Local Contours of Security in Afghanistan
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Winning Hearts and Minds in Uruzgan Province by Paul Fishstein ©2012 Feinstein International Center
AUGUST 2012 Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice BRIEFING NOTE: Winning Hearts and Minds in Uruzgan Province by Paul Fishstein ©2012 Feinstein International Center. All Rights Reserved. Fair use of this copyrighted material includes its use for non-commercial educational purposes, such as teaching, scholarship, research, criticism, commentary, and news reporting. Unless otherwise noted, those who wish to reproduce text and image fi les from this publication for such uses may do so without the Feinstein International Center’s express permission. However, all commercial use of this material and/or reproduction that alters its meaning or intent, without the express permission of the Feinstein International Center, is prohibited. Feinstein International Center Tufts University 114 Curtis Street Somerville, MA 02144 USA tel: +1 617.627.3423 fax: +1 617.627.3428 fi c.tufts.edu 2 Feinstein International Center Contents I. Summary . 4 II. Study Background . 5 III. Uruzgan Province . 6 A. Geography . 6 B. Short political history of Uruzgan Province . 6 C. The international aid, military, and diplomatic presence in Uruzgan . 7 IV. Findings . .10 A. Confl uence of governance and ethnic factors . .10 B. International military forces . .11 C. Poor distribution and corruption in aid projects . .12 D. Poverty and unemployment . .13 E. Destabilizing effects of aid projects . 14 F. Winning hearts and minds? . .15 V. Final Thoughts and Looking Ahead . .17 Winning Hearts and Minds in Uruzgan Province 3 I. SUMMARY esearch in Uruzgan suggests that insecurity is largely the result of the failure Rof governance, which has exacerbated traditional tribal rivalries. -
The Politics of Disarmament and Rearmament in Afghanistan
[PEACEW RKS [ THE POLITICS OF DISARMAMENT AND REARMAMENT IN AFGHANISTAN Deedee Derksen ABOUT THE REPORT This report examines why internationally funded programs to disarm, demobilize, and reintegrate militias since 2001 have not made Afghanistan more secure and why its society has instead become more militarized. Supported by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) as part of its broader program of study on the intersection of political, economic, and conflict dynamics in Afghanistan, the report is based on some 250 interviews with Afghan and Western officials, tribal leaders, villagers, Afghan National Security Force and militia commanders, and insurgent commanders and fighters, conducted primarily between 2011 and 2014. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Deedee Derksen has conducted research into Afghan militias since 2006. A former correspondent for the Dutch newspaper de Volkskrant, she has since 2011 pursued a PhD on the politics of disarmament and rearmament of militias at the War Studies Department of King’s College London. She is grateful to Patricia Gossman, Anatol Lieven, Mike Martin, Joanna Nathan, Scott Smith, and several anonymous reviewers for their comments and to everyone who agreed to be interviewed or helped in other ways. Cover photo: Former Taliban fighters line up to handover their rifles to the Government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan during a reintegration ceremony at the pro- vincial governor’s compound. (U.S. Navy photo by Lt. j. g. Joe Painter/RELEASED). Defense video and imagery dis- tribution system. The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. -
The Network Politics of International Statebuilding: Intervention and Statehood in Post-2001 Afghanistan
The Network Politics of International Statebuilding: Intervention and Statehood in Post-2001 Afghanistan Submitted by Timor Sharan to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics In October 2013 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………………………………………………………….. 1 ABSTRACT This thesis focuses on international intervention and statebuilding in post- 2001 Afghanistan. It offers an alternative lens, a network lens, to understand the complexity of internationally sponsored state re-building and transformation. It therefore analyses how political power is assembled and flows through political networks in statebuilding, with an eye to the hitherto ignored endogenous political networks. The empirical chapters investigate the role and power dynamics of Afghan political network in re-assembling and transforming the post-2001 state once a political settlement is reached; how everyday political network practices shape the nature of statehood and governance; and subsequently how these power dynamics and practices contribute towards political order/violence and stability/instability. This thesis challenges the dominant wisdom that peacebuilding is a process of democratisation or institutionalisation, showing how intervention has unintentionally produced the democratic façade of a state, underpinning by informal power structures of Afghan politics. The post-2001 intervention has fashioned a ‘network state’ where the state and political networks have become indistinguishable from one another: the empowered network masquerade as the state. -
BACKGROUNDER December 20, 2012
Julie Super, Spencer Butts, and Jeffrey Dressler BACKGROUNDER December 20, 2012 Unpacking the AttempteD AssassinatioN of Asadullah Khalid suicide bombing in Kabul on December 6 targeted the head of the Afghan National Directorate of Security A (NDS), Asadullah Khalid, in an event that has rattled Afghan elites and rekindled controversy between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Khalid is known to be a staunch Taliban opponent, and he ranks among Kabul’s most influential, yet controversial, powerbrokers with significant sway in the Karzai administration. Given Khalid’s role in Afghanistan’s political space and security apparatus and the nature of the attack, Thursday’s event could have significant implications as 2014 approaches. Afghan suspicions are pointed at Pakistan over the attack, and despite Taliban claims of responsibility, the attempt on Khalid’s life will likely complicate the peace process and tenuous reconciliation efforts by driving deeper a wedge of distrust between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Asadullah Khalid is a well-entrenched figure in the post- over security responsibility for the southern zone in 2011, 9/11 network of Afghan leadership. Accounts of his history Khalid is believed also to have assumed AWK’s role of head before 2001 vary: some accounts place him at Tajikistan of the Kandahar Strike Force, an anti-Taliban militia that University from 1996 to 2001, while others state that he works closely with U.S. Special Forces and the CIA and has was a follower of Muhajideen leader Abdul Rasul Sayyaf been entangled in accusations of serious abuses, according collecting Stinger missiles on his behalf in 2000 and 2001.1 to AAN.6 In 2002, he was appointed as head of the NDS chief’s “5th department.”2 He served as the Governor of Ghazni More recently, as Minister of Tribal and Border Affairs, province from 2003 to 2005 and Governor of Kandahar Khalid became involved in anti-Taliban uprisings in province from 2005 to 2008.3 He failed to gain enough Andar, Ghazni. -
The Afghan Government's Relationship with the Pashtun Community and Its Effect on Stability; a Comparative Approach
American University in Cairo AUC Knowledge Fountain Theses and Dissertations 6-1-2012 The Afghan government's relationship with the Pashtun community and its effect on stability; a comparative approach Alfred Jasins Follow this and additional works at: https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds Recommended Citation APA Citation Jasins, A. (2012).The Afghan government's relationship with the Pashtun community and its effect on stability; a comparative approach [Master’s thesis, the American University in Cairo]. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/1066 MLA Citation Jasins, Alfred. The Afghan government's relationship with the Pashtun community and its effect on stability; a comparative approach. 2012. American University in Cairo, Master's thesis. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/1066 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by AUC Knowledge Fountain. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of AUC Knowledge Fountain. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The American University in Cairo School of Humanities and Social Sciences The Afghan Government’s Relationship with the Pashtun Community and its effect on Stability; a Comparative Approach A Thesis Submitted to The Department of Political Science In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts By Alfred Jasins Under the supervision of Dr. Ivekovic May/ 2012 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION 1 1. Research Topic 1 2. Research Questions 7 3. Hypothesis 7 4. Alternative Hypothesis 8 5. Conceptual Framework and Methodology 12 6. Literature Review 17 CHAPTER 2 – DEMOGRAPHICS/HISTROICAL BACKGROUND 21 1. -
Afghanistan on the Eve of Parliamentary and Provincial Elections
Afghanistan on the Eve of Parliamentary and Provincial Elections Introduction................................................................................................................................... 2 Recommendations .................................................................................................................... 4 Background: The Election Process ............................................................................................ 6 Key Areas of Concern.................................................................................................................. 7 The Threat from Taliban and other Insurgent Forces........................................................ 7 Fear of Local Commanders and Militias ............................................................................... 8 Lack of Faith in Disarmament Measures ............................................................................ 14 Rights Abusers as Candidates ............................................................................................... 15 Obstacles for Women Candidates........................................................................................ 17 The Secrecy of the Ballot.......................................................................................................21 The Potential for Future Violence ....................................................................................... 21 Appendix A: List of Attacks on Candidates ..........................................................................23 -
August 2010 the DUTCH ENGAGEMENT in URUZGAN
THE DUTCH ENGAGEMENT IN URUZGAN: 2006 to 2010 A TLO socio-political assessment The Tirin Kot–Chora Road / GTZ August 2010 1 © 2010, The Liaison Office. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be re - produced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, recording or otherwise without prior written permission of the publisher, The Liaison Office. Permission can be obtained by emailing [email protected] Acknowledgements This report builds upon five years of TLO work in Southern Afghanistan. TLO would like to emphasize its commitment to independent and impartial re - search. Findings in this report are the sole opinion of TLO and do not neces - sarily reflect the views and position of the Dutch government. The authors would like to thank all community and shura members, district and provincial officials, and key informants who spent time with the research team, and the staff in the Uruzgan office who assisted with the practical mat - ters associated with fieldwork in Uruzgan. Finally, the authors would like to thank TLO colleagues for their invaluable comments and assistance. About The Liaison Office (TLO) The Liaison Office (TLO) is an independent Afghan non-governmental organ - ization seeking to improve local governance, stability and security through systematic and institutionalized engagement with customary structures, local communities, and civil society groups. TLO’s mission is to facilitate the formal integration of communities and their traditional governance structures within Afghanistan’s newly emerging peace, governance and reconstruction frame - work. TLO main areas of activity are Research/Analysis using the do-no harm ap - proach; Dialogue facilitation/Peacebuilding, and Natural Resource Manage - ment. -
The Challenges to Strengthening Governance in Uruzgan
The man who would be king: The Challenges to Strengthening Governance in Uruzgan Susanne Schmeidl, The Liaison Office November 2010 Desktop publishing: Nicole den Heijer Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ Clingendael 7 2597 VH The Hague Phonenumber: +31 (0)70 3245384 Telefax: +31 (0)70 3282002 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.clingendael.nl/cru © Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright holders. Clingendael Institute, P.O Box 93080, 2509 AB The Hague, The Netherlands. Contents Contents ....................................................................................................................... 3 Executive summary ........................................................................................................ i 1. Introduction .......................................................................................................... 1 2. Research questions and main issues ........................................................................ 3 3. A short overview of governance in Afghanistan ........................................................ 5 4. A short description of Uruzgan province ................................................................. 9 5. A short history of leadership in Afghanistan -
Provincial Governors in Afghan Politics
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 2301 Constitution Ave., NW • Washington, DC 20037 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Dipali Mukhopadhyay This report analyzes the role of the Afghan provincial governor during Hamid Karzai’s presidency and how it might develop under the new coalition government. Drawing on interviews conducted in Kabul in the spring of 2014 as well as previous research and published work by the author, the report is part Provincial Governors in of the broader work being done by the United States Institute of Peace on Afghanistan’s ongoing political transition. Afghan Politics ABOUT THE AUTHOR Dipali Mukhopadhyay is an assistant professor at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs and a member of the Saltzman Institute of War and Peace Studies. Summary The author of Warlords, Strongman Governors, and the State in Afghanistan, she made her first trip to Afghanistan in 2004 • In post-2001 Afghanistan, the president’s prerogative to shape (or dictate) provincial and has been conducting research there since 2007. appointments was a vital tool for managing competition, resources, and conflict in Kabul and the provinces. A provincial governor’s primary value was, thus, not in governing a province. Foreign-led state-building and counterinsurgency efforts operating under the assumption that subnational governance was about “governing” were bound to fail before they even started. • Absent clearly defined terms of reference, governors ranged from heavy-handed strongmen to forward-looking technocrats. The position was vaguely defined and limited on paper but could be radically augmented in various informal and unofficial ways. -
Toward a Political Settlement in Afghanistan
TALKING ABOUT TALKS: TOWARD A POLITICAL SETTLEMENT IN AFGHANISTAN Asia Report N°221 – 26 March 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. A HISTORY OF FAILURE ............................................................................................. 5 A. THE GENEVA ACCORDS ............................................................................................................... 5 B. RECONCILIATION UNDER NAJIBULLAH ......................................................................................... 7 C. THE PRICE OF POWER-SHARING: THE MUJAHIDIN AND THE TALIBAN .......................................... 8 D. POST-9/11 AFGHANISTAN ............................................................................................................ 9 III. COMPETING INTERESTS ........................................................................................... 10 A. PAKISTAN .................................................................................................................................. 10 B. INDIA ......................................................................................................................................... 12 C. IRAN .......................................................................................................................................... 13 D. CENTRAL ASIAN STATES .......................................................................................................... -
AIHRC-UNAMA Joint Monitoring of Political Rights, Presidential And
Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission AIHRC AIHRC-UNAMA Joint Monitoring of Political Rights Presidential and Provincial Council Elections Second Report 16 June – 1 August 2009 United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan UNAMA i SUMMARY OF MAIN FINDINGS • Despite increasing insecurity, Afghans have demonstrated a high level of interest and enthusiasm to participate, and to exercise their political rights, in the upcoming Presidential and Provincial Council elections. • Monitoring shows that the campaigns of the 3,195 Provincial Council candidates and 40 Presidential candidates by and large have been conducted in a dignified and engaged manner that has stimulated vibrant political debates. • Though insecurity has posed a significant obstacle to the exercise of political rights during the Campaign period, political rights of candidates and their supporters have generally been respected despite isolated instances of documented violations. Such instances include four alleged election-related killings: the 6 July killing of the head of the Chimtal district (Balkh) IEC Civic Education team and his ANP guard; the 19 July abduction and killing of an independent Provincial Council candidate and his friend in Dasht-e-Archi district (Kunduz); the 15 July killing of the Nijrab district (Kapisa) campaign manager of Dr. Abdullah Abdullah; and, the 30 July remote controlled Improvised Explosive Devise (IED) attack on a vehicle of President Karzai’s campaign that killed four (including Karzai’s district campaign manager) in Aqcha district (Jawzjan). • There are various concerns about the status of women’s political rights. Women remain disadvantaged in the context of campaigning (their right to stand for office), accessing voter registration, and seeking remedies for violations of the electoral laws and regulations. -
Chapter Ii. Woman Life in Afghanistan
CHAPTER II. WOMAN LIFE IN AFGHANISTAN II.1 About Afghanistan Afghanistan is confined to southwest Asia, in the north with Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan; in the east by China and part of the territory under the control of Pakistan's and Kashmir; in southern Pakistan; and in western Iran, from 1747 to 1973, royal When the king was overthrown by the army officers and the Republic was proclaimed, the republic ruined in 1992 as a country in the civil war. Afghanistan comes to India from all over the Middle East and from the Middle Ages. This position has had the most impact in its history, because the invaders are often based there. Today, the population includes many ethnic groups. Most of the current borders of the country were formed in the nineteenth century, when Afghanistan became a buffer zone or a neutral region between Britain and Russia. Kabul is the capital and largest city of Kabul. Region: Asia Total area: 647,500 km 2 Land area: 647,500 km 2 Coastline: 0 km (Location) km Capital: Kabul Weather: dry to semi-arid; cold winters and hot summers Languages: Pashto, Pashto or pukhto. The number of spokesmen in Afghanistan is approximately 14 million, and the drug (Farsi) is divided into almost every ethnic group; the Hindu languages are European and there are two important languages in Afghanistan; other Hindu languages, Hindu Arabs such as Baluch, Pashto and East Fars are also spoken; there are Turkish and Altaic languages such as Uzbeks and Turkmen; Tajikistan is also used (Barakzai 2015). Currency: Afghani Holidays: Independence Day, 19th August 1919s 4 Borders of Afghanistan to other country are, Pakistan 2,430 kilometers, Tajikistan: 1,206 kilometers, Iran: 936 kilometers, Turkmenistan: 744 kilometers, Uzbekistan: 137 kilometers, China: 76 kilometers Ethnic sections in Afghanistan are, Pashtun 52%, Tajiks 21%, Millennium 9%, Baloch 7%, Uzbekistan 6%, Turkmen 2%, Sheikh Bash 1%, Other 1% Religions in Afghanistan are, Muslim Sunnis 88%, Shiite Muslims 11%, Zoroastrians, Jews, Hindus, Baha'is and Christians is 1%.