Central Asian Jihadis 'Neglect' Their Neighbour

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Central Asian Jihadis 'Neglect' Their Neighbour To Syria, not Afghanistan: Central Asian jihadis 'neglect' their neighbour Author : Christine Roehrs Published: 8 October 2014 Downloaded: 7 September 2018 Download URL: https://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/to-syria-not-afghanistan-central-asian-jihadis-neglect-their-neighbour/?format=pdf Since the American and Northern Alliance defeat of the Taleban and their Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) allies in northern Afghanistan in late 2001, the arrival of would-be fighters from the former Soviet countries of Central Asia to Afghanistan has been a very small trickle. And yet, over the last year, the number of Central Asians travelling to far-off Syria to join insurgent groups has been a comparative flood. The study of this phenomenon is just beginning, and massive gaps in the available information exist. However, while the reasons for Central Asians favouring the war in Syria over the war in Afghanistan are debatable, the obvious trend is not. In this dispatch, AAN guest analyst Christian Bleuer discusses the possible reasons for Central Asian jihadis neglecting to join an insurgency in a neighbouring country in favour of going to a distant battle in Arab lands. Over the last decade, numerous analysts, government officials and journalists in Central Asia, Afghanistan and the West have made claims of significant contributions by Central Asian fighters to the insurgency in Afghanistan. These claims have been discounted by many analysts, including by AAN. In reality, very few fighters make the trip from the countries of Central Asia (Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan) to join the fight in Afghanistan. The dead insurgents identified by Afghan police and military as being from 1 / 8 Central Asia are eventually identified as local Afghans of Tajik, Uzbek or Turkmen ethnicity. At the same time, very few Central Asians have been individually named or identified while fighting in Afghanistan. (1) In comparison, recent events have made it very clear that many from Central Asia have travelled to Syria to join insurgent forces, notable IS (‘The Islamic State,’ also known as ISIS or ISIL or by its Arabic acronym, Da’ash). One year ago, Kazakhstan was shocked by the video testimonial of a group of 150 Kazakhs inside Syria who declared their commitment to jihad under the IS banner. More recently, a citizen of Tajikistan was promoted to IS ‘Amir’ for the strategic Syrian city of Raqqa. In between these two news items, there have been numerous instances of proof provided of Central Asians fighting and dying in Syria (for a small selection, see here and here; for specific local case studies from Tajikistan, see here (in Russian) and here). Furthermore, numerous videos showing Central Asians in Syria can be found online (Uzbeks, for example: here, here, here and here). There is some disagreement over the exact number of Central Asians fighting in Syria and Iraq, with a low conservative estimate by Radio Free Europe of approximately 400 and the higher range of estimates by Russian analysts of 1000 to 5000. In the highly authoritarian and paranoid environment of Central Asia, it is very difficult to research this phenomenon and find information on the ground – including just simply confirming numbers. However, the government of Tajikistan is using the conflict as a warning against joining Islamist movements and is not stopping journalists from visiting villages that have been especially affected by the departure of young men to the war in Syria. In one village in northern Tajikistan where 20 men have departed to Syria and where two have been killed, opinions are divided. Some consider the young men to be “true Muslims and heroes” and one father considers his son’s death while fighting in Syria as righteous ‘martyrdom’, while others label them misguided young men whose susceptibility to “ignorance and bigotry” led them astray. Almost all the men were recruited while working in Russia, and some intend to stay in Syria long term as indicated by one incident where a local man attempted to get his pregnant wife to come to Syria, along with their two children (here, (in Russian) and here). The reasons why Central Asian Muslims are flocking to Syria while neglecting Afghanistan is an extremely difficult research question. Most of the fighters are still in Syria and Iraq and will remain or die there. The ones who have returned and who have spoken with authorities and journalists are not a good sample group, as their opinions and reasons reflect the motivations of those who have returned, not those who have stayed. This type of research is hard enough in open societies in Europe; it is much harder in Central Asia where returnees and their families, if they are made available by authorities, often just repeat government talking points condemning the excesses of IS and renouncing violence, while others claim they were deceived by unscrupulous jihadi recruiters. One Kyrgyz who was arrested in Turkey after spending time in Syria claimed he had been tricked into going to Syria 2 / 8 with the false offer of a job in Turkey. After arriving in Turkey, according to his story reported by a US military-funded website (here), he was sent into Syria where, he said, “militants, some from the northern Caucasus, trained us for a few days. I didn't want to fight, but they forced us. A month later, we ended up near the Syrian town of Al-Bab. I escaped with difficulty to Turkey.” Even if his version of the story is not true, as he could very well have been trying to avoid a long prison sentence for willingly and knowingly joining the fight in Syria, it does show one of the ways in which local government attempts to frame the issue (note: the American website linked above consistently repeats viewpoints of the Central Asian governments and their security services). Even those who may not be giving interviews at the behest of local authorities represent, at best, the Central Asians who were disillusioned or scared by the fighting and returned home (for example this anonymous Kazakh interviewed in Kazakhstan; warning: gory photo at link). Meanwhile, the video testimonies of Central Asians in Syria are not particularly enlightening as they are often just standard jihadi messages, the content of which can be guessed before watching the videos. With no serious independent analysis on the reasons why Central Asians travel to Syria (where Tajiks, Uzbeks and Turkmens from Central Asia have no co-ethnic populations) while neglecting the ‘jihad’ in neighbouring Afghanistan (where Central Asians do have co-ethnic populations), it is only possible at this point to offer some speculation. The possible reasons for the Syria preference over Afghanistan include the following: 1. IS and other rebel groups in Syria and Iraq are seen to be winning, at least currently: Over the past year, rebels groups in Syria and Iraq, especially IS, have made quick and spectacular gains. These well-publicised battlefield victories in Syria could be juxtaposed by the potential Central Asian jihadi to the Taleban’s 20 year long struggle in Afghanistan with no end in sight. At the moment, IS controls significant territories; the Taleban do not. This may change with the combined American, European and Arab assault on IS and with any resurgence of the Taleban in Afghanistan, but, for now, it is safe to say that the fight in Syria benefits from a ‘bandwagon’ effect, (2) while the long-running fight in Afghanistan continues to be neglected by international jihadis, apart from Pakistanis. 2. Prestige of the Arab World: Central Asians assign more prestige and positive opinions towards the Arab countries. In comparison, Afghanistan is most usually denigrated and disliked by Central Asians. In Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, for example, it is rare to hear any empathy expressed for Afghans. Instead, negative and demeaning descriptions of Afghanistan dominate. (3) For those more religious Central Asians, Arabs are considered more authentically Muslim, and the Arab world is considered as a desired destination for study, visits and, or course, pilgrimage. (4) Helping fellow Muslims in the Arab world, from Palestinians to Syrian Sunnis, or at least sympathising with them, has always been more worthy an endeavour for Central Asians. On the other hand, the suffering of Uyghurs, Chechens, Dagestanis, Afghans and other Muslims in their own region at the hands of non-Muslims are mostly invisible issues in Central Asia (5). 3 / 8 3. IS is a new brand: IS can appeal to Central Asians in a way the Taleban can not. The Taleban ‘brand’ in Central Asia is stained by over a decade and a half of relentless criticism by Central Asian journalists, Muslim leaders, citizens and government officials. The Taleban are considered ‘backwards’, ‘dirty’, ‘dangerous’ and ‘fanatical’ and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, equally disliked, has been near comatose for some time. (6) IS, for many, is something new and unknown. The first introduction to IS could very well be a positive online portrayal or a recruiting pitch in person from another Central Asian. However, as disillusioned Central Asians (7) return with their horror stories, IS may soon come to be considered similar to the Taleban by potential recruits. 4. Recruitment and travel to Syria is easier: Using Turkey as a gateway is quite easy for Central Asians (see here and here), due to language familiarity for some and ease of travel (eg, the visa regime allows Kazakhs to easily visit Turkey). From Turkey, the crossing into Syria was, until recently, very easy (see here, here and here). Furthermore, one of the main grounds for recruitment for the war in Syria is among Central Asian populations in Russia. The Russian government estimates – counting just Uzbeks, Tajiks and Kyrgyz – that there are over four million Central Asian guest workers in Russia (here).
Recommended publications
  • Making Sense of Daesh in Afghanistan: a Social Movement Perspective
    \ WORKING PAPER 6\ 2017 Making sense of Daesh in Afghanistan: A social movement perspective Katja Mielke \ BICC Nick Miszak \ TLO Joint publication by \ WORKING PAPER 6 \ 2017 MAKING SENSE OF DAESH IN AFGHANISTAN: A SOCIAL MOVEMENT PERSPECTIVE \ K. MIELKE & N. MISZAK SUMMARY So-called Islamic State (IS or Daesh) in Iraq and Syria is widely interpreted as a terrorist phenomenon. The proclamation in late January 2015 of a Wilayat Kho- rasan, which includes Afghanistan and Pakistan, as an IS branch is commonly interpreted as a manifestation of Daesh's global ambition to erect an Islamic caliphate. Its expansion implies hierarchical order, command structures and financial flows as well as a transnational mobility of fighters, arms and recruits between Syria and Iraq, on the one hand, and Afghanistan–Pakistan, on the other. In this Working Paper, we take a (new) social movement perspective to investigate the processes and underlying dynamics of Daesh’s emergence in different parts of the country. By employing social movement concepts, such as opportunity structures, coalition-building, resource mobilization and framing, we disentangle the different types of resource mobilization and long-term conflicts that have merged into the phenomenon of Daesh in Afghanistan. In dialogue with other approaches to terrorism studies as well as peace, civil war and security studies, our analysis focuses on relations and interactions among various actors in the Afghan-Pakistan region and their translocal networks. The insight builds on a ten-month fieldwork-based research project conducted in four regions—east, west, north-east and north Afghanistan—during 2016. We find that Daesh in Afghanistan is a context-specific phenomenon that manifests differently in the various regions across the country and is embedded in a long- term transformation of the religious, cultural and political landscape in the cross-border region of Afghanistan–Pakistan.
    [Show full text]
  • Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship Between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’S Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center
    JANUARY 2011 Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’s Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center. All Rights Reserved. Fair use of this copyrighted material includes its use for non-commercial educational purposes, such as teaching, scholarship, research, criticism, commentary, and news reporting. Unless otherwise noted, those who wish to reproduce text and image files from this publication for such uses may do so without the Feinstein International Center’s express permission. However, all commercial use of this material and/or reproduction that alters its meaning or intent, without the express permission of the Feinstein International Center, is prohibited. Feinstein International Center Tufts University 200 Boston Ave., Suite 4800 Medford, MA 02155 USA tel: +1 617.627.3423 fax: +1 617.627.3428 fic.tufts.edu Author Geert Gompelman (MSc.) is a graduate in Development Studies from the Centre for International Development Issues Nijmegen (CIDIN) at Radboud University Nijmegen (Netherlands). He has worked as a development practitioner and research consultant in Afghanistan since 2007. Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank his research colleagues Ahmad Hakeem (“Shajay”) and Kanishka Haya for their assistance and insights as well as companionship in the field. Gratitude is also due to Antonio Giustozzi, Arne Strand, Petter Bauck, and Hans Dieset for their substantive comments and suggestions on a draft version. The author is indebted to Mervyn Patterson for his significant contribution to the historical and background sections. Thanks go to Joyce Maxwell for her editorial guidance and for helping to clarify unclear passages and to Bridget Snow for her efficient and patient work on the production of the final document.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Extremism Monitor
    Global Extremism Monitor Violent Islamist Extremism in 2017 WITH A FOREWORD BY TONY BLAIR SEPTEMBER 2018 1 2 Contents Foreword 7 Executive Summary 9 Key Findings About the Global Extremism Monitor The Way Forward Introduction 13 A Unifying Ideology Global Extremism Today The Long War Against Extremism A Plethora of Insurgencies Before 9/11 A Proliferation of Terrorism Since 9/11 The Scale of the Problem The Ten Deadliest Countries 23 Syria Iraq Afghanistan Somalia Nigeria Yemen Egypt Pakistan Libya Mali Civilians as Intended Targets 45 Extremist Groups and the Public Space Prominent Victims Breakdown of Public Targets Suicide Bombings 59 Use of Suicide Attacks by Group Female Suicide Bombers Executions 71 Deadliest Groups Accusations Appendices 83 Methodology Glossary About Us Notes 3 Countries Affected by Violent Islamist Extremism, 2017 4 5 6 Foreword Tony Blair One of the core objectives of the Institute is the promotion of co-existence across the boundaries of religious faith and the combating of extremism based on an abuse of faith. Part of this work is research into the phenomenon of extremism derived particularly from the abuse of Islam. This publication is the most comprehensive analysis of such extremism to date and utilises data on terrorism in a new way to show: 1. Violent extremism connected with the perversion of Islam today is global, affecting over 60 countries. 2. Now more than 120 different groups worldwide are actively engaged in this violence. 3. These groups are united by an ideology that shares certain traits and beliefs. 4. The ideology and the violence associated with it have been growing over a period of decades stretching back to the 1980s or further, closely correlated with the development of the Muslim Brotherhood into a global movement, the Iranian Revolution in 1979 and—in the same year—the storming by extremist insurgents of Islam’s holy city of Mecca.
    [Show full text]
  • Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan
    Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan in Pakistan and Militancy Religion a report of the csis program on crisis, conflict, and cooperation Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan a literature review 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 Project Director Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Robert D. Lamb E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org Author Mufti Mariam Mufti June 2012 ISBN 978-0-89206-700-8 CSIS Ë|xHSKITCy067008zv*:+:!:+:! CHARTING our future a report of the csis program on crisis, conflict, and cooperation Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan a literature review Project Director Robert L. Lamb Author Mariam Mufti June 2012 CHARTING our future About CSIS—50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed practical solutions to the world’s greatest challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars continue to provide strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and de- velop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Since 1962, CSIS has been dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. After 50 years, CSIS has become one of the world’s pre- eminent international policy institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global development and economic integration.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 USIP Position Paper the Challenges and Opportunities Of
    © Clark Lombardi USIP Position Paper The Challenges and Opportunities of Islamic Review: Lessons for Afghanistan from the Experiences of other Muslim Countries1 Clark B. Lombardi University of Washington School of Law Over the last fifty years, many Muslim countries have drafted or amended their constitutions to include a type of clause that I will call here “Shari`a Clauses.” These clauses provide that all state legislation must be consistent with Shari`a.2 All countries that have written Shari`a Clauses into their national constitution sooner or later must grapple with certain basic questions. Among them are the following: Are these clauses justiciable—that is, can judges enforce them by reviewing laws for consistency with Islam and striking down laws that do not comply? If so, what type of judicial institution should be entrusted with the job of Islamic review? What method of reasoning should this institution use to interpret the Shari`a Clause? Finally, how can the Shari`a Clause be harmonized with other constitutional commands that the state protect democracy and the principles of international human rights law? Having written a Shari`a Clause into its 2004 constitution, Afghanistan must soon address one, and likely all, of these questions. Given the central position of Islam in Afghan history and the strong role that Islam has played in the formation of Afghanistan’s national identity, it makes sense that the drafters of Afghanistan’s 2004 constitution included a Shari`a Clause. Article 3 of the 2004 Afghan constitution states, “In Afghanistan, no statute [qanun] can be contrary to 1 © Clark Lombardi the beliefs and rulings [ahkam] of the sacred religion of Islam.”3 It appears that no Afghan court has decided a case interpreting this provision to date.
    [Show full text]
  • Diversity and Transnational Links in Afghan Religious Education
    Independent • International • Interdisciplinary PRIO PAPER 7 gate Hausmanns Address: Visiting Norway Oslo, NO-0134 Grønland, 9229 PO Box Peace Research Institute Oslo(PRIO) Beyond Borders: Diversity and Beyond Borders: Diversity and Transnational Links in Afghan Transnational Links in Afghan Religious Education Religious Education Visiting Address: Hausmanns gate 7 7 gate Hausmanns Address: Visiting Norway Oslo, NO-0134 Grønland, 9229 PO Box Peace Research Institute Oslo(PRIO) (CSCW) War Civil of Study the for Centre Do madrasas produce terror- han government has initiated the relationship between reli- ists? Are all madrasas funda- a comprehensive reform of the gious schools across the Afg- mentalist? In the aftermath of Islamic education sector, rais- han–Pakistani border. The 9/11, madrasas have become a ing important questions about present study hopes to remedy subject of great controversy. the independence of religious that, shedding light on some institutions and the role of the of the most critical issues and The growing insurgency in government in religious af- providing some recommenda- Afghanistan – and particularly fairs. That the religious educa- tions for change in policy. the increase in suicide attacks, tion sector in Afghanistan is coupled with the recruitment in need of change is a concern The report presents an over- of Afghan religious students shared by many within the view over the madrasas sector ISBN: 978-82-7288-362-0 978-82-7288-362-0 ISBN: www.studoisju.no 7 Studio Design: from Pakistani madrasas to government and the madrasa in Afghanistan; scrutinizes the the Taliban – has brought the sector. The question is what relationship between madra- topic of religious education to change should this entail, and sas in Pakistan and Afghanis- the centre of the Afghan state- how can it best be brought tan; examines the relationship building agenda.
    [Show full text]
  • Over a Century of Persecution: Massive Human Rights Violation Against Hazaras in Afghanistan
    OVER A CENTURY OF PERSECUTION: MASSIVE HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATION AGAINST HAZARAS IN AFGHANISTAN CONCENTRATED ON ATTACKS OCCURRED DURING THE NATIONAL UNITY GOVERNMENT PREPARED BY: MOHAMMAD HUSSAIN HASRAT DATE: FEBRUARY,2019 ABBREVIATIONS AIHRC Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission ALP Afghan Local Police ANA Afghanistan National Army ANBP Afghanistan National Border Police ANP Afghanistan National Police ANSF Afghanistan National Security Forces ANDS Afghanistan National Directorate of Security BBC British Broadcasting Corporation DFAT Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade EU European Union HRW Human Rights Watch IDE Improvised Explosive Devices IDP Internal Displaced Person ISAF International Security Assistance Force IS-PK Islamic state- Khorasan Province MP Member of Parliament NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organizations NUG National Unity Government PC Provincial Council UNAMA United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan UNDP United Nations Development Programmes I TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…….…1 2. SECURITY CONTEXT OF AFGHANISTAN …………………………………………………………………………….….…3 3. METHODOLOGY…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………6 4. THE EXTENT OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATION AGAINST HAZARAS IN AFGHANISTAN....6 5. TARGET KILLING AND ORCHESTRATED ATTACK...………………………....…….………….………………….11 a. THE TALIBAN ATTACKS ON JAGHORI, UROZGAN AND MALISTAN…...…................………….….…11 b. SUICIDE ATTACKS ON MAIWAND WRESTLING CLUB..................................................................................16
    [Show full text]
  • TOMBS and FOOTPRINTS: ISLAMIC SHRINES and PILGRIMAGES IN^IRAN and AFGHANISTAN Wvo't)&^F4
    TOMBS AND FOOTPRINTS: ISLAMIC SHRINES AND PILGRIMAGES IN^IRAN AND AFGHANISTAN WvO'T)&^f4 Hugh Beattie Thesis presented for the degree of M. Phil at the University of London School of Oriental and African Studies 1983 ProQuest Number: 10672952 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10672952 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 abstract:- The thesis examines the characteristic features of Islamic shrines and pilgrimages in Iran and Afghan­ istan, in doing so illustrating one aspect of the immense diversity of belief and practice to be found in the Islamic world. The origins of the shrine cults are outlined, the similarities between traditional Muslim and Christian attitudes to shrines are emphasized and the functions of the shrine and the mosque are contrasted. Iranian and Afghan shrines are classified, firstly in terms of the objects which form their principal attrac­ tions and the saints associated with them, and secondly in terms of the distances over which they attract pilgrims. The administration and endowments of shrines are described and the relationship between shrines and secular authorities analysed.
    [Show full text]
  • The Path to Secular Democracy in Afghanistan: Through Educational Reform and Rule of Law
    THE PATH TO SECULAR DEMOCRACY IN AFGHANISTAN: THROUGH EDUCATIONAL REFORM AND RULE OF LAW A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Fatima Popal, B.A. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. April 8, 2011 THE PATH TO SECULAR DEMOCRACY IN AFGHANISTAN: THROUGH EDUCATIONAL REFORM AND RULE OF LAW Fatima Popal, B.A. MALS Mentor: Gregory Havrilak, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Since the early 1970s, when the third major historical wave of democratization began, the Muslim world has seen little evidence of improvements in reaching for this new wave of political reform. As more and more countries around the world are embracing openness, transparency and power sharing in governance, Islam has become an important point of reference in debates about how the Muslim nation states should be governed. In spite of the “democracy gap” in many Muslim countries, history shows that Islam is not inherently incompatible with freedom, secularism, modernism and democratic values. This thesis explores Afghanistan and its possible path to secular democracy. It focuses on establishing a secular democracy with a concentration on educational reform and rule of law in order for political, social and economic reform. In order to validate the hypothesis, the methodology used was divided into four principal parts. First, analyzing the political history of Afghanistan and demonstrating that modern democratic initiatives have been the quest of the Afghan political forces for years. Secondly, reviewing the process of democratization of Turkey and Indonesia and using their models as a blueprint for necessary reforms while considering the relevant lessons from past political experiences in order to create a practical framework.
    [Show full text]
  • Constrained Spaces for Islamic Feminism: Women's Rights and the 2004 Constitution of Afghanistan
    Constrained Spaces for Islamic Feminism: Women's Rights and the 2004 Constitution of Afghanistan t Nusrat Choudhury IN TRO D U CTIO N ................................................................................................ 156 I. SHAPING THE CONTOURS OF ISLAMIC LAW: ISLAMIC FEMINISM AND THE AFGHAN WOMEN'S BILL OF RIGHTS ............................................... 165 II. THE 2004 CONSTITUTION OF THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF AFGHANISTAN-CREATING SPACES FOR ISLAMIC FEMINISM ............. 173 III. CONSTRAINTS ON ISLAMIC FEMINISM IN AFGHANISTAN .......................... 179 A. StructuralDeficiencies of the Judiciary....................................... 179 1. Politicization and Gender-Bias of the Judiciary .................... 180 2. Multiple Legal Regimes and the Limited Reach of Formal L egal R u les ............................................................................ 184 3. Ambiguity Regarding the Law ............................................... 187 B . Insecurity .....................................................................................19 1 C. Limited Socio-Economic Development ........................................ 194 C ON C LU SIO N ................................................................................................... 197 t Law Clerk, Hon. Denise Cote, Southern District of New York. Yale Law School, J.D.; Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University, M.P.A.; Columbia College, B.A. I would like to thank Benjamin Siracusa for providing generous feedback
    [Show full text]
  • In Yohanan Friedmann (Ed.), Islam in Asia, Vol. 1 (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1984), P
    Notes INTRODUCTION: AFGHANISTAN’S ISLAM 1. Cited in C. Edmund Bosworth, “The Coming of Islam to Afghanistan,” in Yohanan Friedmann (ed.), Islam in Asia, vol. 1 (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1984), p. 13. 2. Erica C. D. Hunter, “The Church of the East in Central Asia,” Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 78 (1996), pp. 129–42. On Herat, see pp. 131–34. 3. On Afghanistan’s Jews, see the discussion and sources later in this chapter and notes 163 to 169. 4. Bosworth (1984; above, note 1), pp. 1–22; idem, “The Appearance and Establishment of Islam in Afghanistan,” in Étienne de la Vaissière (ed.), Islamisation de l’Asie Centrale: Processus locaux d’acculturation du VIIe au XIe siècle, Cahiers de Studia Iranica 39 (Paris: Association pour l’Avancement des Études Iraniennes, 2008); and Gianroberto Scarcia, “Sull’ultima ‘islamizzazione’ di Bāmiyān,” Annali dell’Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli, new series, 16 (1966), pp. 279–81. On the early Arabic sources on Balkh, see Paul Schwarz, “Bemerkungen zu den arabischen Nachrichten über Balkh,” in Jal Dastur Cursetji Pavry (ed.), Oriental Studies in Honour of Cursetji Erachji Pavry (London: Oxford Univer- sity Press, 1933). 5. Hugh Kennedy and Arezou Azad, “The Coming of Islam to Balkh,” in Marie Legen- dre, Alain Delattre, and Petra Sijpesteijn (eds.), Authority and Control in the Countryside: Late Antiquity and Early Islam (London: Darwin Press, forthcoming). 6. For example, Geoffrey Khan (ed.), Arabic Documents from Early Islamic Khurasan (London: Nour Foundation/Azimuth Editions, 2007). 7. Richard W. Bulliet, Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period: An Essay in Quan- titative History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1979); Derryl Maclean, Re- ligion and Society in Arab Sind (Leiden: Brill, 1989); idem, “Ismailism, Conversion, and Syncretism in Arab Sind,” Bulletin of the Henry Martyn Institute of Islamic Studies 11 (1992), pp.
    [Show full text]
  • AFGHANISTAN MEDIA ASSESSMENT Opportunities a N D C H a L L E N G E S F O R Peacebuilding
    [PEACEW RKS [ AFGHANISTAN MEDIA ASSESSMENT OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES FOR PEACEBUILDING Eran Fraenkel, PhD Emrys Schoemaker, MA Sheldon Himelfarb, PhD ABOUT THE REPO R T This report was commissioned by the United States Institute of Peace’s Center of Innovation for Media, Conflict, and Peacebuilding. It assesses Afghanistan’s media sector through a new tool developed by USIP, which combines elements of a traditional media assessment with conflict analysis. Following extensive field assessment in Afghanistan, the authors con- vened a wide array of media and Afghanistan experts in Washington, D.C., to identify key opportunities and challenges for using media more extensively and effectively for peacebuilding. ABOUT THE AUTHO R S Eran Fraenkel is an expert and instructor in metrics and evaluation with more than twenty-eight years of experience in international peacebuilding media. He is best known for his work on broadcast media, hav- ing produced numerous programs such as Naashe Maalo, an award-winning children’s TV program on intercultural understanding and conflict prevention in Macedonia. Emrys Schoemaker is a strategic and development communications specialist with particular expertise in leveraging new media for peacebuilding. He is an authority in designing and implementing national and local awareness and communication strategies and has worked with vari- ous government and United Nations agencies, as well as with international and local nongovernmental organizations, throughout the Middle East. Sheldon Himelfarb is an associate vice president at USIP and executive director of the Center of Innovation for Media, Conflict, and Peacebuilding. He has man- aged peacebuilding programs in numerous conflicts, including Bosnia, Iraq, Angola, Liberia, Macedonia, and Burundi.
    [Show full text]