Making Sense of Daesh in Afghanistan: a Social Movement Perspective
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Problematizing the Religious Basis of Maududi's Political Theory
Series IV, Volume 3, No. 2, October 2013 Problematizing the Religious Basis of Maududi’s Political Theory Shahbaz Ahmad Cheema University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan. Introduction This paper problematizes the divinity of establishing an Islamic state by analysing the religious basis of Maulana Abul Ala Maududi’s (hereafter referred to as Maududi) political theory. His political theory revolves around the idea that religion and politics are an inseparable entity and the fulfilment of religious dictates is impossible unless and until we organize a political system as per criteria set by the religion. This idea of Maududi has led many to believe that it is our religious duty to struggle for an Islamic state like many other religious obligations, e.g. offering prayers and keeping fasts. Though neither Maududi himselfnor his political party has been involved systematically in political violence for political ends,it is difficult to argue that his ideology has not undermined the establishment of a sound political system by entangling its developmentwith religion. The selection of Maududi’s political theory for analysis in this paper is informed by the fact that his ideology still has a widespread following in the world. According to Nasr, Maududi is “the most influential of contemporary revivalist thinkers”1. This opinion is echoed by Jackson.2 To materialize his idea of establishing an Islamic 1 Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr, Mawdudi and the Making of Islamic Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 3. 2 Roy Jackson, Mawlana Mawdudi and Political Islam: Authority and the Islamic State (New York: Routledge, 2011). 52 Studies on Asia state, he organized a political party named the Jamaat-i-Islami (hereafter referred to as JI) which is one of the most organized religio-political parties of Pakistan.3 It was organized by him in 1941 before partition of the Indian Subcontinent.4 Maududi anchored and supervised the JI for more than three decades till his death in 1979. -
RADICALIZING INDONESIAN MODERATE ISLAM from WITHIN the NU-FPI Relationship in Bangkalan, Madura
RADICALIZING INDONESIAN MODERATE ISLAM FROM WITHIN The NU-FPI Relationship in Bangkalan, Madura Ahmad Zainul Hamdi IAIN Sunan Ampel, Surabaya - Indonesia Abstract: This article tries to present the most current phenomenon of how moderate Islam can live side by side with radical Islam. By focusing its analysis on the dynamics of political life in Bangkalan, Madura, the paper argues that the encounter between these two different ideological streams is possible under particular circumstances. First, there is a specific political situation where the moderate Islam is able to control the political posts. Second, there is a forum where they can articulate Islamic ideas in terms of classical and modern political movements. This study has also found out that the binary perspective applied in the analysis of Islamic movement is not always relevant. The fact, as in the case of Bangkalan, is far more complex, in which NU and Islamic Defender Front (FPI) can merge. This is so Eecause at the Eeginning, F3,’s management in the city is led by kyais or/and prominent local NU leaders. Keywords: Radicalization, de-radicalization, moderate Islam, radical Islam. Introduction A discussion on the topic of contemporary Islamic movements is filled with various reviews about radical Islam. As news, academic work also has its own actual considerations. The September 11th incident seems to be a “productive” momentum to tap a new academic debate which was previously conducted only by a few people who were really making Islam and its socio-political life as an academic project. Islamism, in its violence and atrocity, then became a popular theme that filled almost all the scientific discussion that took ideology and contemporary Islamic movements as a main topic. -
Health and Integrated Protection Needs in Kunduz Province
[Compa ny name] Assessment Report- Health and Integrated Protection Needs in Kunduz Province Dr. Noor Ahmad “Ahmad” Dr. Mirza Jan Hafiz Akbar Ahmadi Vijay Raghavan Final Report Acknowledgements The study team thank representatives of the following institutions who have met us in both Kabul and Kunduz during the assessment. WHO – Kabul and Kunduz; UNOCHA – Kunduz; MSF (Kunduz); UNHCR- Kunduz; Handicap International Kunduz; Provincial Health Directorate, Kunduz; Regional Hospital, Kunduz; Afghanistan Red Crescent Society (ARCS), Kunduz; DoRR, Kunduz; Swedish Committee for Afghanistan, Kunduz; JACK BPHS team in Kunduz Thanks of INSO for conducting the assessment of the field locations and also for field movements Special thanks to the communities and their representatives – Thanks to CHNE and CME staff and students District Hospital staff of Imam Sahib Our sincere thanks to the District wise focal points, health facility staff and all support staff of JACK, Kunduz who tirelessly supported in the field assessment and arrangement of necessary logistics for the assessment team. Thanks to Health and Protection Clusters for their constant inputs and support. Thanks to OCHA-HFU team for their feedback on our previous programme and that helped in refining our assessment focus and added the components of additional issues like operations, logistics and quality of supplies which were discussed elaborately with the field team of JACK. Thanks to Access and Security team in OCHA for their feedback on access and security sections. Page 2 of 102 Final -
Afghanistan State Structure and Security Forces
European Asylum Support Office Afghanistan State Structure and Security Forces Country of Origin Information Report August 2020 SUPPORT IS OUR MISSION European Asylum Support Office Afghanistan State Structure and Security Forces Country of Origin Information Report August 2020 More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://europa.eu). ISBN: 978-92-9485-650-0 doi: 10.2847/115002 BZ-02-20-565-EN-N © European Asylum Support Office (EASO) 2020 Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, unless otherwise stated. For third-party materials reproduced in this publication, reference is made to the copyrights statements of the respective third parties. Cover photo: © Al Jazeera English, Helmand, Afghanistan 3 November 2012, url CC BY-SA 2.0 Taliban On the Doorstep: Afghan soldiers from 215 Corps take aim at Taliban insurgents. 4 — AFGHANISTAN: STATE STRUCTURE AND SECURITY FORCES - EASO COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION REPORT Acknowledgements This report was drafted by the European Asylum Support Office COI Sector. The following national asylum and migration department contributed by reviewing this report: The Netherlands, Office for Country Information and Language Analysis, Ministry of Justice It must be noted that the review carried out by the mentioned departments, experts or organisations contributes to the overall quality of the report, it but does not necessarily imply their formal endorsement of the final report, which is the full responsibility of EASO. AFGHANISTAN: STATE STRUCTURE AND SECURITY -
Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy
Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy July 18, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45818 SUMMARY R45818 Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy July 18, 2019 Afghanistan has been a significant U.S. foreign policy concern since 2001, when the United States, in response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, led a military Clayton Thomas campaign against Al Qaeda and the Taliban government that harbored and supported it. Analyst in Middle Eastern In the intervening 18 years, the United States has suffered approximately 2,400 military Affairs fatalities in Afghanistan, with the cost of military operations reaching nearly $750 billion. Congress has appropriated approximately $133 billion for reconstruction. In that time, an elected Afghan government has replaced the Taliban, and most measures of human development have improved, although Afghanistan’s future prospects remain mixed in light of the country’s ongoing violent conflict and political contention. Topics covered in this report include: Security dynamics. U.S. and Afghan forces, along with international partners, combat a Taliban insurgency that is, by many measures, in a stronger military position now than at any point since 2001. Many observers assess that a full-scale U.S. withdrawal would lead to the collapse of the Afghan government and perhaps even the reestablishment of Taliban control over most of the country. Taliban insurgents operate alongside, and in periodic competition with, an array of other armed groups, including regional affiliates of Al Qaeda (a longtime Taliban ally) and the Islamic State (a Taliban foe and increasing focus of U.S. policy). U.S. -
JAMAL J. ELIAS Department of Religious Studies
JAMAL J. ELIAS Department of Religious Studies Tel: 1.215.898.5838 University of Pennsylvania Fax: 1.215.898.6568 201 Claudia Cohen Hall [email protected] 249 South 36th Street Philadelphia, PA 19104 CURRENT POSITION ____________________________________________________________ Walter H. Annenberg Professor of the Humanities, Professor of Islamic Studies in the Department of Religious Studies, and Director of the Penn Forum for Global Islamic Studies, University of Pennsylvania EMPLOYMENT HISTORY ____________________________________________________________ University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Walter H. Annenberg Professor of the Humanities, 2012 to present. Class of 1965 Endowed Term Professor, 2007 to 2012. Professor of Religious Studies, Department of Religious Studies, 2006 to present. Secondary appointment in the Department of South Asia Studies, 2007 to 2019. Member of the Graduate Groups in Ancient History, Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, and South Asia Regional Studies. Amherst College, Amherst, Massachusetts. Professor of Religion, Religion Department, 2002 to 2006. Associate Professor, Religion Department, 1996 to 2002. Assistant Professor, Religion Department, 1989 to 1996. Secondary appointment in the Department of Asian Languages and Civilizations, 1996 to 2006. Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut. Visiting Professor, Department of Religious Studies, 2002 to 2003. Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island. Instructor, Department of Religious Studies, 1987 to 1989. EDUCATION ____________________________________________________________ -
United States, Taliban and Fundamentalism in Afghanistan
American International Journal of Available online at http://www.iasir.net Research in Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences ISSN (Print): 2328-3734, ISSN (Online): 2328-3696, ISSN (CD-ROM): 2328-3688 AIJRHASS is a refereed, indexed, peer-reviewed, multidisciplinary and open access journal published by International Association of Scientific Innovation and Research (IASIR), USA (An Association Unifying the Sciences, Engineering, and Applied Research) United States, Taliban and Fundamentalism in Afghanistan: The Growing Instability in Afghanistan Naseer Ahmed Kalis Senior Research Fellow, Department of Strategic and Regional Studies, University of Jammu, J&K, India- 180006 Abstract: This paper aims to elucidate the causes of perpetual instability in Afghanistan since September 11, 2001. It argues that the foreign powers are responsible for “rolling back the stability” and making it a “zone of instability”. United States and Soviet Union, ‘the dancing evils of Cold war’, propel the Afghan descent towards extremism. United States produced so called Mujahedeen and freedom fighter and equipment them with weapons for their strategic interest (to roll back Soviet Union). After winning its Strategic Interest, United States estranged from these Freedom Fighters and remained a silent spectator. When these freedom fighters launched their full-fledged extremism and even not spared United States, United States act as a “wounded bear” and fought the longest war of its history without any conclusion and finally withdraw its NATO forces ‘by force not by choice’. This paper conclude that it is now the responsibility of neighbouring states like Pakistan, Russia, China and India to take comprehensive steps to stabilize Afghanistan and to made security alliances to make Afghanistan a zone of peace. -
Understanding Afghanistan
Understanding Afghanistan: The Importance of Tribal Culture and Structure in Security and Governance By Shahmahmood Miakhel US Institute of Peace, Chief of Party in Afghanistan Updated November 20091 “Over the centuries, trying to understand the Afghans and their country was turned into a fine art and a game of power politics by the Persians, the Mongols, the British, the Soviets and most recently the Pakistanis. But no outsider has ever conquered them or claimed their soul.”2 “Playing chess by telegraph may succeed, but making war and planning a campaign on the Helmand from the cool shades of breezy Shimla (in India) is an experiment which will not, I hope, be repeated”.3 Synopsis: Afghanistan is widely considered ungovernable. But it was peaceful and thriving during the reign of King Zahir Shah (1933-1973). And while never held under the sway of a strong central government, the culture has developed well-established codes of conduct. Shuras (councils) and Jirgas (meeting of elders) appointed through the consensus of the populace are formed to resolve conflicts. Key to success in Afghanistan is understanding the Afghan mindset. That means understanding their culture and engaging the Afghans with respect to the system of governance that has worked for them in the past. A successful outcome in Afghanistan requires balancing tribal, religious and government structures. This paper outlines 1) the traditional cultural terminology and philosophy for codes of conduct, 2) gives examples of the complex district structure, 3) explains the role of councils, Jirgas and religious leaders in governing and 4) provides a critical overview of the current central governmental structure. -
Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship Between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’S Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center
JANUARY 2011 Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’s Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center. All Rights Reserved. Fair use of this copyrighted material includes its use for non-commercial educational purposes, such as teaching, scholarship, research, criticism, commentary, and news reporting. Unless otherwise noted, those who wish to reproduce text and image files from this publication for such uses may do so without the Feinstein International Center’s express permission. However, all commercial use of this material and/or reproduction that alters its meaning or intent, without the express permission of the Feinstein International Center, is prohibited. Feinstein International Center Tufts University 200 Boston Ave., Suite 4800 Medford, MA 02155 USA tel: +1 617.627.3423 fax: +1 617.627.3428 fic.tufts.edu Author Geert Gompelman (MSc.) is a graduate in Development Studies from the Centre for International Development Issues Nijmegen (CIDIN) at Radboud University Nijmegen (Netherlands). He has worked as a development practitioner and research consultant in Afghanistan since 2007. Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank his research colleagues Ahmad Hakeem (“Shajay”) and Kanishka Haya for their assistance and insights as well as companionship in the field. Gratitude is also due to Antonio Giustozzi, Arne Strand, Petter Bauck, and Hans Dieset for their substantive comments and suggestions on a draft version. The author is indebted to Mervyn Patterson for his significant contribution to the historical and background sections. Thanks go to Joyce Maxwell for her editorial guidance and for helping to clarify unclear passages and to Bridget Snow for her efficient and patient work on the production of the final document. -
Phd DISSERTATION
COMBATING TERRORISM IN PAKISTAN: POST 9/11 - A NEOCLASSICAL REALIST PERSPECTIVE PhD DISSERTATION This Dissertation is submitted to National Defence University, Islamabad in partial fulfillment for the degree of PhD in International Relations By ARSHAD MAHMOOD NDU-IR/PhD-13/S-023 Supervisor PROF. DR. SHAHEEN AKHTAR Department of International Relations Faculty of Contemporary Studies National Defence University, Islamabad Pakistan, 2019 ii Student’s Declaration This is to certify that this dissertation titled “Combating Terrorism in Pakistan: Post 9/11 – A Neoclassical Realist Perspective” submitted by the undersigned is accepted in its present form by Department of International Relations, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan. It is based on my own research work and has not been submitted to any other institution for any other degree. ______ Dec 2019 Arshad Mahmood i Certificate of Completion It is hereby recommended that the dissertation submitted by Arshad Mahmood titled “Combating Terrorism in Pakistan: Post 9/11 – A Neoclassical Realist Perspective” has been accepted in the partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of PhD in the discipline of International Relations. ___________ Supervisor ii Dedication I dedicate my work to those Pakistanis who laid their lives for the greater cause of fighting the menace of terrorism and confronting the obscurantist mindset, considered as an obstacle in the way of progressive and prosperous Pakistan. Table of Contents Ser Subject Page No 1. Introduction 1 Statement of the Problem 8 Objective of the Study 8 Significance of the Study 9 Theoretical Framework 9 Literature Review 13 The Research Design and Methodology 25 Scope and Limitations 26 Organization of the Study 27 2. -
Leveraging the Taliban's Quest for International Recognition
Leveraging the Taliban’s Quest for International Recognition Afghan Peace Process Issues Paper March 2021 By Barnett R. Rubin Summary: As the United States tries to orchestrate a political settlement in conjunction with its eventual military withdrawal from Afghanistan, it has overestimated the role of military pressure or presence and underestimated the leverage that the Taliban’s quest for sanctions relief, recognition and international assistance provides. As the U.S. government decides on how and when to withdraw its troops, it and other international powers retain control over some of the Taliban’s main objectives — the removal of both bilateral and United Nations Security Council sanctions and, eventually, recognition of and assistance to an Afghan government that includes the Taliban. Making the most of this leverage will require coordination with the Security Council and with Afghanistan’s key neighbors, including Security Council members China, Russia and India, as well as Pakistan and Iran. In April 2017, in a meeting with an interagency team on board a military aircraft en route to Afghanistan, U.S. President Donald J. Trump’s new national security advisor, retired Army Lt. Gen. H.R. McMaster, dismissed the ongoing effort to negotiate a settlement with the Taliban: “The first step, the national security adviser said, was to turn around the trajectory of the conflict. The United States had to stop the Taliban’s advance on the battlefield and force them to agree to concessions in the process .... US talks with the Taliban would only succeed when the United States returned to a position of strength on the battlefield and was ‘winning’ against the insurgency.”1 1 Donati, Jessica. -
The Politics of Disarmament and Rearmament in Afghanistan
[PEACEW RKS [ THE POLITICS OF DISARMAMENT AND REARMAMENT IN AFGHANISTAN Deedee Derksen ABOUT THE REPORT This report examines why internationally funded programs to disarm, demobilize, and reintegrate militias since 2001 have not made Afghanistan more secure and why its society has instead become more militarized. Supported by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) as part of its broader program of study on the intersection of political, economic, and conflict dynamics in Afghanistan, the report is based on some 250 interviews with Afghan and Western officials, tribal leaders, villagers, Afghan National Security Force and militia commanders, and insurgent commanders and fighters, conducted primarily between 2011 and 2014. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Deedee Derksen has conducted research into Afghan militias since 2006. A former correspondent for the Dutch newspaper de Volkskrant, she has since 2011 pursued a PhD on the politics of disarmament and rearmament of militias at the War Studies Department of King’s College London. She is grateful to Patricia Gossman, Anatol Lieven, Mike Martin, Joanna Nathan, Scott Smith, and several anonymous reviewers for their comments and to everyone who agreed to be interviewed or helped in other ways. Cover photo: Former Taliban fighters line up to handover their rifles to the Government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan during a reintegration ceremony at the pro- vincial governor’s compound. (U.S. Navy photo by Lt. j. g. Joe Painter/RELEASED). Defense video and imagery dis- tribution system. The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace.