The Universality of Islam
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BLACK ISLAM SOUTH AFRICA Religious Territoriality, Conversion
BLACK ISLAM SOUTH AFRICA Religious Territoriality, Conversion, and the Transgression of Orderly Indigeneity Dissertation zur Erlangung des Grades Dr. phil. im Promotionsfach Geographie am Fachbereich Chemie, Pharmazie, Geographie und Geowissenschaften der Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz vorgelegt von Matthias Gebauer geb. in Lichtenfels 2019 i Abstract Social alienation and the struggle to belong in the South African society are not only matters of political discourse but touch the practical sphere of everyday life in the respective places of residence. This thesis therefore approaches the entanglements of religion and space within the processes of re-ordering African indigeneity in post-apartheid South Africa. It asks how conversion to Islam constitutes the longing for a post-colonial and post-racialized African self. This study specifically engages with dynamics surrounding Black and Muslim practices and identity politics in formerly demarcated Black African areas. Here, even after the official end of apartheid, spatial racialization and social inequalities persist. Modes of orderings rooted in colonialism and apartheid still define what orderly belonging and African indigeneity mean. Thus, the inhabitants of those spaces find themselves in situations every day in which their habitat continuously ascribes oppression and racialization. The post-1994 promise for equal citizenship seems to be slowly fading, becoming a broken promise, on whose fulfillment the majority of people who were previously—by official definition and demarcation—only granted the right of being a migratory workforce, sojourners in the White spaces, are still waiting. Against this background, this thesis engages with the attempts to reformulate and recreate African indigeneity on the basis of a counter-hegemonic ideology of being Black and Muslim. -
Ebrahim E. I. Moosa
January 2016 Ebrahim E. I. Moosa Keough School of Global Affairs Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies University of Notre Dame 100 Hesburgh Center for International Studies, Notre Dame, Indiana, USA 46556-5677 [email protected] www.ebrahimmoosa.com Education Degrees and Diplomas 1995 Ph.D, University of Cape Town Dissertation Title: The Legal Philosophy of al-Ghazali: Law, Language and Theology in al-Mustasfa 1989 M.A. University of Cape Town Thesis Title: The Application of Muslim Personal and Family Law in South Africa: Law, Ideology and Socio-Political Implications. 1983 Post-graduate diploma (Journalism) The City University London, United Kingdom 1982 B.A. (Pass) Kanpur University Kanpur, India 1981 ‘Alimiyya Degree Darul ʿUlum Nadwatul ʿUlama Lucknow, India Professional History Fall 2014 Professor of Islamic Studies University of Notre Dame Keough School for Global Affairs 1 Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies & Department of History Co-director, Contending Modernities Previously employed at the University of Cape Town (1989-2001), Stanford University (visiting professor 1998-2001) and Duke University (2001-2014) Major Research Interests Historical Studies: law, moral philosophy, juristic theology– medieval studies, with special reference to al-Ghazali; Qur’anic exegesis and hermeneutics Muslim Intellectual Traditions of South Asia: Madrasas of India and Pakistan; intellectual trends in Deoband school Muslim Ethics medical ethics and bioethics, Muslim family law, Islam and constitutional law; modern Islamic law Critical Thought: law and identity; religion and modernity, with special attention to human rights and pluralism Minor Research Interests history of religions; sociology of knowledge; philosophy of religion Publications Monographs Published Books What is a Madrasa? University of North Carolina Press Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2015): 290. -
Making Sense of Daesh in Afghanistan: a Social Movement Perspective
\ WORKING PAPER 6\ 2017 Making sense of Daesh in Afghanistan: A social movement perspective Katja Mielke \ BICC Nick Miszak \ TLO Joint publication by \ WORKING PAPER 6 \ 2017 MAKING SENSE OF DAESH IN AFGHANISTAN: A SOCIAL MOVEMENT PERSPECTIVE \ K. MIELKE & N. MISZAK SUMMARY So-called Islamic State (IS or Daesh) in Iraq and Syria is widely interpreted as a terrorist phenomenon. The proclamation in late January 2015 of a Wilayat Kho- rasan, which includes Afghanistan and Pakistan, as an IS branch is commonly interpreted as a manifestation of Daesh's global ambition to erect an Islamic caliphate. Its expansion implies hierarchical order, command structures and financial flows as well as a transnational mobility of fighters, arms and recruits between Syria and Iraq, on the one hand, and Afghanistan–Pakistan, on the other. In this Working Paper, we take a (new) social movement perspective to investigate the processes and underlying dynamics of Daesh’s emergence in different parts of the country. By employing social movement concepts, such as opportunity structures, coalition-building, resource mobilization and framing, we disentangle the different types of resource mobilization and long-term conflicts that have merged into the phenomenon of Daesh in Afghanistan. In dialogue with other approaches to terrorism studies as well as peace, civil war and security studies, our analysis focuses on relations and interactions among various actors in the Afghan-Pakistan region and their translocal networks. The insight builds on a ten-month fieldwork-based research project conducted in four regions—east, west, north-east and north Afghanistan—during 2016. We find that Daesh in Afghanistan is a context-specific phenomenon that manifests differently in the various regions across the country and is embedded in a long- term transformation of the religious, cultural and political landscape in the cross-border region of Afghanistan–Pakistan. -
Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship Between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’S Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center
JANUARY 2011 Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’s Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center. All Rights Reserved. Fair use of this copyrighted material includes its use for non-commercial educational purposes, such as teaching, scholarship, research, criticism, commentary, and news reporting. Unless otherwise noted, those who wish to reproduce text and image files from this publication for such uses may do so without the Feinstein International Center’s express permission. However, all commercial use of this material and/or reproduction that alters its meaning or intent, without the express permission of the Feinstein International Center, is prohibited. Feinstein International Center Tufts University 200 Boston Ave., Suite 4800 Medford, MA 02155 USA tel: +1 617.627.3423 fax: +1 617.627.3428 fic.tufts.edu Author Geert Gompelman (MSc.) is a graduate in Development Studies from the Centre for International Development Issues Nijmegen (CIDIN) at Radboud University Nijmegen (Netherlands). He has worked as a development practitioner and research consultant in Afghanistan since 2007. Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank his research colleagues Ahmad Hakeem (“Shajay”) and Kanishka Haya for their assistance and insights as well as companionship in the field. Gratitude is also due to Antonio Giustozzi, Arne Strand, Petter Bauck, and Hans Dieset for their substantive comments and suggestions on a draft version. The author is indebted to Mervyn Patterson for his significant contribution to the historical and background sections. Thanks go to Joyce Maxwell for her editorial guidance and for helping to clarify unclear passages and to Bridget Snow for her efficient and patient work on the production of the final document. -
Global Extremism Monitor
Global Extremism Monitor Violent Islamist Extremism in 2017 WITH A FOREWORD BY TONY BLAIR SEPTEMBER 2018 1 2 Contents Foreword 7 Executive Summary 9 Key Findings About the Global Extremism Monitor The Way Forward Introduction 13 A Unifying Ideology Global Extremism Today The Long War Against Extremism A Plethora of Insurgencies Before 9/11 A Proliferation of Terrorism Since 9/11 The Scale of the Problem The Ten Deadliest Countries 23 Syria Iraq Afghanistan Somalia Nigeria Yemen Egypt Pakistan Libya Mali Civilians as Intended Targets 45 Extremist Groups and the Public Space Prominent Victims Breakdown of Public Targets Suicide Bombings 59 Use of Suicide Attacks by Group Female Suicide Bombers Executions 71 Deadliest Groups Accusations Appendices 83 Methodology Glossary About Us Notes 3 Countries Affected by Violent Islamist Extremism, 2017 4 5 6 Foreword Tony Blair One of the core objectives of the Institute is the promotion of co-existence across the boundaries of religious faith and the combating of extremism based on an abuse of faith. Part of this work is research into the phenomenon of extremism derived particularly from the abuse of Islam. This publication is the most comprehensive analysis of such extremism to date and utilises data on terrorism in a new way to show: 1. Violent extremism connected with the perversion of Islam today is global, affecting over 60 countries. 2. Now more than 120 different groups worldwide are actively engaged in this violence. 3. These groups are united by an ideology that shares certain traits and beliefs. 4. The ideology and the violence associated with it have been growing over a period of decades stretching back to the 1980s or further, closely correlated with the development of the Muslim Brotherhood into a global movement, the Iranian Revolution in 1979 and—in the same year—the storming by extremist insurgents of Islam’s holy city of Mecca. -
Central Asian Jihadis 'Neglect' Their Neighbour
To Syria, not Afghanistan: Central Asian jihadis 'neglect' their neighbour Author : Christine Roehrs Published: 8 October 2014 Downloaded: 7 September 2018 Download URL: https://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/to-syria-not-afghanistan-central-asian-jihadis-neglect-their-neighbour/?format=pdf Since the American and Northern Alliance defeat of the Taleban and their Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) allies in northern Afghanistan in late 2001, the arrival of would-be fighters from the former Soviet countries of Central Asia to Afghanistan has been a very small trickle. And yet, over the last year, the number of Central Asians travelling to far-off Syria to join insurgent groups has been a comparative flood. The study of this phenomenon is just beginning, and massive gaps in the available information exist. However, while the reasons for Central Asians favouring the war in Syria over the war in Afghanistan are debatable, the obvious trend is not. In this dispatch, AAN guest analyst Christian Bleuer discusses the possible reasons for Central Asian jihadis neglecting to join an insurgency in a neighbouring country in favour of going to a distant battle in Arab lands. Over the last decade, numerous analysts, government officials and journalists in Central Asia, Afghanistan and the West have made claims of significant contributions by Central Asian fighters to the insurgency in Afghanistan. These claims have been discounted by many analysts, including by AAN. In reality, very few fighters make the trip from the countries of Central Asia (Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan) to join the fight in Afghanistan. The dead insurgents identified by Afghan police and military as being from 1 / 8 Central Asia are eventually identified as local Afghans of Tajik, Uzbek or Turkmen ethnicity. -
Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan
Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan in Pakistan and Militancy Religion a report of the csis program on crisis, conflict, and cooperation Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan a literature review 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 Project Director Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Robert D. Lamb E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org Author Mufti Mariam Mufti June 2012 ISBN 978-0-89206-700-8 CSIS Ë|xHSKITCy067008zv*:+:!:+:! CHARTING our future a report of the csis program on crisis, conflict, and cooperation Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan a literature review Project Director Robert L. Lamb Author Mariam Mufti June 2012 CHARTING our future About CSIS—50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed practical solutions to the world’s greatest challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars continue to provide strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and de- velop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Since 1962, CSIS has been dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. After 50 years, CSIS has become one of the world’s pre- eminent international policy institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global development and economic integration. -
Islamic Liberation Theology in South Africa: Farid Esack’S Religio-Political Thought
ISLAMIC LIBERATION THEOLOGY IN SOUTH AFRICA: FARID ESACK’S RELIGIO-POLITICAL THOUGHT Yusuf Enes Sezgin A thesis submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2020 Approved by: Cemil Aydin Susan Dabney Pennybacker Juliane Hammer ã2020 Yusuf Enes Sezgin ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Yusuf Enes Sezgin: Islamic Liberation Theology in South Africa: Farid Esack’s Religio-Political Thought (Under the direction of Cemil Aydin) In this thesis, through analyzing the religiopolitical ideas of Farid Esack, I explore the local and global historical factors that made possible the emergence of Islamic liberation theology in South Africa. The study reveals how Esack defined and improved Islamic liberation theology in the South African context, how he converged with and diverged from the mainstream transnational Muslim political thought of the time, and how he engaged with Christian liberation theology. I argue that locating Islamic liberation theology within the debate on transnational Islamism of the 1970s onwards helps to explore the often-overlooked internal diversity of contemporary Muslim political thought. Moreover, it might provide important insights into the possible continuities between the emancipatory Muslim thought of the pre-1980s and Islamic liberation theology. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am grateful to many wonderful people who have helped me to move forward on my academic journey and provided generous support along the way. I would like to thank my teachers at Boğaziçi University from whom I learned so much. I was very lucky to take two great courses from Zeynep Kadirbeyoğlu whose classrooms and mentorship profoundly improved my research skills and made possible to discover my interests at an early stage. -
1 USIP Position Paper the Challenges and Opportunities Of
© Clark Lombardi USIP Position Paper The Challenges and Opportunities of Islamic Review: Lessons for Afghanistan from the Experiences of other Muslim Countries1 Clark B. Lombardi University of Washington School of Law Over the last fifty years, many Muslim countries have drafted or amended their constitutions to include a type of clause that I will call here “Shari`a Clauses.” These clauses provide that all state legislation must be consistent with Shari`a.2 All countries that have written Shari`a Clauses into their national constitution sooner or later must grapple with certain basic questions. Among them are the following: Are these clauses justiciable—that is, can judges enforce them by reviewing laws for consistency with Islam and striking down laws that do not comply? If so, what type of judicial institution should be entrusted with the job of Islamic review? What method of reasoning should this institution use to interpret the Shari`a Clause? Finally, how can the Shari`a Clause be harmonized with other constitutional commands that the state protect democracy and the principles of international human rights law? Having written a Shari`a Clause into its 2004 constitution, Afghanistan must soon address one, and likely all, of these questions. Given the central position of Islam in Afghan history and the strong role that Islam has played in the formation of Afghanistan’s national identity, it makes sense that the drafters of Afghanistan’s 2004 constitution included a Shari`a Clause. Article 3 of the 2004 Afghan constitution states, “In Afghanistan, no statute [qanun] can be contrary to 1 © Clark Lombardi the beliefs and rulings [ahkam] of the sacred religion of Islam.”3 It appears that no Afghan court has decided a case interpreting this provision to date. -
Diversity and Transnational Links in Afghan Religious Education
Independent • International • Interdisciplinary PRIO PAPER 7 gate Hausmanns Address: Visiting Norway Oslo, NO-0134 Grønland, 9229 PO Box Peace Research Institute Oslo(PRIO) Beyond Borders: Diversity and Beyond Borders: Diversity and Transnational Links in Afghan Transnational Links in Afghan Religious Education Religious Education Visiting Address: Hausmanns gate 7 7 gate Hausmanns Address: Visiting Norway Oslo, NO-0134 Grønland, 9229 PO Box Peace Research Institute Oslo(PRIO) (CSCW) War Civil of Study the for Centre Do madrasas produce terror- han government has initiated the relationship between reli- ists? Are all madrasas funda- a comprehensive reform of the gious schools across the Afg- mentalist? In the aftermath of Islamic education sector, rais- han–Pakistani border. The 9/11, madrasas have become a ing important questions about present study hopes to remedy subject of great controversy. the independence of religious that, shedding light on some institutions and the role of the of the most critical issues and The growing insurgency in government in religious af- providing some recommenda- Afghanistan – and particularly fairs. That the religious educa- tions for change in policy. the increase in suicide attacks, tion sector in Afghanistan is coupled with the recruitment in need of change is a concern The report presents an over- of Afghan religious students shared by many within the view over the madrasas sector ISBN: 978-82-7288-362-0 978-82-7288-362-0 ISBN: www.studoisju.no 7 Studio Design: from Pakistani madrasas to government and the madrasa in Afghanistan; scrutinizes the the Taliban – has brought the sector. The question is what relationship between madra- topic of religious education to change should this entail, and sas in Pakistan and Afghanis- the centre of the Afghan state- how can it best be brought tan; examines the relationship building agenda. -
This Thesis Has Been Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for a Postgraduate Degree (E.G
This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: • This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. • A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. • This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author. • The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. • When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. Identity Construction in Post-apartheid South Africa: the Case of the Muslim Community Rania Hassan PhD in African Studies The University of Edinburgh 2011 Table of Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..................................................................................................................I ABSTRACT........................................................................................................................................III DECLARATION..................................................................................................................................V GLOSSARY....................................................................................................................................... -
Over a Century of Persecution: Massive Human Rights Violation Against Hazaras in Afghanistan
OVER A CENTURY OF PERSECUTION: MASSIVE HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATION AGAINST HAZARAS IN AFGHANISTAN CONCENTRATED ON ATTACKS OCCURRED DURING THE NATIONAL UNITY GOVERNMENT PREPARED BY: MOHAMMAD HUSSAIN HASRAT DATE: FEBRUARY,2019 ABBREVIATIONS AIHRC Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission ALP Afghan Local Police ANA Afghanistan National Army ANBP Afghanistan National Border Police ANP Afghanistan National Police ANSF Afghanistan National Security Forces ANDS Afghanistan National Directorate of Security BBC British Broadcasting Corporation DFAT Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade EU European Union HRW Human Rights Watch IDE Improvised Explosive Devices IDP Internal Displaced Person ISAF International Security Assistance Force IS-PK Islamic state- Khorasan Province MP Member of Parliament NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organizations NUG National Unity Government PC Provincial Council UNAMA United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan UNDP United Nations Development Programmes I TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…….…1 2. SECURITY CONTEXT OF AFGHANISTAN …………………………………………………………………………….….…3 3. METHODOLOGY…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………6 4. THE EXTENT OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATION AGAINST HAZARAS IN AFGHANISTAN....6 5. TARGET KILLING AND ORCHESTRATED ATTACK...………………………....…….………….………………….11 a. THE TALIBAN ATTACKS ON JAGHORI, UROZGAN AND MALISTAN…...…................………….….…11 b. SUICIDE ATTACKS ON MAIWAND WRESTLING CLUB..................................................................................16