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Home , City Beautiful movement, New Urbanism, Patrick Geddes, Planned community, Thomas Adams (architect)

International (2006) 11, 83–98 r 2006 Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. 1357-5317/06 $30.00 www.palgrave-journals.co.uk/udi

Connecting New and American : an historical interpretation

Emily Talen*

Department of Urban and , University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 111 Temple Buell Hall, 611 Taft Drive, Champaign, IL 61820, USA

The historical lineage of is often confined to the traditional American small , John Nolen’s planned communities, or the neighborhood unit model of Clarence Perry. This paper argues that the lineage is more complex, and actually consists of four separate though inter-related dimensions. These are essentially four different ways of approaching the task of making good urban places. I label these incrementalism, plan-making, planned communities, and regionalism. Concisely, incrementalism is about small scale, incremental change; plan-making is about using plans to achieve good urbanism; planned communities focuses on complete settlements; and regionalism looks at the in its natural, regional context. New Urbanism is a movement attempting to reconcile these different approaches to urbanism in America that have been evolving since the nineteenth century. Its statement of principles, published as the Charter of the New Urbanism (a concise list of 27 principles) reveals its straightforward reliance on such diverse proposals as Jane Jacob’s views on organized complexity, Werner Hegemann and Elbert Peet’s civic art, ’s garden , and Benton MacKaye’s regionalism. Focusing on the American planning context, this paper traces this varied lineage and attempts to organize the recurrent threads that define the movement. It also discusses some of the conflicts that necessarily arise in attempting to combine diverse ideas about urbanism in America. URBAN DESIGN International (2006) 11, 83–98. doi:10.1057/palgrave.udi.9000166

Keywords: New Urbanism; American planning history

Introduction its straightforward reliance on such diverse proposals as Jane Jacob’s views on urban diver- The historical lineage of New Urbanism is often sity, Werner Hegemann and Elbert Peet’s civic art, confined to the traditional American small town, Ebenezer Howard’s garden cities, and Benton John Nolen’s planned communities, or the neigh- MacKaye’s regionalism. This paper traces this borhood unit model of Clarence Perry (1939). This varied lineage, focusing on the American context, paper argues that the lineage is more complex, and discusses the tensions that arise in trying to and actually consists of four separate though combine divergent approaches. inter-related dimensions.1 As such, New Urban- ism is a movement attempting to combine and This is an analysis of the historical lineage of reconcile different approaches to urbanism in ideals. I base my understanding of what New America that have been evolving since the nine- Urbanist ideals are on the Charter of the New teenth century. Its statement of principles, pub- Urbanism, a multi-authored, succinct statement lished as the Charter of the New Urbanism, reveals composed of 27 principles (Table 1). These principles have been further explicated in a *Correspondence: Tel: þ 1-217-333-3890, Fax: þ 1-217-244- 1717, E-mail: [email protected] number of other closely aligned publications, such as Duany et al’s Suburban Nation (2000), 1Many of the ideas presented in this paper are included in the book New Urbanism and American Planning: The Conflict of Jonathan Barnett’s Redesigning Cities (2003), Peter Cultures, by the author, published by Routledge, 2005. Calthorpe’s The Next American (1993), Connecting New Urbanism and American planning E. Talen 84

Daniel Solomon’s Blues (2003), nents in which one group felt that the primary and Doug Kelbaugh’s Repairing the American principle of organization for urbanism was the Metropolis (2002). region; another group felt it was the neighbor- hood unit; and another was focused on small- scale elements of urbanism (Moule, 2002). The A proposed typology other main New Urbanist typology, the ‘’, specifies a range of human habitats that vary by In order to better understand the historical basis their level and intensity of urban character, a of New Urbanism, I propose a typology consist- continuum that ranges from rural to urban ing of four interrelated but distinct approaches to (Duany, 2002). effectuating good urbanism in an American context. Urbanism is used here in the planning There are similarities between these typologies sense of the term – that is, principles, ideas, and and the one I propose, although mine is geared strategies that have been put forward to effectuate specifically to organizing historical ideas coming good human settlements. I label these four out of planning history. Rather than using categories incrementalism, plan-making, planned typology to organize a set of proscribed solutions, communities, and regionalism. the typology proposed here is about finding similarities and differences in underlying con- The historical record of ideas about urbanism is cepts and ideas and using these categories to complex enough to require a typology to help develop a lineage for New Urbanism. The four make the lineage and its internal associations approaches can be summarized as follows: more accessible. This typology is simply a device for better understanding the diverse historical Urbanism tied to the existing city: threads that New Urbanism appears to be draw- ing from. The framework is useful as a way of i) Incrementalism: concern for existing urban set- getting to a more complete historical assessment, tlements in a way that is necessarily small separating out and then combining ideas that scale, incremental, and preservationist, origi- have occurred in different times and places, under nating with the settlement and munici- different political, social and economic circum- pal arts movements, and reflected in the stances, and revealing a range of approaches that writings of Camillo Sitte, and later William can be compared and contrasted. The ideas Whyte, and . combined in each category constitute a certain ii) Urban plan-making: concern with the existing degree of internal similarity, each characterizing city, but rather than small-scale, grass roots, an outlook about settlement that coheres along at incremental change, a focus on the larger and least one significant dimension. more comprehensive endeavor of plan-mak- ing – urban improvement guided by a There is, of course, a downside in attempting physical plan – associated with metropolitan- to impose an historical typology. Typologies ism; includes the City Beautiful and its close represent an ordering of the world that may cousin, the City Efficient. Associated with seem forced. Some ideas are not easily categor- Burnham, Nolen, Adams, and Moses. Urban- ized. But the intent is to try to understand ism that focuses on new development: a particular approach or idea in relation to iii) Planned communities: utopian and quasi-uto- a larger framework. The important point is not pian ideas about the proper place of cities in to focus on proving whether the typology the region, the correct functioning of society exists, but rather to use the typology as a tool within urban areas, and the formation of new for making relevant associations. The typology is , villages, or neighborhoods according to only of value to the degree that it can illuminate specific principles. Associated with Howard, the relationships, conflicts and connections Unwin, and Parker, and the American plan- among ideas. ners Nolen, Stein, and Wright. iv) Regionalism: human settlement in its natural There are other typologies in urbanism. The regional context, originating in the writings of New Urbanists divide urbanism into regional, geographers in the French tradition (Reclus, neighborhood, and block levels. This apparently Kropotkin and Proudhon), evolving through reflects an initial division among early propo- the work of Geddes, MacKaye, and Mumford,

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influenced by the approach of Olmsted, and expressed as a set of political and economic continuing through to Ian McHarg. reforms. Physical change is still the primary subject, but it will tend to be either small scale or process oriented as opposed to large scale and There are strong and sometimes obvious overlaps tied to a physical blueprint. among these four different approaches, but their distinctiveness can be clarified along two dimen- These two dimensions create four categories, sions – what could be called ‘intensity’ and conceptualized in Figure 1, that vary in their ‘order’. The first dimension is more significant. level of internal homogeneity. Some may coalesce It divides the lineage into two main traditions: into a particular planning paradigm, such as in those ideas, principles and implementation stra- the case of the Regional Planning Association of tegies aimed at the existing city, and those aimed America formalized by Stein, Mumford, MacKaye at creating new ones. Both types are focused on and others. Other categories are more loosely urbanism, and this is the common denominator connected, as in the case of incrementalism, that connects them. But there is a key distinction. which, by its very nature, has never had any One approach to reforming urbanism is about formal organization. In any case, an important working through givens, the other is about point is that each category in this typology is in forging new realities. This difference affects a some way related to every other category, ranging range of other issues. For example, how an urban from strong to weak connection, or strong to weak reformer works through the problem of relating conflict. Some of the most important connections the ‘urban’ to the ‘rural’ will be significantly and conflicts – discussed in the next section – are shaped by whether the problem is conceptualized graphically represented in Figure 2. through existing forms and patterns, or whether it is possible to envision an entirely new design.

High (Existing cities) Another effect concerns the difference between Incrementalism Urban plan-making having to contend with existing social and political realities, and being able to start fresh, with no existing political or social interests to Intensity mollify. Relph (1987, p. 154) argues that two distinct types of modern planning are divided Regionalism Planned communities between the ‘technical and apolitical’ act of Low (greenfields) planning on the ‘unpeopled countryside’, and Low High the ‘politically saturated activity’ of planning at Order the city center. This distinction may become Figure 1. Four categories of urbanism along two somewhat blurred where environmental activism dimensions. constrains development at the fringe, but the political culture to contend with is still external to the new development. City Social (Addams) City Beautiful (Burnham) Picturesque urbanism (Sitte) City Efficent (Adams, Nolen) Within these two main traditions of contending Diversity (Jacobs) with established urbanism or starting anew on a greenfield site, there is another discernible dimen- sion. The response to urban problems varies by the level of its normative sense of order. At one Regionalism (Geddes) end of the spectrum, urbanism will focus on the Planned (Olmsted) Conservation (MacKaye) creation of very specific plans and designs that Garden Cities (Howard, Unwin) can be said to be highly ordered. The solutions Community (Mumford) will be physically distinct and most-often ex- pressed as master plans of various types. At the other end, the focus will be less about making Connections normative plans and will involve instead a range Conflicts of other types of interventions. These may entail Figure 2. Primary connections and conflicts among four small incremental changes, or they may be categories of urbanism.

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Planning historians have made note of various ‘preservation and renewal of historic , divisions in American planning, but in slightly districts and landscapes affirm the continuity and different ways. For example, Jon Peterson (2003), of urban society’. in an epilogue to his recent history of the birth of American city planning, discusses planning as a There are distinct yet overlapping approaches ‘fragmented art’ mostly in terms of the loss of the that constitute the historical lineage of increment- comprehensive vision. But the fragmentation is alism. Starting in the late 19th century, urban also evident in the widening division between beautification and civic improvement, for exam- plan and process, and between the existing city – ple, involved making relatively small-scale im- no longer the locus of planning interest – and its provements to existing cities, outlined in writings outward expansion. In either case, Peterson notes like Charles Mulford Robinson’s The Improvement that fragmentation was always present in the of Towns and Cities (Robinson, 1901). Another American planning experience, embedded in the branch was focused on social redemption via widely varying conceptions of planning that neighborhood-level improvement. Such ‘urban emerged beginning in the 19th century, first as redeemers’ were composed of woman’s volunteer improvement of essential municipal functions, organizations – the ‘voluntary vernacular’ in then as civic art and planning, then as the pursuit of ‘redemptive places’, as Spain (2001) implementation of a comprehensive physical refers to them. The efforts of settlement house vision. Peterson argues that this fragmented, ‘root workers and a myriad of other groups sometimes pattern’ of American planning plays ‘recurrent, referred to as the ‘City Social’ (Wirka, 1996) were diverse, and highly flexible roles’ (p. 334–5). The involved not only in personal redemption, but in analysis presented here looks at the connections helping the conditions of urban neighborhoods in and conflicts that arise in the New Urbanist’s very tangible ways. A focus on the physical attempt to interweave them. improvement of everyday urban life was funda- mental to their task, and it is this aspect of their The remainder of the paper is divided into two work that can be connected to New Urbanism. sections. First, the historical lineage of each category in the typology is briefly outlined. The redeemers expressed a fundamentally differ- Second, the conflicts and tensions that arise in ent view of urbanity than that expressed by other trying to reconcile these four approaches within reform movements of the period, namely the City one overall approach – that is, New Urbanism – Beautiful. The redemptive urbanists saw the are discussed. diversity of urban life and attempted to make it more livable. Spain uses a fabric analogy to characterize the difference between the redeemers Four approaches to urbanism and the promoters of the Columbian Exposition of Incrementalism 1893: ‘While was busy trying to create cities from whole new cloth, women I call the first approach incrementalism: ideas that volunteers were strengthening the existing urban focus on incremental improvements to the exist- fabric by focusing not on commerce and large ing city.2 We can see this small-scale, incremental public spaces, but on daily life and the neighbor- and preservationist lineage in several New Urba- hood’ (Spain, 2001, p. 60) (Figure 3). nist principles (listed in Appendix A). These include the assertion that: ‘development and Another aspect of incrementalism was the focus of towns and cities should respect on conservation and the retention of the historical, historical patterns’; the traditional, mixed-use, fine-grained pattern of traditional, pre-20th cen- walkable neighborhood is the essential element tury urban form that began in in the mid- of cities; ‘civic, institutional, and commercial 19th century. Camillo Sitte was one of the most activity should be embedded in neighborhoods’; widely read and influential architects to lament as in traditional urbanism, there should be the loss of historical accretion. His 1889 book, a ‘physical definition of streets’; reinforces City-Building According to Artistic Principles, was a safety and comfort for the , and that defense of the aestheticism of picturesque old towns, and for this Sitte is regarded as the 2Obviously, this is not incrementalism in the sense of Charles quintessential romanticist in city planning (Ley, Lindblom’s critique of rational planning (1959). 1987). His importance in the New Urbanist

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life better for city dwellers by focusing on the provision of qualitatively better physical spaces and places. Of course, it would be overstepping the bounds to say that the different strains of incrementalism were the product of a universal love of cities. In reality, the motivations for urban engagement were very different. The redeemers were motivated by the conditions of poor urban dwellers, especially new immigrants, but this was not the main focus of civic improvers. For them, the driving force was a concern for urban beautification and the amelioration of industrial ugliness. For the conservationist, the motivation Figure 3. Hundreds of organization like the Andover was often simply to save traditional urbanism Village Improvement Society were formed in the latter from the bulldozer. Yet within these different half of the 19th century. Source: Andover Village motivations, all were devoted to neighborhood Improvement Society, Andover, MA, USA. preservation and the related notion that small- scale, incremental, physical change was a valu- able approach. lineage lies in the degree to which he fostered an appreciation of complex, diverse urban forms and traditional patterns of development at a time Plan-making when geometric regularizing was being advo- cated in large European cities and their exten- Like the incrementalists, the purview of what I sions. call the ‘urban plan-makers’ was the existing city. Plan-makers responded directly to existing urban Finally, there are incrementalists focused expli- precedent, such that any change or plan made to citly on an appreciation of diverse urban places. the human landscape was conditioned by pre- Jane Jacobs’ admiration extended previous incre- existing form and pattern. Rather than small-scale mentalist approaches into an explicit appreciation approaches like neighborhood improvement and of the natural underlying order of urban complex- conservation, plan-makers were more interested ity, a condition she termed ‘organized complex- in seeking comprehensive solutions that were ity’. Like the beautifiers, redeemers and necessarily larger in scale. This was the urbanism conservationists, Jacobs focused on small-scale, of the ‘metropolitan idea’ of Daniel Burnham, incremental change. Using tactics of ‘emphasis John Nolen and (Fishman, 2000, and suggestion’ (Jacobs, 1961, p. 377), the goal of p. 82). New Urbanist principles with this larger- urbanists, Jacobs stated, should be to help people scale plan-making orientation include the idea make order out of the chaos around them. Small that ‘development patterns should not blur or changes that accomplish this would include the eradicate the edges of the metropolis’, that ‘a provision of visual interruptions in long city broad spectrum of public and private uses’ streets, or the placing of limits on the maximum supported by ‘a framework of transportation street frontage permitted for a single building. alternatives’ should support a regional economy Tactics for illuminating an underlying order in a that benefits residents of all incomes. The im- way that promotes a more vital and intense city portance of organizing the metropolis into well- could be relatively small. Jacobs wrote, ‘emphasis defined neighborhoods also forms part of the on bits and pieces is of the essence: this is what a plan-making perspective, and the link to Clarence city is, bits and pieces that supplement each other Perry’s plan-making ideas for neighborhoods is and support each other’ (Jacobs, 1961, p. 390). discussed explicitly in the Charter (p. 76) (Figures 4 and 5). Whether based on beautification, redemption, or conservation and complexity, the incrementalists Two phases in the history of urban plan-making emphasized a kind of approach to urbanism that are relevant for New Urbanism: The City Beauti- New Urbanists have tried to absorb. Incremental- ful and the City Efficient, the first dated 1899– ists produced plenty of ideas about how to make 1909 (Wilson, 1989) and the second from 1909

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Figure 4. The ultimate City Beautiful plan, the 1909 Plan of . There is a connection to New Urbanism, but it is not straightforward. This map shows proposed streets and widenings, parks and play- grounds, and railway lines and stations. Source: Daniel Figure 5. The urban plan-makers shifted the focus from H. Burnham and Edward H. Bennett, 1909, Plan of small-scale incremental change to the making of plans. Chicago. In this diagram of the Evansville, Indiana Comprehen- sive Plan, 1922, planning consultant Harland Bartholo- mew used diagrams to tell the ‘planning story’. Source: Lovelace, 1992, Harland Bartholomew: His Contribu- until about the onset of the . tions to American . While the negative aspects of the City Beautiful are well known – that is, social control, neglect of housing issues – City Beautiful era plans (like Burnham and Bennett (1909) Plan of Chicago) can beauty,’ the integration of ‘servicableness and be viewed positively for their focus on the civic charm,’ and that ‘nothing is really finished until it realm and for the attention they gave to trans- is beautiful’ (Nolen, 1909, p. 1). In fact, many of portation and parks planning. Sympathetic views the projects of the City Efficient era looked very negate the obvious incitement of conformity and similar to City Beautiful era plans. A 1917 city control and instead interpret plans as promoting planning survey by the American Institute of ‘an awesome visual idealization of civic harmony’ Architects reported 233 cities that had developed (Wilson, 1989, p. 282). ‘project plans,’ and chief among such projects was the familiar of grouped public In terms of city design and plan-making, the City buildings. Efficient can be viewed as an extension of the City Beautiful, not as a distinctly different approach. Although conventional single-use also Scott describes the transformation to the City grew out of this time period, the connection Efficient as one of ‘social impulses’ that ‘crept between New Urbanism and the City Beautiful into’ the City Beautiful (Scott, 1969, p. 123), but and City Efficient perspectives centers on the this did not mean that the City Efficient rejected making of physically specific plans for future beautification as a goal. In the City Efficient era, development largely in the form of master plans. there was ample talk about the ‘art of city Such plans made creative use of a few versatile planning,’ the ‘happy combination of use and elements to construct a language of form and

URBAN DESIGN International Connecting New Urbanism and American planning E. Talen 89 pattern that was intended to function as an early 20th century planned communities and underlying, framing sense of order, a theme New Urbanist developments (see, for example, explored in 1922 by Hegemann and Peets in a Stephenson, 2002; Miller, 2003). book popular with New Urbanists, The American Vitruvius: An Architects’ Handbook of Civic Art. The is focused on the Plan-making supported civic art, and rested on complete, well-designed, and self-contained unit the idea that urban variability required a ‘lan- of human settlement. These goals are well guage’ to allow variation to work successfully. represented in New Urbanism, through, specifi- Diversity, the argument goes, would only be cally, the idea that cities, towns and villages palatable to people if it existed within a frame- should have their own ‘identifiable centers and work that de-emphasized difference. This is a edges’ as well as ‘identifiable areas that encourage perspective shared by New Urbanists. citizens to take responsibility for their mainte- nance and evolution’; that areas should be The 1929 Regional Plan of New York represents organized as mixed-use, transit based develop- the quintessential event of the City Efficient era ments where the ‘activities of daily living’ are of urban plan-making. It was attempting to be, within distance, and where daily inter- as all City Efficient era plans were, a plan that action among diverse people strengthens ‘the blended the practical and the beautiful – as one personal and civic bonds essential to an authentic reviewer put it, ‘the logic of the lawyer, the community’ (Figure 6). technique of the artist and engineer, and the idealism of the prophet’ (Kantor, 1983, p. 174). The typology of planned communities in the New Urbanists have now rekindled the City American context is often broken down into Efficient focus on merging art and science, different forms of suburban settlement. The beauty and efficiency. They seek to regain the typology used by Stern and Massengale (1981), artistic side of planning that was lost to the for example, breaks the planned community into forces of technical and scientific efficiency. There six types of suburbs: railroad suburbs (eg, River- have always been some urbanists seeking to side and Lake Forest, IL, USA); streetcar and keep the merger in tact, so in a sense New subway suburbs (eg, Forest Hills Gardens and Urbanists are simply picking up on a particular Shaker Heights); industrial villages (eg, Pullman lineage. For example, in the early 1940s, Eliel and ); Resort suburbs (eg, Coral Saarinen argued that practical plan-making was Gables); automobile suburbs (eg, Country Club ‘dangerous’ (Saarinen, 1943, p. 355), and in the District and Mariemont); and recent suburbs. 1950s, some planners lamented the technical takeover in editorials like ‘The art in city plan- ning’ by G Holmes Perkins, or ‘Cities by design’ by Christopher Tunnard, both written in 1951. Books like The City of Man (Tunnard, 1953) and Town Design (Gibberd, 1953) were, in the 1950s, stressing the importance of three-dimensional civic design and art in American planning. Tunnard’s book even included a chapter entitled ‘The New Urbanism.’

Planned communities

The planned community is usually seen as the most important component of the historical line- age of New Urbanism. Unlike incrementalism or even urban plan-making, the connection between New Urbanism and the planned community is often explicit. As a consequence, the few analyses Figure 6. Mixed uses at Mariemont. and of the historical roots of New Urbanism that have shops in the Dale neighborhood center. Source: been done have traced the connections between John Nolen, 1927, New Towns for Old.

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From a design point of view, New Urbanists Garden suburbs that were modeled explicitly on admire especially planned communities that Ebenezer Howard’s garden city model (and put were connected to railroads in the mid-19th into material form by Raymond Unwin and Barry century. An admirable quality of railroad suburbs Parker) are important to include in the New was that they were intrinsically compact – Urbanist lineage. Developments like Forest Hills residents needed and wanted to live within a Gardens, located in Queens a short distance from 15-min walking radius (or ‘pedestrian shed’) of Manhattan and conveniently connected by rail, the rail station. Since railroad commuting was and Yorkship Garden Village (later renamed expensive and time consuming, communities Fairview) near Camden, , are much developed ‘like beads on a string’: discontinuous, admired by New Urbanists for the compact, separated by green space, and relatively distant walkable, transit oriented designs and their from the city center (Jackson, 1985, p. 101). This inclusion of diverse housing types. created the ‘railroad village’ – limited in size, compact in form, walkable, and within easy reach It is important to note that not all planned of the surrounding countryside (Fishman, 1987, communities are admired by New Urbanists. p. 136), a nearly complete description of the For example, two new towns of the 1960s – pattern of development advocated by New Reston, Virginia and Columbia, Maryland – were Urbanism. Later, streetcar suburbs expanded the experiments in planned community design that basic pattern and put suburban living within were qualitatively different from pre-War models. reach of the middle class. Moreover, because They had all the same components of the suburban residents commuted to the city daily to idealized planned community of the Pre-World satisfy needs that could not be satisfied by a War II era, but the environment that was created village center, the outward expansion strength- turned out to be significantly different than the ened rather than depleted the city. As Fishman planned communities of the 1910s and 1920s. This put it, ‘For a brief moment, the railroad tracks is attributed by New Urbanists to principles of held city and in precarious equilibrium’ design. The later communities were products of (p. 137). the design, style and spatial logic of . They are characterized by separation and hier- The relevance of the automobile-based suburbs archy rather than a more fine-grained urbanism. for New Urbanism is more variable. The vast Their buildings were designed in a dressed down majority of development occurring in the 1920s style that looked as if they were all built by the and later was in the form of the unplanned same architect at the same time. And the automobile suburb (or, at least, in forms not commercial components were automobile based, planned as discrete communities). But there so much so that some were transformed into were some examples of planned automobile conventional strip malls by the 1990s. suburbs that were qualitatively different. A highly regarded example is Mariemont outside of Cincinnati, Ohio, planned by John Nolen and Regionalism developed by Mary Emery in 1918. It was significant as a philanthropic venture, designed Finally, the historical basis of New Urbanism can as an alternative to industrial squalor specifically be connected to the goals of regionalism, initially for the industrial worker. It was one of the first conceived by (1915) and given suburban developments to consciously accommo- explicit expression by the Regional Planning date the automobile by providing Association of America (RPAA). Admittedly, areas and garages, but that did not detract from regional principles in the Charter are only partially it. It was a mixed use, mixed income community related to the RPAA (see Fishman, 2001). The New of rentals and owner occupied housing, with a Urbanist version states that the region ‘is a central community green, integrated community fundamental economic unit’ where revenues facilities, and a centrally located commercial should be shared cooperatively, with geographic district. Most units were grouped into duplexes boundaries based on ‘topography, watersheds, or rows of attached units, and the develop- coastlines, farmlands’ and other features. In ment benefited from the involvement of addition, the idea that historical precedent should numerous well-known and well skilled designers be respected and that ‘design should grow from (Stephenson, 2002). local climate, topography, history and building

URBAN DESIGN International Connecting New Urbanism and American planning E. Talen 91 practice’ and have ‘a clear sense of location, knowledge and the processes of inquiry. To these weather, and time’ are concepts rooted in the can be added the philosopher Josiah Royce, who regionalism of the RPAA. advocated ‘informed provincialism’ in the Jeffer- sonian tradition, and Frederick Jackson Turner, The RPAA was an influential movement that was who provided an historical perspective on ‘partly romantic-poetic myth and aspiration, Royce’s view of localism (Thomas, 2000). The partly cultural revolt, and partly realistic response conservationism running through the RPAA was to the possibilities and challenges of a new inspired by Emerson, Thoreau, and George P. technology’ (Lubove, 1963, p. 83). There were Marsh’s Man and Nature, or Physical as two distinguishing features. First, it rejected the Modified by Human Action (1864). large metropolis (a perspective not shared by New Urbanism); and second, it was deeply The definitive statement of the RPAA, published connected to the notion of the ecological region. in the 1925 Survey Graphic magazine and regarded This latter quality meant it was a forerunner of the by planners as one of the most important movement, working its documents in the history of city planning (Hall, way from Patrick Geddes and Benton MacKaye, 1996), was a radical statement that pinned hope toward a transformation through the work of Ian on a new articulation of the Region. The RPAA McHarg (1969) and his followers (Figure 7). advocated the idea that technology was an important means for accomplishing a new social, political and economic pattern of regional settle- Intellectually, the group was influenced not only ment. In pure form, these ideas did not take hold by Patrick Geddes and the French regionalists, in the US. In Europe the ideas fared better, where but by a number of American intellectuals of the Abercrombie’s regional plan for the rebuilding of era. These included sociologist Charles Horton , consisting of a green framework with Cooley for his perspective on the significance of eight new towns contained within it, was con- primary social groups, the economist Thorstein sidered by members of the RPAA to be exemplary. Veblen, who was a strong critic of the way in which laissez-faire economics and big business Overall, it is fair to say that there is some were influencing American culture, and the connection between New Urbanism and the philosopher John Dewey for his theories about regionalism conceived in the early 20th century. The rejection of the existing metropolis constitutes the largest division between New Urbanism and the RPAA, but other ideals connect the two movements: the emphasis on the interrelationship between society and nature, the importance placed on primary social groups and localism, the notion that the environment effects all human activity in a direct way, and the promotion of self- contained settlements within a regional frame- work are all regionalist ideas rooted in the work of Patrick Geddes and the RPAA and promul- gated by New Urbanists.

A combined approach

New Urbanists are now trying to combine these four historical lineages of American urbanism. New Urbanist principles reflect not only an Figure 7. Urban development, according to the region- appreciation for small-scale change and preserva- alists, is most importantly framed by natural land tion rooted in incrementalism but also the long- features. Source: State of New York, 1926, Report of range view of urban plan-making, the planned the New York State Commission of Housing and order of the garden suburb, and the larger Regional Planning. ecological framework of regionalism. Table 1 lists

URBAN DESIGN International 92 RA DESIGN URBAN International Table 1 Relationship between CNU Charter Principles and Four Approaches to Urbanism oncigNwUbns n mrcnplanning American and Urbanism New Connecting Approach to urbanism:

Charter principlea Incrementalism Plan-making Planned Regionalism communities

The Region: Metropolis, City and Town 1. The metropolitan region is a fundamental economic unit of the contemporary world. Governmental E cooperation, , physical planning, and economic strategies must reflect this new reality 2. Metropolitan regions are finite places with geographic boundaries derived from topography, EE watersheds, coastlines, farmlands, regional parks, and river basins. The metropolis is made of multiple centers that are cities, towns, and villages, each with its own identifiable center and edges 3. The metropolis has a necessary and fragile relationship to its agrarian hinterland and natural E landscapes. The relationship is environmental, economic, and cultural. Farmland and nature are as important to the metropolis as the garden is to the house 4. Development patterns should not blur or eradicate the edges of the metropolis. development within E existing areas conserves environmental resources, economic investment, and social fabric, while Talen E. reclaiming marginal and abandoned areas. Metropolitan regions should develop strategies to encourage such infill development over peripheral expansion 5. Where appropriate, new development contiguous to urban boundaries should be organized as EE neighborhoods and districts, and be integrated with the existing urban pattern. Noncontiguous development should be organized as towns and villages with their own urban edges, and planned for a jobs/housing balance, not as bedroom suburbs 6. The development and redevelopment of towns and cities should respect historical patterns, precedents, EE and boundaries 7. Cities and towns should bring into proximity a broad spectrum of public and private uses to support a E regional economy that benefits people of all incomes. should be distributed throughout the region to match job opportunities and to avoid concentrations of poverty 8. The physical organization of the region should be supported by a framework of transportation E alternatives. Transit, pedestrian, and bicyle systems should maximize access and mobility throughout the region while reducing dependence on the automobile 9. Revenues and resources can be shared more cooperatively among municipalities and centers within E regions to avoid destructive competition for tax base and to promote rational coordination of transportation, recreation, public services, housing, and community institutions

Neighborhood, District and Corridor 10. The neighborhood, the district, and the corridor are the essential elements of development and EE redevelopment in the metropolis. They form identifiable areas that encourage citizens to take responsibility for their maintenance and evolution 11. Neighborhoods should be compact, pedestrian-friendly, and mixed use. Districts generally emphasize a EEE special single use, and should follow the principles of neighborhood design when possible. Corridors are regional connectors of neighborhoods and districts; they range from and rail lines to rivers and parkways 12. Many activities of daily living should occur within walking distance, allowing independence to those who EE do not drive, especially the elderly and the young. Interconnected networks of streets should be designed to encourage walking, reduce the number and length of automobile trips and conserve energy Table 1 Continued

Approach to urbanism:

Charter principlea Incrementalism Plan-making Planned Regionalism communities

13. Within neighborhoods, a broad range of housing types and price levels can bring people of d EE iverse ages, races, and incomes into daily interaction, strengthening the personal and civic bonds essential to an authentic community 14. Transit corridors, when properly planned and coordinated, can help organize metropolitan structure and E revitalize urban centers. In contrast, highway corridors should not displace investment from existing centers 15. Appropriate building densities and land uses should be within walking distance of transit stops, E permitting public transit to become a viable alternative to the automobile 16. Concentration of civic, institutional, and commercial activity should be embedded in neighborhoods and EE districts, not isolated in remote, single-use complexes. Schools should be sized and located to enable children to walk or bicycle to them 17. The economic health and harmonious evolution of neighborhoods, districts, and corridors can be E improved through graphic urban design codes that serve as predictable guides for change 18. A range of parks, from tot lots and village greens to ballfields and community gardens, should be E distributed within neighborhoods. Conservation areas and open lands should be used to define and connect different neighborhoods and districts

Block, Street, and Building planning Talen American E. and Urbanism New Connecting 19. A primary task of all urban and landscape design is the physical definition of streets and E public spaces as places of shared use 20. Individual architectural projects should be seamlessly linked to their surroundings. This issue E transcends style 21. The revitalization of urban places depends on safety and security. The design of streets and buildings E should reinforce safe environments, but not at the expense of accessibility and openness 22. In the contemporary metropolis, development must adequately accommodate automobiles. It should do E so in ways that respect the pedestrian and the form of public space 23. Streets and squares should be safe, comfortable, and interesting to the pedestrian. Properly configured, E they encourage walking and enable neighbors to know each other and protect their communities 24. Architecture and landscape design should grow from local climate, topography, history, and building E practice 25. Civic buildings and public gathering places require important sites to reinforce community identity and E the culture of democracy. They deserve distinctive form, because their role is different from that of other buildings and places that constitute the fabric of the city

RA DESIGN URBAN 26. All buildings should provide their inhabitants with a clear sense of location, weather, and time. Natural E methods of heating and cooling can be more resource-efficient than mechanical systems 27. Preservation and renewal of historic buildings, districts, and landscapes affirm the continuity and E evolution of urban society aSource: Congress for the New Urbanism. 2000. Charter of the New Urbanism. Michael Leccese and Kathleen McCormick (eds.). New York: McGraw-Hill. International 93 Connecting New Urbanism and American planning E. Talen 94

the principles of New Urbanism, as stated in the belt. Regionalism as advocated by the RPAA was Charter, and categorizes them according to these unable to retain its requirement for complete and four types of urbanist ideals. The table reveals radical change to existing, highly entrenched how each principle can relate to more than one political and economic systems. Incrementalism historical dimension. changed from being more overtly deterministic and moralistic (in terms of its social agenda), to Based on the historical experience of how these being a straightforward appreciation of diversity. alternative perspectives have related to each other Plan-makers had to give up their master plans in the past, their amalgamation under the and focus instead on process and methods of umbrella of New Urbanism creates the potential public engagement. for internal tension. As is well known, plan- makers and regionalists struggled over the issue In light of these transformations, it has not always of structural vs practical change, for example, been easy for each strain to retain essential, during the public debate between Lewis Mum- initially conceived principles. Planned commu- ford of the RPAA and Thomas Adams of the nities, many of which were well-intentioned in Regional Plan Association of New York (see terms of social objectives, have often fallen victim Fishman, 2000). In addition, incrementalists and to social exclusivity; regionalism to neglect of the planned community proponents have long de- needs of the inner-city; incrementalism to the bated the importance of diversity vs order, dismissal of organized civic expression; plan- represented, for example, by Jane Jacobs’ attack making to an over-reliance on efficiency and of the garden city model. scientific method. What this has meant, for New Urbanism, is that more than one approach has to Despite these tensions, each perspective is repre- be looked to for historical grounding. The ques- sented in New Urbanism. Small-scale urban tion remains as to whether these can be reconciled improvers, the incrementalists, focused on the by bringing them into the organized, but pluralist importance of neighborhood level improvement, framework that New Urbanism tries to embody. , incremental change, and The difficulty is that in doing so, the ideals that principles of diversity and complex forms of come together in New Urbanism reveal a complex order, all of which are found in the principles of history full of paradoxes: the quest for an New Urbanism. City Beautiful era plan-makers urbanism that allows diversity within a system focused attention on civic space, on the design of order, control that does not impinge freedom, and massing of buildings relative to streets, and an appreciation of smallness and fine-grained on the relation of three-dimensional to two- complexity that can coexist with civic promi- dimensional patterns. City Efficient era plan- nence, a comprehensive perspective that does not makers pulled together a wide range of subjects, ignore detail. traversing large scale comprehensive plans as easily as they did tree selection and bridge In city planning history, the attempt to fashion an engineering. They gave New Urbanists the idea interconnected set of ideas, joined together to of being generalists who merge art and science, of create a coherent basis for American urbanism, the importance of assessing multiple dimensions goes against the usual view, described by Jencks of city design in an integrative fashion. Planned (1987), that approaches to urbanism are more community advocates contributed the ability to reminiscent of the ‘wandering drunk’ than a think wholistically about city form and to envi- ‘cumulative tradition’. The question for New sion alternative, idealized communities. Region- Urbanism is whether aspects of several different alists showed the importance of fitting it all approaches can in fact be forged together to create together into a much larger, environmentally a multidimensional movement. It requires the responsive framework. ability to look at divergent ideas and, rather than seeing commonality merely on the basis of Each strain of urbanism in America has gone ‘agitated, sometimes apocalyptic, pursuit of new through an evolution brought about by the need solutions’, seeing a more deeply rooted, substan- for pragmatism. Planned communities had to tive form of agreement (Jencks, p. 301). evolve to become something that does not seek every facet of living (such as industry) in walking Of course, the attempt to combine different views distance and that is not surrounded by a green- of urbanism predates New Urbanism. The oppos-

URBAN DESIGN International Connecting New Urbanism and American planning E. Talen 95 ing strains of romanticism (localist, traditional, control, gleaned from earlier movements as aesthetic, subjective) and rationalism (universal- appropriate for New Urbanism. ist, functional, geometric, ordered) can be used to separate different approaches, but the attempt to The question becomes, what is intrinsic to each rectify the two approaches internally (within one element being sought or rejected that requires group or individual) has been persistent. In it to be packaged together with other conditions Postmodern Urbanism, Ellin catalogues the succes- and specific elements? It is difficult to answer sive waves of domination within modernism and this since almost all planning is, in fact, an postmodernism, noting that ‘modernism and amalgamation. The City Beautiful move- postmodernism both contain a universalizing ment itself, as Peterson has argued, was a rationality on the one hand and a more romantic culmination of the combined forces of municipal and particularistic emphasis on locality on the art, civic improvement and outdoor art. Lewis other’ (Ellin, 1996). Harvey interprets the attempt Mumford’s regionalism forged a synthesis be- to negotiate both strains simultaneously as in- tween Dewey’s pragmatism and Santayana’s dicative of an anxiety rooted in the contradictions aesthetic idealism that would provide ‘the best of capitalism (Harvey, 1989). If interpreted in this of both worlds’ in science and humanism (Tho- way, romanticism and rationalism can be seen as mas, 1994, p. 284). ‘two sides of the same coin’ (Ellin, 1996, p. 305). For the most part, academicians seem particularly In New Urbanism, this recurrent division is uncomfortable with the idea of combining pro- fleshed out in a slightly different way. The four posals. There is the argument that the attempt traditions being combined – small-scale change to forge a hybrid, amalgamated project is neces- that celebrates urban diversity, the making of sarily ambiguous (Beauregard, 2002). Peter Hall’s future plans to guide change in urban areas, the synthetic history of the profession, Cities of creation of new planned communities, and the Tomorrow, weaves a story of planning mishap situating of human settlement in regional contexts resulting from the ‘monstrous perversion of – imply both strong and weak notions of order, history’ (Hall, 1996, p. 3). In Hall’s view, with a focus on both infill as well as greenfield misinterpretation and niavete in the planning development. The tension created by attempting profession are born from the combining of ideals to combine these varied ideas is seen by New across time and place. Urbanists as creative, necessary, and ultimately, feasible. This coexistence of perspectives is, there- It is not difficult to find examples of concepts fore, a condition of New Urbanism. forged together that, when combined, produced amalgamated disasters. The merger of garden However, the attempt by New Urbanists to adopt cities and the City Beautiful into what Jacobs a multidimensional historical lineage will elicit a called the ‘Garden City Beautiful’ produced recurrent criticism – that it is invalid to squeeze notoriously unsatisfactory places. Other critics out only the positive and reject the negative of a hone in on the idea that the amalgamated given proposal. This is particularly true of the planning project is necessarily inauthentic, and plan-making, planned community and regionalist therefore invalid. In this context, some see the perspectives. All three have been deemed too New Urbanist brand of ‘revivalism’ as disturbing controlling, too much about order, too negligent because it attempts to revive an urbanism, such as of social needs, too deferential to the expert, and Nolen’s, that was revivalist to begin with (East- too focused on blueprint-like plans. Often the erling, 1999). source of disdain has to do with determinism and overt social objectives (see Harvey, 1997). This Despite these criticisms, New Urbanists have criticism tends to push New Urbanism in the tried to formulate a definition of urbanism that direction of underplaying social objectives and is sensitive to different contexts and scales, and focusing on the innovativeness and qualitative is a combination of related ideas that work aspects of design (Talen, 2002). Intimately scaled together to define what urbanism is and what it buildings, seamlessly integrated housing types, is not. The experience of the New Urbanist ways of handling traffic, public spaces with movement with trying to make this work over charm and pedestrian focus – all are regarded as the past 10 years has revealed two interesting valuable lessons in civic design rather than social things. First, the multidimensional approach to

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American urbanism, even if historically discussion of regionalism in terms not unlike grounded, is exceedingly difficult to effectuate. MacKaye, of the importance of small-scale diver- It is met with resistance because, by attempting to sity and incremental change precisely as Jacobs merge ideas accustomed to opposing each other – wanted things, and of the critical importance of that is, small-scale incremental change and ratio- the civic realm in the manner of Hegemann and nalized civic order, or infill and greenfield Peets’ Civic Art (1922). development simultaneously planned – there is a reaction that labels the attempt inauthentic and New Urbanism is a movement attempting to watered down. Second, in the resistance to reconcile these varied approaches to urbanism multidimensional approaches, there is a tendency that have been evolving in the US for over a to single out one particular strain as dominant in century. The significance of New Urbanism is all contexts. One dimension will be, in a sense, therefore that it is the culmination of a long, forced into predominance. multi-faceted effort to define what urbanism in America should be. This should not be viewed as One of the most enduring examples of this is the a final, end-state culmination. Rather, it should be seemingly intractable division between the exist- viewed as an ongoing effort in American urban- ing city and its peripheral extension. Incremen- ism to reconcile and combine approaches, an talists and urban plan-makers were part of a effort in which New Urbanism is taking a current tradition that emphasized that existing cities lead. American urbanism may be something that everywhere be reformed and resettled. A second, continually requires recognition of the value of historically uncomplimentary view – that of the some aspects of all urbanist approaches. It may regionalists and planned community advocates – need small-scale incrementalism, larger scale civic was more interested in the urban potential of improvement, planned communities, and region- currently nonurban places. This not only involved alism. While these four approaches have evolved looking for urbanism in ‘unspoiled’ places, but it in separate ways over the past century, it could be meant that the whole spectrum of human settle- argued that there should be recognition not only ment types could be considered. One practical of their mutual legitimacy, but of their mutual question coming out of this division is whether it dependence. is possible to embrace both the planned commu- nity, positioned externally, and the existing city, The fact that New Urbanism was organized with its concomitant urban problems, simulta- with only minimal recognition of the planning neously. Proponents of the peripheral planned ideals that preceded it shows how tenacious community – like and Ebenezer the varied ideals of American urbanism have Howard – believed the existing city would fail. been. Yet the conscious connection up to now Proponents of the existing city – Jane Jacobs – of diverse but overlapping planning histories believed that the planned community was anti- is not regularly undertaken. Some in the Amer- urban. This is an essential contrast that New ican city planning fraternity have downgraded Urbanists have found is not easy to resolve. The the importance of the past ideals of urbanism, tension has been detrimental to both sides, as evidenced by the elimination of the section evidenced by the fact that American settlement on planning history in the most recent edition often falls short of either perspective’s main of the ‘green book’, a popular planning textbook objective – a revitalized core or a clustered and (see Hoch et al, 2000). What seems to be missing coherently settled region. On the other hand, the is a sense that urbanism in the US has moved desire to reconcile incompatible ideals produces a forward, that there is a body of work that is kind of creative tension – the root, potentially, of beginning to congeal and could potentially innovation. enable a more powerful effect on settlement form. Toward this end, New Urbanists are going beyond the idea that the past experiences Conclusion of city planners amount to an interesting back- drop toward recognition of, to use Lewis Mum- In tracing the historical lineage of New Urbanism, ford’s phrase, a ‘usable past’. The creative planned community culture may look dominant, tensions that this endeavor has brought out are but in fact it is always overlayed with elements of something New Urbanists must continually ad- the other urbanist approaches. There is always a dress and capitalize on.

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