say, if you want to eat bread, film) were no longer taboo. The war and you need to work, but if you want to eat evacuation is not the main focus in And the bread with butter, then you need to work Wind Returneth. They are covered only in one with your brain.” But there are also hints at chapter of Kalik’s life story, which encom- greater loss in his dialogue, such as when he says, “When I recall my children and my passes the entire Soviet Jewish experience, Vera, then I start losing my mind.” This last from enchantment with Communist ideol- lament is ambiguous: “Vera” in Russian is ogy to Stalin’s repressions, through WWII, both a woman’s name and a word for faith. all the way to the eventual rise of Jewish Naum laments his wife, but the choice of consciousness and emigration to Israel. name is clearly not arbitrary, allowing the However, there is still overlap with You filmmakers to invoke faith at least indirectly, are Not an Orphan and Leningraders, My Chil- which is unusual for a 1980 Soviet movie. dren: Kalik’s autobiographical protagonist is We do not know much about Naum, also a young boy through whose eyes we see beyond that he is no “fighter on the Tashkent life during evacuation. For him, the evacua- front.” However his character is a response tion coincides with his own coming-of-age to this relentless stigma. In a key moment, (he loses his virginity to a voluptuous land- when a criminal attacks the orphanage, lady), but the film also captures the culture Naum rises to the occasion and attacks the and politics of the time. crook. Thus, a little Jewish tailor staying Aside from the autobiographical main behind the front lines in the safe Uzbek rear character, all the adults (Jewish or not) turned out to be a hero. appearing in the evacuation segment are actors and directors, musicians and danc-

Volume 32, No. 2 57 Post Script ers. Kalik’s parents are themselves actors good ones.” He explains that his best friend, performing with a motley crew at hospitals a Jew, was killed in the same battle in which and makeshift stages. Although they are not he was injured. The soldier’s remark reveals children, they are in some ways like children, his deep-seated antisemitism, but at the since they play for a living. This representa- same time indicates that Jews were fighting tion echoes Twenty Days without War, a film on the front. where evacuees are creative intelligentsia. As I have showed the two Uzbek films Unlike the earlier two films, Kalik’s film directed in the Soviet era by non-Jewish film- makes a point of showing Soviet antisemi- makers make indirect references to Jewish tism. In one scene, Kalik’s parents, who are loss. Amazingly, in Kalik’s film, the Holocaust friends with famous Moscow evacuees, stop is not even mentioned. This is particularly by the sets where legendary director Sergei surprising, given that And the Wind Returneth Eisenstein is filmingIvan the Terrible, his film is the most Jewish of the three films and was that would later be banned. Here, young made by a director who has lived in Israel for Kalik overhears an antisemitic actress say nearly 20 years (and was exposed to the Ho- on the set, “What a shame, Sarah-Fima [re- locaust discourse there). Kalik’s explanation ferring to Serafima Birman] plays a Russian is that in this film he was trying to capture boyarynia!...Thank God that at least Tsar only his and his family’s experiences during Ivan is not played by Mikhoels.” This brief the war. To the best of his recollection, in 1942, scene simultaneously depicts the nascent during the evacuation in Kazakhstan, he still wartime antisemitism and foreshadows the had not learned about the Holocaust. Such future tragic events of Soviet Jewish history. knowledge came later. The Kalik’s wartime Already during the war it was becoming experience was that of a resurgence of Soviet increasingly difficult to cast Jewish actors antisemitism, and as such it substitutes for 28 in key roles. In a few short years, Solomon Nazi antisemitism in his film. Mikhoels was murdered on Stalin’s orders. This point is well illustrated by a scene Mikhoels, a legendary Yiddish actor and an in the film, set in 1948 Moscow, when young important Jewish leader, had rallied interna- Kalik goes to the funeral of Solomon Mik- tional Jewry to support the Soviet war effort hoels, whose murder was presented to the as head of a Jewish Anti- 27 Fascist Committee. After Mikhoels’s murder, the morbid wave of arrests and executions of Jewish intellectuals and public figures followed suit. In another scene, Kalik also confronts the stereotype of Jews as cow- ards and “Tashkent front warriors” by including a reference to the Soviet Jewish war effort. In an open-air black market, Ka- lik’s mother buys potatoes from a mutilated soldier. When he recognizes her as a Jew, he says, “Don’t fret, even among your You Are Not an Orphan: Abram dressed as a Nazi. people, there are some

Volume 32, No. 2 58 Post Script Jewish evacuees, in contrast, are not portrayed as morally corrupt. In conclusion, the evacu- ation, a significant chapter in the history of Soviet Jewry, is almost never depicted on screen. The important context for understanding this is the paucity of films representing evacuation in the general corpus of Soviet war films. Evacuation, unlike fighting on the front, was not a heroic subject, and did not fit the Soviet war narrative. Rep- resenting Jewish evacuation was even more problematic: And the Wind Returneth: the protagonist’s parents-actors. it would have emphasized a special position of Jews as the public as an accident. The funeral brought targets of Nazi violence, and together thousands of people, and eyewit- thus had a potential to tap into the antise- nesses recall that for the duration of the offi- mitic stereotype of Jews as draft-dodgers, or cial funeral an old Jewish man played violin “Tashkent partisans.” This made evacuation on a rooftop of a nearby building. Kalik’s a touchy subject. Films dealing with evacu- film depicts this historic moment. Notably, ation handled it in two ways. First, when in this scene, an old violinist plays Es Brent evacuation is reflected on Soviet screens, [“It’s burning”] by Mordechai Gebirtig, a Jewish characters are child-like—a weak famous Yiddish songwriter. Es Brent was group legitimately in need of protection written before the war, but it was sung in and rescue. Second, like other Jewish char- the ghettos, and came to be associated with acters on Soviet screens, Jewish evacuees the Holocaust. This song, which in the West are portrayed as members of a multi-ethnic represents the Holocaust victims, came to community, thus making them just one of represent Stalin’s victim in Kalik’s film. This many targets of Nazi violence, no different fact speaks volumes about the filmmaker’s from all the others. vision, emphasizing Stalin’s crimes over If evacuation received very minimal Hitler’s. Paradoxically, in a Perestroika-era representation, some chapters in Soviet- film by a Jewish director, the Holocaust is Jewish history are not reflected on screen not present. at all. Escape from the occupied territories, In all three films featuring Jewish evacu- not in an organized Soviet effort, but simply ees, the protagonists are children or people as refugees, is not represented in a single associated with children. This portrayal is film. Similarly absent from Soviet films is double-edged: if the main characters are chil- the experience of returning home after the dren, their age is an excuse for why they are evacuation or escape. The reason for such evacuated instead of fighting on the front, a conspicuous lack is clear: making a film but such representation also infantilizes the about Jewish refugees or their homecoming evacuees. The way Jews in evacuation are after the war would have meant singling out portrayed is both similar to, and different a particular Jewish fate as well as having to from, non-Jewish evacuees: both are pre- deal with the issue of Soviet antisemitism. sented as children or creative intelligentsia; This was unthinkable. It is significant that

Volume 32, No. 2 59 Post Script this trend continues in post-Soviet film. (Dva Boitsa, 1943), where a brave Odessan In the entire Perestroika and post-Soviet character played by a famous Jewish singer era, when no subject allegedly is off-limits, and actor Mark Bernes, was read at least by only one film, Exile (Izgoi, 1991, dir. Vladi- some Soviet Jews as one of their own. On mir Savel’ev) tells a story of Polish-Jewish the Odessa ethos, see Jarrod Tanny, City of refugees in the Soviet Union, and only one Rogues and Schnorrers: ’s Jews and the film deals with the postwar Jewish experi- Myth of Old Odessa (Bloomington: Indiana ence, From Hell to Hell (Iz Ada v Ad, 1996, dir. UP, 2011), 48-82. Dmitrii Astrakhan). However, both these 10Peter Kenez, Cinema and Soviet Society, films are co-productions with Germany, sup- 1917-1953 (Cambridge; New York: Cam- ported by a German-Jewish producer, Artur bridge UP, 1992), 194-196. Brauner, which makes them exceptions 11See Denise Youngblood, Russian War rather than the rule in post-Soviet cinema. Films: On the Cinema Front, 1914-2005 (Law- Even in the “new Russia,” some subjects rence: Kansas UP, 2007), 107-142. seem to have remained taboo. 12For account of the film’s reception and impact, see Josephine Woll, The Cranes Are Flying (London, New York: I.B. Tauris, Notes 2003), 65-80. 1Mordechai Altshuler, “The Unique 13Cited by Tatiana Samoilova in a media Features of the Holocaust in the Soviet interview: Nina Kovalenko, “Aktrisa Koto- Union,” in Jews and Jewish life in Russia and raia Povergla Sofi Loren,”Interfax.ru , May 4, the Soviet Union, ed. Yitzhak Ro’i (Port- 2008, accessed June 6, 2012, http://www. land: Frank Cass, 1995), 171-188. interfax.ru/culture/txt.asp?id=11564 2Mordechai Altshuler, “Escape and 14“Pravdivyi Glavnyi Geroi,” Izvestiia, Evacuation of Soviet Jews at the Time of July 18, 2003. the Nazi Invasion: Policies and Realities,” 15Catherine Merridale, “War, Death, and in The Holocaust in the Soviet Union: Studies Remembrance in Soviet Russia,” in War and and Sources on the Destruction of the Jews in the Remembrance in the Twentieth Century, ed. Jay Nazi-Occupied Territories of the USSR, 1941- Winter and Emmanuel Sivan (Cambridge: 1945, ed. Lucian Dobroszycki and Jeffrey Cambridge UP, 2000), 61-83. In English, the S. Gurock (Armon, NY; London, UK: M.E. Soviet term, Velikaia Otechestvennaia Voina, Sharpe, 1993), 77. is usually rendered as The Great Patriotic 3Yitzhak Arad, The Holocaust in the Soviet War. Union (Lincoln: U of Nebraska P; Jerusalem: 16The term Holocaust came into use in Yad Vashem, 2009). Russian only in the 1990s. The Yiddish term 4Yosef Litvak, “Jewish Refugees from khurbm was used only in the Yiddish press. Poland in the USSR, 1939-1946,” in Bitter 17Zvi Gitelman, “Soviet Reactions to the Legacy: Confronting the Holocaust in the USSR, Holocaust, 1945-1991,” in Dobroszycki and ed. Zvi Gitelman (Bloomington; Indianapo- Gurock, The Holocaust in the Soviet Union, 7. lis: Indiana UP, 1997), 123-151. Zvi Gitelman, “Politics and the Historiogra- 5Rebecca Manley. To the Tashkent Station: phy of the Holocaust in the Soviet Union,” Evacuation and Survival in the Soviet Union at in Gitelman, ed., Bitter Legacy, 14-43. War (Ithaca: Cornell UP, 2009), 154. 18Karel C. Berkhoff, ‘“Total Annihilation 6Ibid., 112. of the Jewish Population’: The Holocaust in 7Ibid., 115. the Soviet Media, 1941-45,” Kritika: Explora- 8Olga Gershenson, The Phantom Holo- tions in Russian and Eurasian History, 10, 1 caust: Soviet Cinema and Jewish Catastrophe. (2009): 477-504. Kiril Feferman, Soviet Jewish (New Brunswick: Rutgers UP, 2013), 225. Stepchild: The Holocaust in the Soviet Mindset, 9The same phenomenon can be seen 1941-1964 (Saarbrücken, Germany: VDM in the popular Soviet film Two Fighters Verlag Dr. Müller, 2009). Yitzhak Arad, “Sta-

Volume 32, No. 2 60 Post Script lin and the Soviet Leadership: Responses the Jews in the Nazi-Occupied Territories to the Holocaust,” in Remembering for the of the USSR, 1941-1945 edited by Lucian Future: The Holocaust in an Age of Genocide, Dobroszycki and Jeffrey S. Gurock, 1: History, ed. John K. Roth and Elisabeth 77-105. Armon, NY; London, UK: M.E. Maxwell (Houndmills, UK: Palgrave, 2001), Sharpe, 1993. 355-370. Altshuler, Mordechai. “The Unique Features 19Gershenson, The Phantom Holocaust. of the Holocaust in the Soviet Union.” 20You Are not an Orphan has been in- In Jews and Jewish life in Russia and the cluded in a compilation of ten films repre- Soviet Union edited by Y. Ro’i, 171-188. senting the best of Central Asian Cinema Portland: Frank Cass, 1995. (Kino—Tsentral’naia Asiia), published by the Arad, Yitzhak. “Stalin and the Soviet Lead- Center of Central Asian Cinematography, ership: Responses to the Holocaust,” Almaty, 2006. in Remembering for the Future: The Ho- 21Author’s interview with Shukhrat locaust in an Age of Genocide, 1: History Abbasov, February 5, 2012. edited by John K. Roth and Elisabeth 22Author’s interview with Shukhrat Maxwell, 355-370. Houndmills, UK: Abbasov, February 5, 2012. Palgrave, 2001. 23A. Somov, “Sem’ia Kuznetsa,” Litera- Arad, Yitzhak. The Holocaust in the Soviet turnaya Gazeta, February 11, 1964. Union. Lincoln: U of Nebraska P; Jeru- 24Evgenii Evtushenko, “Babi Yar.” Lit- salem: Yad Vashem, 2009. eraturnaya Gazeta, September 19, 1961. For an Berkhoff, Karel C. ‘“Total Annihilation of analysis of the poem’s impact, see Feferman, the Jewish Population’: The Holocaust Soviet Jewish Stepchild, 46-50. in the Soviet Media, 1941-45,” Kritika: 25Khrushchev made this statement in his Explorations in Russian and Eurasian speech at the meeting of the Party leader- History, 10, 1 (2009): 477-504. ship with Soviet writers and artists, which Feferman, Kiril. Soviet Jewish Stepchild: The was published in Pravda on March 10, 1963. Holocaust in the Soviet Mindset, 1941- Excerpts in English are available in Benjamin 1964. Saarbrücken, Germany: VDM Pinkus, The Soviet Government and the Jews Verlag Dr. Müller, 2009. 1948-1967: A Documented Study (New York: Gershenson, Olga and David Shneer. “So- Cambridge UP, 1984), 74-77. viet Jewishness and Cultural Studies.” 26For naming practices of Soviet Jews, Journal of Jewish Identities, 4, 1 (2011): see Olga Gershenson and David Shneer, 129-147. “Soviet Jewishness and Cultural Studies.” Gershenson, Olga. The Phantom Holocaust: Journal of Jewish Identities, 4, 1 (2011): 129-147. Soviet Cinema and Jewish Catastrophe. 27Shimon Redlich, War, Holocaust and New Brunswick: Rutgers UP, 2013. : A Documented Study of the Jewish Gitelman, Zvi. “Politics and the Historiog- Anti-Fascist Committee in the USSR (Lux- raphy of the Holocaust in the Soviet embourg: Harwood Academic Publishers, Union.” In Bitter Legacy: Confronting 1995). the Holocaust in the USSR edited by Zvi 28Author’s interview with Mikhail Ka- Gitelman, 14-43. Bloomington; India- lik, January 7, 2010. napolis: Indiana UP, 1997. Gitelman, Zvi. “Soviet Reactions to the Ho- locaust, 1945-1991.” In The Holocaust in Works Cited the Soviet Union: Studies and Sources on Altshuler, Mordechai. “Escape and Evacu- the Destruction of the Jews in the Nazi- ation of Soviet Jews at the Time of the Occupied Territories of the USSR, 1941- Nazi Invasion: Policies and Realities.” 1945 edited by Lucian Dobroszycki In The Holocaust in the Soviet Union: and Jeffrey S. Gurock, 3-29. Armon, NY; Studies and Sources on the Destruction of London, UK: M.E. Sharpe, 1993.

Volume 32, No. 2 61 Post Script Kenez, Peter. Cinema and Soviet Society, Woll, Josephine. The Cranes Are Flying. Lon- 1917-1953. Cambridge; New York: Cam- don, New York: I.B. Tauris, 2003. bridge UP, 1992. Youngblood, Denise. Russian War Films: On Litvak,Yosef . “Jewish Refugees from Po- the Cinema Front, 1914-2005. Lawrence: land in the USSR, 1939-1946.” In Bitter Kansas UP, 2007. Legacy: Confronting the Holocaust in the USSR edited by Zvi Gitelman, 123-151. Bloomington; Indianapolis: Indiana UP, 1997. Filmography Manley, Rebecca. To the Tashkent Station: And the Wind Returneth (dir. Mikhail Kalik, Evacuation and Survival in the Soviet USSR, 1990) Union at War. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 2009. Exile (dir. Vladimir Savel’ev, , Ger- Merridale, Catherine. “War, Death, and many, 1991) Remembrance in Soviet Russia.” In From Hell to Hell (dir. Dmitrii Astrakhan, War and Remembrance in the Twentieth Russia, Germany, 1996) Century edited by Jay Winter and Leningraders, My Children (dir. Damir Sali- Emmanuel Sivan, 61-83. Cambridge: mov, USSR, 1980) Cambridge UP, 2000. Simple People (dirs. Grigorii Kozintzev and Pinkus, Benjamin. The Soviet Government and Leonid Trauberg, USSR, 1945) the Jews 1948-1967: A Documented Study. The Cranes are Flying (dir. Mikhail Kalatozov, New York: Cambridge UP, 1984. USSR, 1957) Redlich, Shimon. War, Holocaust and Stalin- Twenty Days without War (dir. Aleksei Ger- ism: A Documented Study of the Jewish man, USSR, 1977) Anti-Fascist Committee in the USSR. You Are Not an Orphan (dir. Shukhrat Ab- Luxembourg: Harwood Academic basov, USSR, 1962) Publishers, 1995. Tanny, Jarrod. City of Rogues and Schnorrers: Russia’s Jews and the Myth of Old Odessa. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 2011.

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