The Unfinished War in Afghanistan: 2001-2014 by Vishal Chandra
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The Foreign Fighters Problem, Recent Trends and Case Studies: Selected Essays
Program on National Security at the FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE Al-Qaeda al-Shabaab AQIM AQAP Central The Foreign Fighters Problem, Recent Trends and Case Studies: Selected Essays Edited by Michael P. Noonan Managing Director, Program on National Security April 2011 Copyright Foreign Policy Research Institute (www.fpri.org). If you would like to be added to our mailing list, send an email to [email protected], including your name, address, and any affiliation. For further information or to inquire about membership in FPRI, please contact Alan Luxenberg, [email protected] or (215) 732-3774 x105. FPRI 1528 Walnut Street, Suite 610 • Philadelphia, PA 19102-3684 Tel. 215-732-3774 • Fax 215-732-4401 About FPRI Founded in 1955, the Foreign Policy Research Institute is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization devoted to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the development of policies that advance U.S. national interests. We add perspective to events by fitting them into the larger historical and cultural context of international politics. About FPRI’s Program on National Security The end of the Cold War ushered in neither a period of peace nor prolonged rest for the United States military and other elements of the national security community. The 1990s saw the U.S. engaged in Iraq, Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, and numerous other locations. The first decade of the 21st century likewise has witnessed the reemergence of a state of war with the attacks on 9/11 and military responses (in both combat and non-combat roles) globally. While the United States remains engaged against foes such as al-Qa`ida and its affiliated movements, other threats, challengers, and opportunities remain on the horizon. -
Evaluation of Norwegian Development Cooperation with Afghanistan 2001-2011
Evaluation of Norwegian Development Cooperation with Afghanistan 2001-2011 Final Report Table of contents List of Tables ix List of Figures xi List of Acronyms xiii Executive Summary xv 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Purpose and Objectives 1 1.2 Evaluation Questions 1 1.3 Main Users 1 1.4 Scope of Work 2 2 Methodology 3 2.1 Approach 3 2.2 Data collection and analysis methods 4 2.3 Organisation 6 2.4 Phasing 7 2.5 Challenges and Major Constraints 8 3 Policy Analysis 11 3.1 Introduction 11 3.2 The Context in Afghanistan 11 3.3 International agreements and policy on Afghanistan 13 3.4 Norwegian Policy on Afghanistan 17 3.4.1 Foreign Policy 17 3.4.2 Humanitarian Policy 20 3.4.3 Development Policy 23 3.5 Main actors 30 3.6 Towards a theory of change 32 3.7 Conclusion 34 4 Portfolio Analysis 37 4.1 Introduction 37 4.2 Role of Norwegian Actors 38 4.3 Partners, Channels and Priorities 40 4.3.1 Partners 40 4.3.2 Channels 41 4.4 Priorities 43 4.5 Conclusions 45 5 Afghanistan Reconstruction Trust Fund 47 5.1 Introduction 47 5.2 Overview of ARTF 47 5.3 Norwegian Contribution to ARTF 48 Evaluation of Norwegian Development Cooperation with Afghanistan 2001-2011 v 5.4 ARTF Governance 50 5.5 ARTF Financing Strategy 51 5.6 The Recurrent Cost Window 52 5.7 The Investment Window 53 5.7.1 Results from the National Solidarity Program (NSP) 54 5.7.2 Results from the Education Quality Improvement Program (EQUIP) 56 5.7.3 Results from the National Institute of Management and Administration (NIMA) 59 5.8 ARTF Implementation Mechanisms 59 5.9 ARTF Oversight and Monitoring -
121111-SEA-Class-Analysis-English
Preface The two practical and class characteristics distinguished the scientific philosophy of Karl Marx, the leader of world proletariat, from all other philosophies. This knowledge was not meant to only interpret the phenomena, but to change them; that is why any assessment of phenomena in light of this knowledge, has class characteristic and it believes nothing in the world is non-class. Revolution, which means the replacement of one class by the other, is not possible without practical actions. Also, a revolution can only triumph when its vanguard draws an accurate distinguishing line between the friend and the foe. This is only possible through a class analysis. In the absence of class analysis, triumph of the proletarian revolution will remain impossible. These classes consist of friends, foes and intermediary forces. Following a thorough assessment, communists expand the size of friendly forces, attract the intermediary forces, and isolate the enemy to the possible extent. Hence, for a practical action, there is need for thorough class analysis of the society where revolutionaries launch their revolution. This enables revolutionaries to tell who their class friends and enemies are; where to trigger revolution; and what stages the revolution is supposed to pass through. Afghanistan Revolutionary Organization (ARO), a Marxist organization, is committed to world proletarian revolution. It aims at successfully bringing about a revolution in Afghanistan as part of the world proletarian revolution based on scientific analysis of a given situation. To do so, ARO sees the urgent need to thoroughly analyze the overall status of classes in Afghan society. Without such an analysis, it is impractical to achieve revolutionary objectives. -
Study of Afghan Telecom Industry (Mnos, Isps)
Study of Afghan Telecom Industry (MNOs, ISPs) ACKU Rahima Baharustani May 2013 Research, Planning & Policy Directorate, AISA Study of Afghan Telecom Industry 2013 Disclaimer: Views of the author expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the official position of Afghanistan Investment Support Agency. ACKU Note: Exchange rate of 1$=50 AFN has been considered throughout the report. II Study of Afghan Telecom Industry 2013 Acknowledgments This study was researched and written by Afghanistan investment support agency, which was authored by Rahima Baharustani. “I would like to express my deepest appreciation to higher management of AISA, particularly Mr. Wafiullah Iftekhar CEO/President of AISA, and Mr. Junaidullah Shahrani, Research Policy and Planning Director for their continuous encouragement, tremendous support and help. In addition, I would like to thank the participant of survey Mr. Ahmad Zaki, and Dr. Fazel Rabi, who willingly shared their precious time during the process of interviewing. Furthermore, I acknowledge all key informants who helped us in providing the required information”. ACKU III Study of Afghan Telecom Industry 2013 Table of Contents ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...........................................................................................................................................III TABLE OF CONTENTS.............................................................................................................................................IV EXECUTIVE SUMMARY..........................................................................................................................................VI -
Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy
Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy July 18, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45818 SUMMARY R45818 Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy July 18, 2019 Afghanistan has been a significant U.S. foreign policy concern since 2001, when the United States, in response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, led a military Clayton Thomas campaign against Al Qaeda and the Taliban government that harbored and supported it. Analyst in Middle Eastern In the intervening 18 years, the United States has suffered approximately 2,400 military Affairs fatalities in Afghanistan, with the cost of military operations reaching nearly $750 billion. Congress has appropriated approximately $133 billion for reconstruction. In that time, an elected Afghan government has replaced the Taliban, and most measures of human development have improved, although Afghanistan’s future prospects remain mixed in light of the country’s ongoing violent conflict and political contention. Topics covered in this report include: Security dynamics. U.S. and Afghan forces, along with international partners, combat a Taliban insurgency that is, by many measures, in a stronger military position now than at any point since 2001. Many observers assess that a full-scale U.S. withdrawal would lead to the collapse of the Afghan government and perhaps even the reestablishment of Taliban control over most of the country. Taliban insurgents operate alongside, and in periodic competition with, an array of other armed groups, including regional affiliates of Al Qaeda (a longtime Taliban ally) and the Islamic State (a Taliban foe and increasing focus of U.S. policy). U.S. -
The Civilian Impact of Drone Strikes
THE CIVILIAN IMPACT OF DRONES: UNEXAMINED COSTS, UNANSWERED QUESTIONS Acknowledgements This report is the product of a collaboration between the Human Rights Clinic at Columbia Law School and the Center for Civilians in Conflict. At the Columbia Human Rights Clinic, research and authorship includes: Naureen Shah, Acting Director of the Human Rights Clinic and Associate Director of the Counterterrorism and Human Rights Project, Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School, Rashmi Chopra, J.D. ‘13, Janine Morna, J.D. ‘12, Chantal Grut, L.L.M. ‘12, Emily Howie, L.L.M. ‘12, Daniel Mule, J.D. ‘13, Zoe Hutchinson, L.L.M. ‘12, Max Abbott, J.D. ‘12. Sarah Holewinski, Executive Director of Center for Civilians in Conflict, led staff from the Center in conceptualization of the report, and additional research and writing, including with Golzar Kheiltash, Erin Osterhaus and Lara Berlin. The report was designed by Marla Keenan of Center for Civilians in Conflict. Liz Lucas of Center for Civilians in Conflict led media outreach with Greta Moseson, pro- gram coordinator at the Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School. The Columbia Human Rights Clinic and the Columbia Human Rights Institute are grateful to the Open Society Foundations and Bullitt Foundation for their financial support of the Institute’s Counterterrorism and Human Rights Project, and to Columbia Law School for its ongoing support. Copyright © 2012 Center for Civilians in Conflict (formerly CIVIC) and Human Rights Clinic at Columbia Law School All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America. Copies of this report are available for download at: www.civiliansinconflict.org Cover: Shakeel Khan lost his home and members of his family to a drone missile in 2010. -
The a to Z Guide to Afghanistan Assistance
The Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit The A to Z Guide to Afghanistan Assistance 2nd Edition, August 2003 Writer: Shawna Wakefield Editor: Christina Bennett, Kathleen Campbell With special thanks to: Kristen Krayer, Nellika Little, Mir Ahmad Joyenda Cover illustration: Parniyan Design and Printing: The Army Press © 2003 The Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU). All rights reserved. Preface This is the second edition of The A to Z Guide to Afghanistan Assistance. Our first edition was brought out one year ago at a time of great change in Afghanistan. At that time, coordination mechanisms and aid processes were changing so fast that old hands and new arrivals alike were sometimes overwhelmed by the multiplicity of acronyms and references to structures and entities that had been recently created, abolished or re-named. Eighteen months after the fall of the Taliban and the signing of the Bonn Agreement, there are still rapid new developments, a growing complexity to the reconstruction effort and to planning processes and, of course, new acronyms! Our aim therefore remains to provide a guide to the terms, structures, mechanisms and coordinating bodies critical to the Afghanistan relief and reconstruction effort to help ensure a shared vocabulary and common understanding of the forces at play. We’ve also included maps and a contact directory to make navigating the assistance community easier. This 2nd edition also includes a section called “Resources,” containing information on such things as media organisations, security information, and Afghanistan-related web sites. Another new addition is a guide to the Afghan government. As the objective of so many assistance agencies is to support and strengthen government institutions, we felt that understanding how the Afghan government is structured is important to working in the current environment. -
United States, Taliban and Fundamentalism in Afghanistan
American International Journal of Available online at http://www.iasir.net Research in Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences ISSN (Print): 2328-3734, ISSN (Online): 2328-3696, ISSN (CD-ROM): 2328-3688 AIJRHASS is a refereed, indexed, peer-reviewed, multidisciplinary and open access journal published by International Association of Scientific Innovation and Research (IASIR), USA (An Association Unifying the Sciences, Engineering, and Applied Research) United States, Taliban and Fundamentalism in Afghanistan: The Growing Instability in Afghanistan Naseer Ahmed Kalis Senior Research Fellow, Department of Strategic and Regional Studies, University of Jammu, J&K, India- 180006 Abstract: This paper aims to elucidate the causes of perpetual instability in Afghanistan since September 11, 2001. It argues that the foreign powers are responsible for “rolling back the stability” and making it a “zone of instability”. United States and Soviet Union, ‘the dancing evils of Cold war’, propel the Afghan descent towards extremism. United States produced so called Mujahedeen and freedom fighter and equipment them with weapons for their strategic interest (to roll back Soviet Union). After winning its Strategic Interest, United States estranged from these Freedom Fighters and remained a silent spectator. When these freedom fighters launched their full-fledged extremism and even not spared United States, United States act as a “wounded bear” and fought the longest war of its history without any conclusion and finally withdraw its NATO forces ‘by force not by choice’. This paper conclude that it is now the responsibility of neighbouring states like Pakistan, Russia, China and India to take comprehensive steps to stabilize Afghanistan and to made security alliances to make Afghanistan a zone of peace. -
Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship Between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’S Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center
JANUARY 2011 Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’s Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center. All Rights Reserved. Fair use of this copyrighted material includes its use for non-commercial educational purposes, such as teaching, scholarship, research, criticism, commentary, and news reporting. Unless otherwise noted, those who wish to reproduce text and image files from this publication for such uses may do so without the Feinstein International Center’s express permission. However, all commercial use of this material and/or reproduction that alters its meaning or intent, without the express permission of the Feinstein International Center, is prohibited. Feinstein International Center Tufts University 200 Boston Ave., Suite 4800 Medford, MA 02155 USA tel: +1 617.627.3423 fax: +1 617.627.3428 fic.tufts.edu Author Geert Gompelman (MSc.) is a graduate in Development Studies from the Centre for International Development Issues Nijmegen (CIDIN) at Radboud University Nijmegen (Netherlands). He has worked as a development practitioner and research consultant in Afghanistan since 2007. Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank his research colleagues Ahmad Hakeem (“Shajay”) and Kanishka Haya for their assistance and insights as well as companionship in the field. Gratitude is also due to Antonio Giustozzi, Arne Strand, Petter Bauck, and Hans Dieset for their substantive comments and suggestions on a draft version. The author is indebted to Mervyn Patterson for his significant contribution to the historical and background sections. Thanks go to Joyce Maxwell for her editorial guidance and for helping to clarify unclear passages and to Bridget Snow for her efficient and patient work on the production of the final document. -
Strategic Insight
Strategic Insight The Loya Jirga, Ethnic Rivalries and Future Afghan Stability by Thomas H. Johnson Strategic Insights are authored monthly by analysts with the Center for Contemporary Conflict (CCC). The CCC is the research arm of the National Security Affairs Department at the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the Naval Postgraduate School, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. August 6, 2002 On June 24 the Afghan transitional government and administration of Hamid Karzai was installed during formal ceremonies in Kabul. Karzai had easily won the June 13 election at a national political assembly, or loya jirga. The loya jirga consisted of 1500 representatives, elected or appointed from 32 provinces, and debated the political future of Afghanistan over a seven-day period. The Karzai government is supposed to rule Afghanistan through 2003. During the ceremony, Karzai and his new cabinet took an oath in both major Afghan languages (Pashtu and Dari), vowing to "follow the basic teachings of Islam" and the laws of the land, to renounce corruption, and to "safeguard the honor and integrity of Afghanistan."[1] How successful they are in achieving these vows will be critical to the near term future of Afghanistan, its reconstruction, and possibly the stability of the entire region of Central Asia. This transitional government was the result of an Emergency Loya Jirga and part of the Bonn Agreement (of November-December 2001). While not explicitly stating so in the Bonn Agreement, Lakhdar Brahimi, the Special Representative of the U.N. -
Afghanistan's
Siri Birgitte Uldal and International Perspectives Muhammad Aimal Marjan Computing in Post-War Afghanistan Reflecting on recent history and the context of current events. fghanistan’s history can be structure. On Oct. 9, 2004, TELECOMMUNICATIONS A traced back over 5,000 years. Hamid Karzai was elected presi- Siemens installed Afghanistan’s Many of its cities thrived as dent and in December 2004, first telephone network in 1957 trading centers on the ancient Silk Amirzai Sangin took up the posi- in Kabul with a capacity of 5,000 Road. In the mid-1960s, King tion as the Minister of Commu- lines.2 During the Taliban regime Zahir Shah started Afghanistan on nications. in 1998, the CIA estimated there the road toward democracy with Afghanistan has a population were 29,000 functioning tele- nascent free elections, a parlia- of 29.9 million, with 47% less phone lines for a country about ment, civil rights, and emancipa- than 15 years old. An estimated tion for women [8]. The King was 80% works in agriculture. The 2Ironically, what may have been the world’s first mil- itary use of the telephone in a war zone occurred on ousted in a coup in 1973, which literacy rate is 36%, which breaks the northwest frontier of the British Raj during the was followed by other largely pro- down into 51% of men and 21% campaign against the Jowaki tribe, 1877–78, near 1 what is now the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. This Soviet coups. In 1979, the Soviet of women. The per capita GDP use of the telephone occurred within a year or two of Union invaded Afghanistan but in purchasing power parity is its invention [5]. -
Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance
Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs November 8, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21922 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance Summary The limited capacity and widespread corruption of all levels of Afghan governance are factors in debate over the effectiveness of U.S. policy in Afghanistan and in implementing a transition to Afghan security leadership by the end of 2014. The capacity of the formal Afghan governing structure has increased significantly since the Taliban regime fell in late 2001, but many positions, particularly at the local level, are unfilled. Widespread illiteracy limits expansion of a competent bureaucracy. A dispute over the results of the 2010 parliamentary elections paralyzed governance for nearly a year and was resolved in September 2011 with the unseating on the grounds of fraud of nine winners of the elected lower house of parliament. Karzai also has tried, through direct denials, to quell assertions by his critics that he wants to stay in office beyond the 2014 expiration of his second term, the limits under the constitution. While trying, with mixed success, to build the formal governing structure, Afghan President Hamid Karzai also works through an informal power structure centered around his close ethnic Pashtun allies as well as other ethnic and political faction leaders. Some faction leaders oppose Karzai on the grounds that he is too willing to make concessions to insurgent leaders in search of a settlement—a criticism that grew following the September 20 assassination of the most senior Tajik leader, former President Burhanuddin Rabbani.