SHSH Commentary on the June 2013 Afghanistan

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

SHSH Commentary on the June 2013 Afghanistan THIS DOCUMENT SHOULD BE USED AS A TOOL FOR IDENTIFYING RELEVANT COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION. IT SHOULD NOT BE SUBMITTED AS EVIDENCE TO THE UK BORDER AGENCY, THE TRIBUNAL OR OTHER DECISION MAKERS IN ASYLUM APPLICATIONS OR APPEALS. 19th June 2013 A commentary on the June 2013 Afghanistan Operational Guidance Note This commentary identifies what the ‘Still Human Still Here’ coalition considers to be the main inconsistencies and omissions between the currently available country of origin information (COI) and case law on Afghanistan and the conclusions reached in the June 2013 Afghanistan Operational Guidance Note (OGN) issued by the UK Border Agency. Where we believe inconsistencies have been identified, the relevant section of the OGN is highlighted in blue. An index of full sources of the COI referred to in this commentary is also provided at the end of the document. This commentary is a guide for legal practitioners and decision-makers in respect of the relevant COI, by reference to the sections of the Operational Guidance Note on Afghanistan issued in June 2013. Access the complete OGN on Afghanistan here. The document should be used as a tool to help to identify relevant COI and the COI referred to can be considered by decision makers in assessing asylum applications and appeals. This document should not be submitted as evidence to the UK Border Agency, the Tribunal or other decision makers in asylum applications or appeals. However, legal representatives are welcome to submit the COI referred to in this document to decision makers (including judges) to help in the accurate determination of an asylum claim or appeal. The COI referred to in this document is not exhaustive and should always be complemented by case-specific COI research. Contents 2.2 Actors of Protection p. 2 2.3 Internal Relocation p. 21 3.9 General security situation p. 42 3.11 Locally engaged staff p. 44 3.13 Minors p. 51 APPENDIX Index of sources p. 74 Useful sources to consult on the security situation in Afghanistan p. 81 Useful sources to consult on the situation for internally displaced persons in Afghanistan p. 83 1 THIS DOCUMENT SHOULD BE USED AS A TOOL FOR IDENTIFYING RELEVANT COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION. IT SHOULD NOT BE SUBMITTED AS EVIDENCE TO THE UK BORDER AGENCY, THE TRIBUNAL OR OTHER DECISION MAKERS IN ASYLUM APPLICATIONS OR APPEALS. 2. Country Assessment 2.2 Actors of protection Excerpt from June 2013 Afghanistan OGN 2.2.15 Conclusion: If the applicant‘s fear is of ill-treatment/persecution by the state authorities, or by agents acting on behalf of the state, then consideration needs to be given as to whether the fear is based on a localised, random or national threat. It should be noted that the role of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) is not as a source of protection for the individual citizen. 2.2.16 If the ill-treatment/persecution is at the hands of non-state agents, then the provision of state protection outside of Kabul and other main cities might not be accessible due to the structural weakness of the security services. In Kabul and other cities the authorities are in general willing to offer protection to citizens; however their willingness and ability to do so needs to be judged against the individuals facts of each claim. It is important therefore that caseworkers refer to the most up to date country information to ascertain whether in the circumstances prevailing at the time the decision is made, effective protection is available for an individual applicant, taking full account of their personal circumstances. 2.2.17 Effective protection is generally not available, even in Kabul, for women (see section 3.12.11) It is considered that the COI provided at paragraphs 2.2.2 – 2.2.14 of the OGN is generally consistent with the COI available in the public domain with regards to the inability of the police to provide effective protection in Afghanistan. In addition to setting out the structure of the police force (paragraphs 2.2.2 and 2.2.3) and NATO’s role (2.2.10), the COI included illustrates issues with the vetting of police recruits and local-level oversight (2.2.4); limited female police officers (2.2.5); human rights abuses committed by the police (2.2.6 and 2.2.9), lack of accountability and impunity (2.2.7 and 2.2.8); lack of training, illiteracy and corruption (2.2.8), weaknesses and bias of the judicial system (2.2.11 and 2.2.13). Given that these structural weaknesses affect the security forces in general, not just in those areas outside of Kabul and other main cities, it is questionable whether effective protection would ever be accessible in Afghanistan. Whilst the willingness and ability of the authorities to provide protection should be assessed based on the individual facts of each claim, as the OGN recognises, there are additional structural issues undermining police protection in Kabul not addressed in the OGN which are relevant for such cases. Non-exhaustive, illustrative COI has been presented on the following additional issues which undermine the effectiveness of the police focusing on the situation specific to Kabul. Some COI which refers to the situation for the police in general has been presented to provide greater context. The sources of COI are mainly from 2013, although where further background was considered relevant, older sources have been included: o Capacity of police force, especially in Kabul o Ability of the police to protect against insurgent attacks, especially in Kabul o Insurgent infiltration of the security forces, especially in Kabul In order to assist in conducting further research on insurgent attacks in Kabul, or elsewhere in Afghanistan, a database of useful sources to consult on the security situation in Afghanistan has also been included in the Appendix. 2 THIS DOCUMENT SHOULD BE USED AS A TOOL FOR IDENTIFYING RELEVANT COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION. IT SHOULD NOT BE SUBMITTED AS EVIDENCE TO THE UK BORDER AGENCY, THE TRIBUNAL OR OTHER DECISION MAKERS IN ASYLUM APPLICATIONS OR APPEALS. Capacity of police force, especially in Kabul Centre for Strategic and International Studies, The Afghan War in 2013: Meeting the Challenges of Transition -- Volume III: Security and the ANSF, May 2013 […] Accepting the Real-World Capability of the Police Forces It is almost as dangerous to lump all of the elements of the Afghan police together as it is to indulge in the absurdity of focusing on 352,000 men as a measure of progress when it includes so many different force elements and excludes critical elements like the ALP [Afghan Local Police]. Each element of the police forces has a radically different mix of capabilities; and level of political interference, corruption, and ties to power brokers and criminal networks. Each element has very good units within it, but the larger elements all have many mediocre and some bad and corrupt units as well. The fact that current rating systems ignore these realities out of political considerations (and sometimes a basic lack of professional competence) does not make them any less real. Dealing with Key Force-Building Challenges The ANP [Afghan National Police] is a very mixed force–subject to politics, power brokers, and corruption to a far greater extent than the ANA [Afghan National Army]. The AUP [Afghan Uniform Police] and Afghan Border Police (ABP) are critically dependent on effective governance and the other elements of the rule of law–capabilities lacking or critically weak and corrupt in at least half the districts in the country. While recent reports do reflect real progress, such progress needs to be kept in far more careful perspective than is the case for the ANA, particularly because the current rating systems– while politically correct –are fundamentally dishonest and incompetent because they do not assess either the level of support from governance and the other elements of the rule of law, or the level of political interference, corruption, and ties to power brokers and criminal networks. […] The scale of the problems involved are summarized in Figure 32 to Figure 35: • Figure 32 shows the pace of the buildup in manpower and the level of problems in attrition and turnover that still need to be addressed The problems involved are more serious than with the ANA, but like the ANA, it should be stressed that the goal is not to meet the total in manpower, but to create a stable manpower base with the proper training, and steadily more experienced officers and manpower. Like all other aspects of the sometimes - mindless race to 352,000, quantity per se rarely tells in the combat performance of an inexperienced and half- formed force. Quality always does. • Figure 33 highlights the progress in manning by corps and equipment. It is critical to understand that most of the ANP will succeed or fail at the local and district levels and on the basis of the interaction between units at the District level with local governance; the other elements of the rule of law; and the relative power of insurgents, criminals, power brokers, militias, and the ALP: Partnering with the ANP will be far harder after the 2014 election and as US and other ISAF forces and advisors withdraw, and partnering at the MoIA [Ministry of Interior Affairs] and provincial levels can only have a limited impact after 2014. Nevertheless, the ANP will need outside advisors and partners through 2016 to 2018. In practice, trying to do this from Kabul, rather than from at least several facilities in the “four corners” of the country, will again be a recipe for exceptional risk.
Recommended publications
  • Winning Hearts and Minds in Uruzgan Province by Paul Fishstein ©2012 Feinstein International Center
    AUGUST 2012 Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice BRIEFING NOTE: Winning Hearts and Minds in Uruzgan Province by Paul Fishstein ©2012 Feinstein International Center. All Rights Reserved. Fair use of this copyrighted material includes its use for non-commercial educational purposes, such as teaching, scholarship, research, criticism, commentary, and news reporting. Unless otherwise noted, those who wish to reproduce text and image fi les from this publication for such uses may do so without the Feinstein International Center’s express permission. However, all commercial use of this material and/or reproduction that alters its meaning or intent, without the express permission of the Feinstein International Center, is prohibited. Feinstein International Center Tufts University 114 Curtis Street Somerville, MA 02144 USA tel: +1 617.627.3423 fax: +1 617.627.3428 fi c.tufts.edu 2 Feinstein International Center Contents I. Summary . 4 II. Study Background . 5 III. Uruzgan Province . 6 A. Geography . 6 B. Short political history of Uruzgan Province . 6 C. The international aid, military, and diplomatic presence in Uruzgan . 7 IV. Findings . .10 A. Confl uence of governance and ethnic factors . .10 B. International military forces . .11 C. Poor distribution and corruption in aid projects . .12 D. Poverty and unemployment . .13 E. Destabilizing effects of aid projects . 14 F. Winning hearts and minds? . .15 V. Final Thoughts and Looking Ahead . .17 Winning Hearts and Minds in Uruzgan Province 3 I. SUMMARY esearch in Uruzgan suggests that insecurity is largely the result of the failure Rof governance, which has exacerbated traditional tribal rivalries.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Disarmament and Rearmament in Afghanistan
    [PEACEW RKS [ THE POLITICS OF DISARMAMENT AND REARMAMENT IN AFGHANISTAN Deedee Derksen ABOUT THE REPORT This report examines why internationally funded programs to disarm, demobilize, and reintegrate militias since 2001 have not made Afghanistan more secure and why its society has instead become more militarized. Supported by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) as part of its broader program of study on the intersection of political, economic, and conflict dynamics in Afghanistan, the report is based on some 250 interviews with Afghan and Western officials, tribal leaders, villagers, Afghan National Security Force and militia commanders, and insurgent commanders and fighters, conducted primarily between 2011 and 2014. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Deedee Derksen has conducted research into Afghan militias since 2006. A former correspondent for the Dutch newspaper de Volkskrant, she has since 2011 pursued a PhD on the politics of disarmament and rearmament of militias at the War Studies Department of King’s College London. She is grateful to Patricia Gossman, Anatol Lieven, Mike Martin, Joanna Nathan, Scott Smith, and several anonymous reviewers for their comments and to everyone who agreed to be interviewed or helped in other ways. Cover photo: Former Taliban fighters line up to handover their rifles to the Government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan during a reintegration ceremony at the pro- vincial governor’s compound. (U.S. Navy photo by Lt. j. g. Joe Painter/RELEASED). Defense video and imagery dis- tribution system. The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace.
    [Show full text]
  • The Network Politics of International Statebuilding: Intervention and Statehood in Post-2001 Afghanistan
    The Network Politics of International Statebuilding: Intervention and Statehood in Post-2001 Afghanistan Submitted by Timor Sharan to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics In October 2013 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………………………………………………………….. 1 ABSTRACT This thesis focuses on international intervention and statebuilding in post- 2001 Afghanistan. It offers an alternative lens, a network lens, to understand the complexity of internationally sponsored state re-building and transformation. It therefore analyses how political power is assembled and flows through political networks in statebuilding, with an eye to the hitherto ignored endogenous political networks. The empirical chapters investigate the role and power dynamics of Afghan political network in re-assembling and transforming the post-2001 state once a political settlement is reached; how everyday political network practices shape the nature of statehood and governance; and subsequently how these power dynamics and practices contribute towards political order/violence and stability/instability. This thesis challenges the dominant wisdom that peacebuilding is a process of democratisation or institutionalisation, showing how intervention has unintentionally produced the democratic façade of a state, underpinning by informal power structures of Afghan politics. The post-2001 intervention has fashioned a ‘network state’ where the state and political networks have become indistinguishable from one another: the empowered network masquerade as the state.
    [Show full text]
  • BACKGROUNDER December 20, 2012
    Julie Super, Spencer Butts, and Jeffrey Dressler BACKGROUNDER December 20, 2012 Unpacking the AttempteD AssassinatioN of Asadullah Khalid suicide bombing in Kabul on December 6 targeted the head of the Afghan National Directorate of Security A (NDS), Asadullah Khalid, in an event that has rattled Afghan elites and rekindled controversy between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Khalid is known to be a staunch Taliban opponent, and he ranks among Kabul’s most influential, yet controversial, powerbrokers with significant sway in the Karzai administration. Given Khalid’s role in Afghanistan’s political space and security apparatus and the nature of the attack, Thursday’s event could have significant implications as 2014 approaches. Afghan suspicions are pointed at Pakistan over the attack, and despite Taliban claims of responsibility, the attempt on Khalid’s life will likely complicate the peace process and tenuous reconciliation efforts by driving deeper a wedge of distrust between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Asadullah Khalid is a well-entrenched figure in the post- over security responsibility for the southern zone in 2011, 9/11 network of Afghan leadership. Accounts of his history Khalid is believed also to have assumed AWK’s role of head before 2001 vary: some accounts place him at Tajikistan of the Kandahar Strike Force, an anti-Taliban militia that University from 1996 to 2001, while others state that he works closely with U.S. Special Forces and the CIA and has was a follower of Muhajideen leader Abdul Rasul Sayyaf been entangled in accusations of serious abuses, according collecting Stinger missiles on his behalf in 2000 and 2001.1 to AAN.6 In 2002, he was appointed as head of the NDS chief’s “5th department.”2 He served as the Governor of Ghazni More recently, as Minister of Tribal and Border Affairs, province from 2003 to 2005 and Governor of Kandahar Khalid became involved in anti-Taliban uprisings in province from 2005 to 2008.3 He failed to gain enough Andar, Ghazni.
    [Show full text]
  • The Afghan Government's Relationship with the Pashtun Community and Its Effect on Stability; a Comparative Approach
    American University in Cairo AUC Knowledge Fountain Theses and Dissertations 6-1-2012 The Afghan government's relationship with the Pashtun community and its effect on stability; a comparative approach Alfred Jasins Follow this and additional works at: https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds Recommended Citation APA Citation Jasins, A. (2012).The Afghan government's relationship with the Pashtun community and its effect on stability; a comparative approach [Master’s thesis, the American University in Cairo]. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/1066 MLA Citation Jasins, Alfred. The Afghan government's relationship with the Pashtun community and its effect on stability; a comparative approach. 2012. American University in Cairo, Master's thesis. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/1066 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by AUC Knowledge Fountain. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of AUC Knowledge Fountain. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The American University in Cairo School of Humanities and Social Sciences The Afghan Government’s Relationship with the Pashtun Community and its effect on Stability; a Comparative Approach A Thesis Submitted to The Department of Political Science In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts By Alfred Jasins Under the supervision of Dr. Ivekovic May/ 2012 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION 1 1. Research Topic 1 2. Research Questions 7 3. Hypothesis 7 4. Alternative Hypothesis 8 5. Conceptual Framework and Methodology 12 6. Literature Review 17 CHAPTER 2 – DEMOGRAPHICS/HISTROICAL BACKGROUND 21 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Local Contours of Security in Afghanistan
    Local Contours of Security in Afghanistan By Prakhar Sharma 2009/2010 Stimson Center Visiting Fellow May 2010 For further information on this paper and author contact information, please contact Corey Sobel at 202-464-2667 or [email protected] Page | 1 Dear Reader, The Stimson Center is pleased to present Local Contours of Security in Afghanistan , an original study of the current challenges to Afghanistan’s stability, written by Mr. Prakhar Sharma. In this study, Mr. Sharma synthesizes quantitative and qualitative research (gathered between December 2006 and May 2010) to provide a succinct and informed perspective on the country’s key non-traditional sources of instability. As a 2009/2010 Visiting Fellow at Stimson, Mr. Sharma analyzed non-traditional security challenges in Afghanistan and their implications on the prospects for internal political dialogue and regional consensus. Local Contours of Security in Afghanistan is a result of over two years (2007-2009) of research inside the country that involved undertaking provincial- and district-based assessments by traveling across all Afghan regions, and designing perception surveys to support the livelihood and broader stabilization initiatives in Afghanistan. The fieldwork consisted largely of conversations with diplomats, Afghan government officials, journalists, NGO workers, and researchers based in Afghanistan. It also entails a review of previous studies, research reports, publicly available perception surveys, statistics, and news reports. In Section I, “Impediments to Security”, Mr. Sharma identifies the issues that serve as the primary impediments to security in Afghanistan. In Section II, “Analyzing the Elements of Insecurity”, Mr. Sharma then provides an insider’s look at the roots of each of these issues and the local political dynamics and actors that continue to drive them.
    [Show full text]
  • Afghanistan on the Eve of Parliamentary and Provincial Elections
    Afghanistan on the Eve of Parliamentary and Provincial Elections Introduction................................................................................................................................... 2 Recommendations .................................................................................................................... 4 Background: The Election Process ............................................................................................ 6 Key Areas of Concern.................................................................................................................. 7 The Threat from Taliban and other Insurgent Forces........................................................ 7 Fear of Local Commanders and Militias ............................................................................... 8 Lack of Faith in Disarmament Measures ............................................................................ 14 Rights Abusers as Candidates ............................................................................................... 15 Obstacles for Women Candidates........................................................................................ 17 The Secrecy of the Ballot.......................................................................................................21 The Potential for Future Violence ....................................................................................... 21 Appendix A: List of Attacks on Candidates ..........................................................................23
    [Show full text]
  • August 2010 the DUTCH ENGAGEMENT in URUZGAN
    THE DUTCH ENGAGEMENT IN URUZGAN: 2006 to 2010 A TLO socio-political assessment The Tirin Kot–Chora Road / GTZ August 2010 1 © 2010, The Liaison Office. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be re - produced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, recording or otherwise without prior written permission of the publisher, The Liaison Office. Permission can be obtained by emailing [email protected] Acknowledgements This report builds upon five years of TLO work in Southern Afghanistan. TLO would like to emphasize its commitment to independent and impartial re - search. Findings in this report are the sole opinion of TLO and do not neces - sarily reflect the views and position of the Dutch government. The authors would like to thank all community and shura members, district and provincial officials, and key informants who spent time with the research team, and the staff in the Uruzgan office who assisted with the practical mat - ters associated with fieldwork in Uruzgan. Finally, the authors would like to thank TLO colleagues for their invaluable comments and assistance. About The Liaison Office (TLO) The Liaison Office (TLO) is an independent Afghan non-governmental organ - ization seeking to improve local governance, stability and security through systematic and institutionalized engagement with customary structures, local communities, and civil society groups. TLO’s mission is to facilitate the formal integration of communities and their traditional governance structures within Afghanistan’s newly emerging peace, governance and reconstruction frame - work. TLO main areas of activity are Research/Analysis using the do-no harm ap - proach; Dialogue facilitation/Peacebuilding, and Natural Resource Manage - ment.
    [Show full text]
  • The Challenges to Strengthening Governance in Uruzgan
    The man who would be king: The Challenges to Strengthening Governance in Uruzgan Susanne Schmeidl, The Liaison Office November 2010 Desktop publishing: Nicole den Heijer Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ Clingendael 7 2597 VH The Hague Phonenumber: +31 (0)70 3245384 Telefax: +31 (0)70 3282002 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.clingendael.nl/cru © Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright holders. Clingendael Institute, P.O Box 93080, 2509 AB The Hague, The Netherlands. Contents Contents ....................................................................................................................... 3 Executive summary ........................................................................................................ i 1. Introduction .......................................................................................................... 1 2. Research questions and main issues ........................................................................ 3 3. A short overview of governance in Afghanistan ........................................................ 5 4. A short description of Uruzgan province ................................................................. 9 5. A short history of leadership in Afghanistan
    [Show full text]
  • Provincial Governors in Afghan Politics
    UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 2301 Constitution Ave., NW • Washington, DC 20037 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Dipali Mukhopadhyay This report analyzes the role of the Afghan provincial governor during Hamid Karzai’s presidency and how it might develop under the new coalition government. Drawing on interviews conducted in Kabul in the spring of 2014 as well as previous research and published work by the author, the report is part Provincial Governors in of the broader work being done by the United States Institute of Peace on Afghanistan’s ongoing political transition. Afghan Politics ABOUT THE AUTHOR Dipali Mukhopadhyay is an assistant professor at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs and a member of the Saltzman Institute of War and Peace Studies. Summary The author of Warlords, Strongman Governors, and the State in Afghanistan, she made her first trip to Afghanistan in 2004 • In post-2001 Afghanistan, the president’s prerogative to shape (or dictate) provincial and has been conducting research there since 2007. appointments was a vital tool for managing competition, resources, and conflict in Kabul and the provinces. A provincial governor’s primary value was, thus, not in governing a province. Foreign-led state-building and counterinsurgency efforts operating under the assumption that subnational governance was about “governing” were bound to fail before they even started. • Absent clearly defined terms of reference, governors ranged from heavy-handed strongmen to forward-looking technocrats. The position was vaguely defined and limited on paper but could be radically augmented in various informal and unofficial ways.
    [Show full text]
  • Toward a Political Settlement in Afghanistan
    TALKING ABOUT TALKS: TOWARD A POLITICAL SETTLEMENT IN AFGHANISTAN Asia Report N°221 – 26 March 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. A HISTORY OF FAILURE ............................................................................................. 5 A. THE GENEVA ACCORDS ............................................................................................................... 5 B. RECONCILIATION UNDER NAJIBULLAH ......................................................................................... 7 C. THE PRICE OF POWER-SHARING: THE MUJAHIDIN AND THE TALIBAN .......................................... 8 D. POST-9/11 AFGHANISTAN ............................................................................................................ 9 III. COMPETING INTERESTS ........................................................................................... 10 A. PAKISTAN .................................................................................................................................. 10 B. INDIA ......................................................................................................................................... 12 C. IRAN .......................................................................................................................................... 13 D. CENTRAL ASIAN STATES ..........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • AIHRC-UNAMA Joint Monitoring of Political Rights, Presidential And
    Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission AIHRC AIHRC-UNAMA Joint Monitoring of Political Rights Presidential and Provincial Council Elections Second Report 16 June – 1 August 2009 United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan UNAMA i SUMMARY OF MAIN FINDINGS • Despite increasing insecurity, Afghans have demonstrated a high level of interest and enthusiasm to participate, and to exercise their political rights, in the upcoming Presidential and Provincial Council elections. • Monitoring shows that the campaigns of the 3,195 Provincial Council candidates and 40 Presidential candidates by and large have been conducted in a dignified and engaged manner that has stimulated vibrant political debates. • Though insecurity has posed a significant obstacle to the exercise of political rights during the Campaign period, political rights of candidates and their supporters have generally been respected despite isolated instances of documented violations. Such instances include four alleged election-related killings: the 6 July killing of the head of the Chimtal district (Balkh) IEC Civic Education team and his ANP guard; the 19 July abduction and killing of an independent Provincial Council candidate and his friend in Dasht-e-Archi district (Kunduz); the 15 July killing of the Nijrab district (Kapisa) campaign manager of Dr. Abdullah Abdullah; and, the 30 July remote controlled Improvised Explosive Devise (IED) attack on a vehicle of President Karzai’s campaign that killed four (including Karzai’s district campaign manager) in Aqcha district (Jawzjan). • There are various concerns about the status of women’s political rights. Women remain disadvantaged in the context of campaigning (their right to stand for office), accessing voter registration, and seeking remedies for violations of the electoral laws and regulations.
    [Show full text]