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Afghanistan State Structure and Security Forces
European Asylum Support Office Afghanistan State Structure and Security Forces Country of Origin Information Report August 2020 SUPPORT IS OUR MISSION European Asylum Support Office Afghanistan State Structure and Security Forces Country of Origin Information Report August 2020 More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://europa.eu). ISBN: 978-92-9485-650-0 doi: 10.2847/115002 BZ-02-20-565-EN-N © European Asylum Support Office (EASO) 2020 Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, unless otherwise stated. For third-party materials reproduced in this publication, reference is made to the copyrights statements of the respective third parties. Cover photo: © Al Jazeera English, Helmand, Afghanistan 3 November 2012, url CC BY-SA 2.0 Taliban On the Doorstep: Afghan soldiers from 215 Corps take aim at Taliban insurgents. 4 — AFGHANISTAN: STATE STRUCTURE AND SECURITY FORCES - EASO COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION REPORT Acknowledgements This report was drafted by the European Asylum Support Office COI Sector. The following national asylum and migration department contributed by reviewing this report: The Netherlands, Office for Country Information and Language Analysis, Ministry of Justice It must be noted that the review carried out by the mentioned departments, experts or organisations contributes to the overall quality of the report, it but does not necessarily imply their formal endorsement of the final report, which is the full responsibility of EASO. AFGHANISTAN: STATE STRUCTURE AND SECURITY -
Winning Hearts and Minds in Uruzgan Province by Paul Fishstein ©2012 Feinstein International Center
AUGUST 2012 Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice BRIEFING NOTE: Winning Hearts and Minds in Uruzgan Province by Paul Fishstein ©2012 Feinstein International Center. All Rights Reserved. Fair use of this copyrighted material includes its use for non-commercial educational purposes, such as teaching, scholarship, research, criticism, commentary, and news reporting. Unless otherwise noted, those who wish to reproduce text and image fi les from this publication for such uses may do so without the Feinstein International Center’s express permission. However, all commercial use of this material and/or reproduction that alters its meaning or intent, without the express permission of the Feinstein International Center, is prohibited. Feinstein International Center Tufts University 114 Curtis Street Somerville, MA 02144 USA tel: +1 617.627.3423 fax: +1 617.627.3428 fi c.tufts.edu 2 Feinstein International Center Contents I. Summary . 4 II. Study Background . 5 III. Uruzgan Province . 6 A. Geography . 6 B. Short political history of Uruzgan Province . 6 C. The international aid, military, and diplomatic presence in Uruzgan . 7 IV. Findings . .10 A. Confl uence of governance and ethnic factors . .10 B. International military forces . .11 C. Poor distribution and corruption in aid projects . .12 D. Poverty and unemployment . .13 E. Destabilizing effects of aid projects . 14 F. Winning hearts and minds? . .15 V. Final Thoughts and Looking Ahead . .17 Winning Hearts and Minds in Uruzgan Province 3 I. SUMMARY esearch in Uruzgan suggests that insecurity is largely the result of the failure Rof governance, which has exacerbated traditional tribal rivalries. -
“TELLING the STORY” Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: a Regional Perspective (2011-2016)
“TELLING THE STORY” Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: A Regional Perspective (2011-2016) Emma Hooper (ed.) This monograph has been produced with the financial assistance of the Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not reflect the position of the Ministry. © 2016 CIDOB This monograph has been produced with the financial assistance of the Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not reflect the position of the Ministry. CIDOB edicions Elisabets, 12 08001 Barcelona Tel.: 933 026 495 www.cidob.org [email protected] D.L.: B 17561 - 2016 Barcelona, September 2016 CONTENTS CONTRIBUTOR BIOGRAPHIES 5 FOREWORD 11 Tine Mørch Smith INTRODUCTION 13 Emma Hooper CHAPTER ONE: MAPPING THE SOURCES OF TENSION WITH REGIONAL DIMENSIONS 17 Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: A Regional Perspective .......... 19 Zahid Hussain Mapping the Sources of Tension and the Interests of Regional Powers in Afghanistan and Pakistan ............................................................................................. 35 Emma Hooper & Juan Garrigues CHAPTER TWO: KEY PHENOMENA: THE TALIBAN, REFUGEES , & THE BRAIN DRAIN, GOVERNANCE 57 THE TALIBAN Preamble: Third Party Roles and Insurgencies in South Asia ............................... 61 Moeed Yusuf The Pakistan Taliban Movement: An Appraisal ......................................................... 65 Michael Semple The Taliban Movement in Afghanistan ....................................................................... -
Afghanistan: Government Formation and Performance
Afghanistan: Government Formation and Performance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs June 5, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21922 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Afghanistan: Government Formation and Performance Summary The central government’s limited writ and widespread official corruption are helping sustain a Taliban insurgency, and have fed pessimism about the Afghanistan stabilization effort. However, ethnic disputes remain confined largely to political debate and competition, enabling President Hamid Karzai to focus on trying to build Afghan institutions, and on his bid for re-election in presidential elections slated for August 20, 2009. Karzai has faced substantial loss of public confidence, in large part due to widespread official corruption, but his opponents—divided by ethnicity and personal ambition—were unable to form a strong electoral coalition as the presidential election registration process closed on May 8, 2009. At the same time, U.S. officials have been shifting away from reliance on building the central government and toward promoting local governing bodies and security initiatives. That trend is to accelerate, according to the Obama Administration’s review of U.S. strategy, the results of which were announced on March 27, 2009. The core of the new strategy is a so-called “civilian surge” that will virtually double, to about 900, the number of U.S. civilian personnel to deploy to Afghanistan to help build its governing and security institution, and to increase economic development efforts. The Administration also says it will develop “metrics” by which to judge the performance and legitimacy of the Afghan government, including its efforts to curb official corruption, although the Administration and many in Congress appear reluctant to tie any U.S. -
The Politics of Disarmament and Rearmament in Afghanistan
[PEACEW RKS [ THE POLITICS OF DISARMAMENT AND REARMAMENT IN AFGHANISTAN Deedee Derksen ABOUT THE REPORT This report examines why internationally funded programs to disarm, demobilize, and reintegrate militias since 2001 have not made Afghanistan more secure and why its society has instead become more militarized. Supported by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) as part of its broader program of study on the intersection of political, economic, and conflict dynamics in Afghanistan, the report is based on some 250 interviews with Afghan and Western officials, tribal leaders, villagers, Afghan National Security Force and militia commanders, and insurgent commanders and fighters, conducted primarily between 2011 and 2014. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Deedee Derksen has conducted research into Afghan militias since 2006. A former correspondent for the Dutch newspaper de Volkskrant, she has since 2011 pursued a PhD on the politics of disarmament and rearmament of militias at the War Studies Department of King’s College London. She is grateful to Patricia Gossman, Anatol Lieven, Mike Martin, Joanna Nathan, Scott Smith, and several anonymous reviewers for their comments and to everyone who agreed to be interviewed or helped in other ways. Cover photo: Former Taliban fighters line up to handover their rifles to the Government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan during a reintegration ceremony at the pro- vincial governor’s compound. (U.S. Navy photo by Lt. j. g. Joe Painter/RELEASED). Defense video and imagery dis- tribution system. The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. -
Amrullah Saleh – CV
Amrullah Saleh – CV Amrullah Saleh is the former head of the National Security Directorate (NDS) of Afghanistan. In year 2004 at the age of 32 he became the youngest head of NDS. Previously under the leadership of the Northern Alliance Leader Ahmad Shah Massoud he worked on different capacities and by early 2000 Mr Saleh managed some of the intelligence affairs of Northern Alliance. After his appointment as head of NDS in 2004, Saleh helped rebuild the Afghan intelligence service and was considered as someone in the Afghan government with a clear understanding of the security challenges facing the country. The United States considered Mr Saleh one of the most effective ministers in Post Taliban Afghanistan. In 2006 during an official visit to Pakistan, Mr Saleh presented evidence to Gen. Pervez Musharaf, the then Pakistan`s president, and claimed that Osama Bin Laden was in Mansehra, 10 miles from where Bin Laden was found in 2011. On June 6, 2010, Amrullah Saleh resigned from the NDS after a militant attack against the National Peace Jirga. His resignation was deep rooted in his disagreement with Mr Karzai over his approach towards the Taliban. In 2010 Saleh launched a peaceful campaign (Green Trend) to warn that Hamid Karzai had lost conviction in the fight against the Taliban and was pursuing a compromise that could come at the cost of democracy, stability and human rights especially women's rights. He criticized Karzai's policy, which he called a "fatal mistake and a recipe for civil war". Green Trend of Afghanistan - a grass root decentralised movement - is led by Mr Saleh. -
The Network Politics of International Statebuilding: Intervention and Statehood in Post-2001 Afghanistan
The Network Politics of International Statebuilding: Intervention and Statehood in Post-2001 Afghanistan Submitted by Timor Sharan to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics In October 2013 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………………………………………………………….. 1 ABSTRACT This thesis focuses on international intervention and statebuilding in post- 2001 Afghanistan. It offers an alternative lens, a network lens, to understand the complexity of internationally sponsored state re-building and transformation. It therefore analyses how political power is assembled and flows through political networks in statebuilding, with an eye to the hitherto ignored endogenous political networks. The empirical chapters investigate the role and power dynamics of Afghan political network in re-assembling and transforming the post-2001 state once a political settlement is reached; how everyday political network practices shape the nature of statehood and governance; and subsequently how these power dynamics and practices contribute towards political order/violence and stability/instability. This thesis challenges the dominant wisdom that peacebuilding is a process of democratisation or institutionalisation, showing how intervention has unintentionally produced the democratic façade of a state, underpinning by informal power structures of Afghan politics. The post-2001 intervention has fashioned a ‘network state’ where the state and political networks have become indistinguishable from one another: the empowered network masquerade as the state. -
Who Should We Call Political Or Partisan Opposition in Afghanistan?
Who should we call political or partisan opposition in Afghanistan? By Sayed Maisam Wahidi1 In the present political situation, „opposition‟ is a new and popular term in the literature of Afghan politics. Opposition manifests itself in divergence of opinions between the government and its people. Sometimes, opposition could appear in a sophisticated and organized political party and sometimes opposition movements flow and become a revolution. In the Afghan political environment, however, an opposition entity has not properly formed. The term „opposition‟ can have good or bad connotations, but it is the consequence of political plurality in Afghan society that people express their opinions publicly and criticize the government in the post-Taliban era. More than 80 political parties were registered before the first Parliamentary election in 2005. However, subsequently there was no progression of strong political parties to enhance the people‟s political participation. Hence, the experiences of previous elections showed that political parties were not able to influence people‟s votes based on the political partisanship of the candidates. Political, ethnic and personal characteristics of candidates were far more important to voters in Afghanistan. For instance, even President Karzai was an independent candidate in two presidential elections. While he positioned himself as an independent candidate and some political parties campaigned for him during presidential elections.2 The lack of focus on growing political parties and an emphasis on strengthening civil society created barriers for opposition politics to rise in Afghanistan. In general, it seems Afghans are not welcoming the idea of political opposition nor supporting the Afghan government. It is unclear to many Afghans that in a democratic system opposition groups have a serious role in pressuring and influencing an incumbent government‟s actions. -
Afghanistan Official Title: Islamic Republic of Afghanistan General Information
Afghanistan Official Title: Islamic Republic of Afghanistan General Information: Capital Kabul Population (million) 36n./0a20 Total Area 652,090 km² Currency 1 CAN$=57.107 Afghani (AFN) (2018 - Annual average) National Holiday Independence Day, 19 August Language(s) Pashtu, Dari, Turkic languages (incl. Uzbek & Turkmen), 30 other languages Political Information: Type of State Islamic Republic Type of Government Consisting of three branches: executive, legislature and judiciary. The president is both the chief of state and head of government. The cabinet consists of 25-30 ministers appointed by the president and approved by the National Assembly. The National Assembly consists of the Bilateral Product trade Upper House (Meshrano Jirga) (102 seats, one-third elected from provincial councils for 4-year Canada - Afghanistan terms, one-third elected from local district councils for 3-year terms, and one-third nominated 35 by the president for 5-year terms) and the Lower House (Wolesi Jirga) (250 seats), directly 30 elected for 5-year terms. The constitution establishes a Supreme Court and subordinate Courts. Balance 25 s Can. 20 Head of State Head of Government n Exports o i l l 15 Can. President President i Imports Ashraf Ghani Ashraf Ghani M 10 Total 5 Trade Ministers: Foreign Affairs: Haroon Chakhansuri (Acting) 0 Defence: Asadullah Khalid (Acting) 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 Statistics Canada Finance: Mohammad Humayon Qayoumi(Acting) Interior: Masoud Andarabi(Acting) Main Political Parties Canadian Imports Afghanistan has a nascent democracy; its multi-party system is still developing. from: Afghanistan V eg . Pro d . M ach. M ech. Elec. Prod . Text iles Pro d . -
Politics and Governance in Afghanistan: the Case of Kandahar
Researching livelihoods and services affected by conflict Politics and Afghanistan governance in Kandahar Afghanistan: * The case of Kandahar Working Paper 34 Ashley Jackson June 2015 About us Secure Livelihoods Research Consortium (SLRC) aims to generate a stronger evidence base on how people make a living, educate their children, deal with illness and access other basic services in conflict-affected situations (CAS). Providing better access to basic services, social protection and support to livelihoods matters for the human welfare of people affected by conflict, the achievement of development targets such as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and international efforts at peace- and state-building. At the centre of SLRC’s research are three core themes, developed over the course of an intensive one- year inception phase: . State legitimacy: experiences, perceptions and expectations of the state and local governance in conflict-affected situations . State capacity: building effective states that deliver services and social protection in conflict- affected situations . Livelihood trajectories and economic activity under conflict The Overseas Development Institute (ODI) is the lead organisation. SLRC partners include the Centre for Poverty Analysis (CEPA) in Sri Lanka, Feinstein International Center (FIC, Tufts University), the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU), the Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) in Pakistan, Disaster Studies of Wageningen University (WUR) in the Netherlands, the Nepal Centre for Contemporary Research (NCCR), and the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). Secure Livelihoods Research Consortium Disclaimer: The views presented in this paper are those of the Overseas Development Institute author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of DFID, 203 Blackfriars Road Irish Aid, the EC, SLRC or our partners, SLRC Working Papers London SE1 8NJ present information, analysis on issues relating to livelihoods, United Kingdom basic services and social protection in conflict affected situations. -
US Afghanistan Policy
U.S. Afghanistan Policy: It’s Working S. Frederick Starr Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies The Johns Hopkins University U.S. Afghanistan PolicyPolicy:: It’s Working S. Frederick Starr © Central AsiaAsia---CaucasusCaucasus Institute Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies The Johns Hopkins University Tel.: 1 202 663 7723 “U.S. Afghanistan Policy: It’s Working” is a Policy Paper produced by the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute, Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University. It is authored by S. Frederick Starr, Chairman of the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute. © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute, October 2004 ISBN: 91-85031-01-1 Printed in the United States of America Distributed in North America by: The Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies 1619 Massachusetts Ave. NW, Washington, D.C. 20036, U.S.A. Tel. +1-202-663-7723; Fax. +1-202-663-7785 E-mail: [email protected] Distributed in Europe by: The Silk Road Studies Program Uppsala University Box 514, SE-75120 Uppsala Sweden Tel. +46-18-471-2217; Fax. +46-18-106397 E-mail: [email protected] Contents I. A Litany Of Misplaced CriticismCriticism.............................................................................................................................................................................................................................. 1 II. Core Problems ............................................................................................... -
Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance
Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs November 8, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21922 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance Summary The limited capacity and widespread corruption of all levels of Afghan governance are factors in debate over the effectiveness of U.S. policy in Afghanistan and in implementing a transition to Afghan security leadership by the end of 2014. The capacity of the formal Afghan governing structure has increased significantly since the Taliban regime fell in late 2001, but many positions, particularly at the local level, are unfilled. Widespread illiteracy limits expansion of a competent bureaucracy. A dispute over the results of the 2010 parliamentary elections paralyzed governance for nearly a year and was resolved in September 2011 with the unseating on the grounds of fraud of nine winners of the elected lower house of parliament. Karzai also has tried, through direct denials, to quell assertions by his critics that he wants to stay in office beyond the 2014 expiration of his second term, the limits under the constitution. While trying, with mixed success, to build the formal governing structure, Afghan President Hamid Karzai also works through an informal power structure centered around his close ethnic Pashtun allies as well as other ethnic and political faction leaders. Some faction leaders oppose Karzai on the grounds that he is too willing to make concessions to insurgent leaders in search of a settlement—a criticism that grew following the September 20 assassination of the most senior Tajik leader, former President Burhanuddin Rabbani.