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12 2014 S. Sabawoon/ A P/SIP A

Afghanistan: the view from by Eva Gross

Pakistan will arguably be the most crucial regional after 9/11, Pakistan has been ­accused of assisting the player in post-2014 . Close religious and insurgency. This applies in particular to the cultural links notwithstanding, its links to the Taliban , the leadership of the Afghan Taliban give considerable leverage and influence that has been based in the Pakistani city of Quetta over any peace process. However, the protection since 2001. Unsurprisingly, such support – recipro- and support granted to insurgent groups ­operating cated by Kabul through its refusal to legally recog- in Afghanistan over the past decade has had unin- nise the which demarcates the border tended domestic consequences for Pakistan, with between the two countries – has contributed to a lack the growing number of terrorist attacks now posing of mutual trust between the two countries. a ­significant threat to the country’s internal stabil- ity. Failure to reach a political settlement in Kabul is Bilateral relations have improved, particularly since therefore likely to have a spill-over effect that would the end of military rule in Pakistan and the return further weaken Islamabad’s ability to contain extrem- of an elected civilian government in 2008. In 2011 ist groups operating inside Pakistan. Despite the com- the two countries launched a ‘Joint Commission for plexity of US-Pakistan relations, a complete US with- Reconciliation and Peace in Afghanistan’ and official drawal by the end of 2014 – with the concomitant visits have also intensified. Following the election of risk of a security vacuum developing along Pakistan’s Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in May last year, recipro- border – is not in Islamabad’s interest. However, the cal visits to Islamabad and Kabul took place in August implications of even a reduced transatlantic footprint and November 2013 respectively. During these visits, are bound to contribute to a reckoning with extrem- Sharif announced Pakistan’s support for the process ism, and the forces that encourage it, inside Pakistan of reconciliation between the Afghan government and itself. the Taliban and later stated that ­meetings between Karzai’s representatives and Taliban commanders would be encouraged by his government. Pakistan The bilateral dimension has also released a number of Afghan Taliban prison- ers: a gesture of good will which is hoped will incen- For decades, Pakistan has wielded influence over tivise the Taliban to negotiate a settlement. Afghan politics through its backing of the Taliban. The Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) had a Afghanistan and Pakistan are also connected by strong hand in the movement’s creation; and Pakistan was social and commercial ties. In what remains the larg- one of three countries – alongside and est protracted refugee situation worldwide, Pakistan the United Arab Emirates – to officially recognise the hosts around 1.6 million registered – and an estimat- Taliban government. Since the ousting of the Taliban ed 1 million non-registered – Afghan refugees, mostly

European Union Institute for Security Studies February 2014 1 in the border provinces of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, simultaneously. This applies in particular to econom- the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and ic cooperation and cross-border issues such as refu- . Although some 3.8 million refugees have gees, but also safe havens for insurgent groups oper- returned to Afghanistan since the fall of the Taliban ating in both countries. On another level, however, government, the number of those returning could the aim should be to disentangle ‘AfPak’ by work- dwindle or even reverse if the security situation in ing towards a change in strategic calculations that Afghanistan deteriorates. This would strain already would encourage Islamabad to play a constructive limited local resources, and Pakistan is reluctant to role in Afghanistan. Resolving the contradictions in accept additional refugees as a result. Pakistan’s Afghanistan policy entails not only chang- ing long-held geostrategic calculations vis-à-vis : In economic terms, Pakistan is Afghanistan’s largest it also requires the Pakistani government to address trading partner and Kabul’s principal access route to internal extremism more effectively. foreign markets. The Afghanistan-Pakistan Transit Trade Agreement (APTTA), which entered into force The premiership of Nawaz Sharif could provide in June 2012, facilitates the export of Afghan agricul- such an opportunity. His party, the Pakistan Muslim tural products via Pakistan. According to recent trade League-Nawaz (PML-N), has strong business links figures, Pakistan exports $1.5 billion worth of goods and has proven to be more open to improving re- to Afghanistan and imports $111.5 million worth of lations with India as well as to mounting a more goods in return. Yet despite their importance, these forceful assault on the Pakistani Taliban – although social and economic links have, so far, been unable domestic pressures make this a contentious strategy. to challenge the supremacy of the security ­dimension In addition, the future position of the ISI remains and provide an alternative foundation for bilateral re- unclear: while some elements continue to advocate lations. ­support for the Taliban, there also is growing weari- ness within the service of the proliferation of extrem- ists inside Pakistan. Catch-22? The rationale behind Pakistan’s policy of ‘strategic Opportunities for the EU depth’ was to use the Taliban as a proxy to destabilise Afghanistan and thus hedge against Indian influence. International interlocutors could work to strengthen Reality, however, has turned out to be more complex. those elements within the Pakistani state that can Not only has Islamabad been unable to control the play a constructive role. This also means placing Afghan Taliban, it now faces a serious threat to its greater emphasis on structural assistance in order to own security due to the emergence of the Pakistani increase economic and administrative capacities in Taliban in 2007. This has led to a change in thinking both Afghanistan and Pakistan. When it comes to in certain quarters of the policy establishment – and Pakistan, the EU can leverage its political and eco- a shift towards emphasising Afghan stability. nomic weight to provide assistance and counteract state weakness and insecurity. Such would be A continued US presence in region, however, also welcome in those areas where tensions are highest, presents additional dilemmas. After 9/11 the US en- such as border management and refugees, and the listed Islamabad as a partner in the , Union should continue joint programming to coordi- turning the country into both a frontline state and nate as closely as possible its own ‘AfPak’ activities. a recipient of significant bilateral aid. But relations have not been easy. Anti-American sentiments in There is also additional scope for involvement at a po- Pakistan have fueled the radicalisation of Taliban ele- litical level in the framework of the EU’s five-year-en- ments, and the population at large remains ­resentful gagement plan. Launched in March 2012, it includes of the Western military presence in the region, par- strategic/political issues but also covers security, de- ticularly with regard to the use of drones by the US to mocracy and governance, human rights, and socio- hunt down extremists in border areas. Bilateral rela- economic development. High-level visits as well as tions have become increasingly fraught as a result of appropriate sectoral dialogues can be used to address several diplomatic spats, although the January 2014 relations between Islamabad and Delhi and Pakistan’s strategic dialogue between the US and Pakistan – the future role in Afghanistan. The planned EU-Pakistan first to take place since 2010 – is an indication of at- Strategic Dialogue, which is due to take place in tempts to establish a more constructive ­relationship March 2014, presents one such ­opportunity. for the years to come. Eva Gross is a Senior Analyst at the EUISS. Many of the problems affecting Afghanistan and Pakistan are intertwined and should be addressed

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