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74-3115 BARDQ, John William, 1948- AN EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS OF AN APPLICATION OF LEWIS MUMFORD'S THEORIES OF COMMUNITY PLANNING. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1973 Sociology, general

University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan

© 1973

JOHN WILLIAM BARDO

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED AN EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS OF AN APPLICATION OF LEWIS MUMFORD’S THEORIES OF COMMUNITY PLANNING

DISSERTATION

Presented In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

The Degree Doctor of Philosophy In the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

John William Bardo, B.A., M.A.

* ★ * it *

The Ohio State University 1973

Reading Committee: Approved By

Christen T. Jonassen Raymond F. Sletto John F. Cuber [y Adviser Department of Sociology ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

It would be nearly Impossible to acknowledge all the people

who have Influenced the undertaking of this research. Therefore,

I wish to generally thank each Individual who helped or supported this project In any way.

In addition, certain person's contributions were more than

just help or support. Foremost among these was Christen T. Jonassen

who, as adviser, teacher, and research chairman, provided me with

more understanding and learned council than he was aware. To

Professors Raymond F. Sletto, Russell R. Dynes and John F. Cuber

I give my thanks for their continued support.

At the Decorum College of Further Education I wish, to acknow­

ledge the cooperation, Indeed friendship, of Mr. Peter Caborn, Mr. Barrie King and their families and students. Without them

there would not have been any data to analyze.

It would also be remiss not to acknowledge Professor Maurice Broady of the University College of Wales at Swansea, for he first

awakened my Interest in this area of endeavor.

Lastly, I wish to express my appreciation for my wife, Barbara,

without her continued love, support and understanding this project would never have been completed. It Is to her that this research

is dedicated.

11 VITA

October 28, 1948 ...... Born — Cincinnati, Ohio

1968—1969 ...... Visiting Student, University of Southampton, Southampton, England

1970 ...... B.A., University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, Ohio

1971 ...... Teaching and Research Assistant, The Ohio University, Athens, Ohio 1971 ...... M.A., The Ohio University, Athens, Ohio

1971—1972 ...... Teaching Associate, Department of Sociology, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1972—1973 ...... Research Associate, Disaster Research Center, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

PUBLICATIONS vSome Observations on Organizational Response to the Snowstorm In Des Moines, Iowa, April 9, 1973." (co-author) Working Paper No. 51, Disaster Research Center, The Ohio State University, 1973.

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field; Sociology

Studies In Urban Sociology, Professor Christen T. Jonassen

Studies In Research Methodology, Professor Raymond F. Sletto

Studies In Social Stratification, Professor Russell R. Dynes

111 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... 11 VITA ...... Ill

LIST OF TABLES...... v LIST OF FIGURES ...... vil

Chapter I. INTRODUCTION AND THEORY ...... 1

Introduction Theory Discussion II. METHODOLOGY...... 20

Site of Research Collection of Data Concepts Analysis of Data III. PRESENTATION OF D A T A ...... 42

Introduction Tests of Hypotheses IV. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ...... 68

Limitations of the Project Significance to Sociological Theory Significance to Planning Theory and Practice Suggestions for Future Research APPENDIX...... ’ ...... 78

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 87

lv LIST OF TABLES Table Page

1. SVDs, Critical Ratios and SVD-ratios for the Community Satisfaction Scale ...... 30

2. Community Satisfaction Scale Scores by Expressed Willingness to Hove ...... 31

3. Community Satisfaction Scale Scores by Sex ...... 43

4. Community Satisfaction Scale Scores by Religion .... 44

5. Stepwise Regression Coefficients for Community Satisfaction Scale Scores Correlated With Class and A g e ...... 46

6. Community Satisfaction Scale Scores by Presence of Close Relatives ...... 4.9

7. Community Satisfaction Scale Scores by Harltal Status ...... 50

8. Frequency of Positive Responses to the Community by Categories of Community Characteristics (Per Cents) ...... 52

9. Infants Per Thousand Population in Hertfordshire Towns Over 50,000: 1966 ...... 54

10. Social Class Distribution in Hertfordshire Towns Over 50,000: 1966 (Per Cents)...... 55

11. Distribution by Socio-economic Groups in Hertfordshire's Towns Over 50,000: 1966 (Per Cents) . • 56

12. Number of Infants Per 1,000 Harried Females Age 15-49, Hertfordshire Towns Over 50,000: 1966 . . . 58

13. Reported Crimes for Hemel Hempstead and Hertfordshire: 1972 ...... 61

14. Migrants During One Year Prior to the 1966 Census for Hertfordshire Towns Over 50,000 (Per Cents of Total for Hertfordshire)...... 62 v Table Page

15* Migrants During Five Years Prior to the 1966 Census for Hertfordshire Towns Over 50,000 (Per Cents of Total for Hertfordshire) ...... * 63

16. Respondent*s Perceptions of Distance of Their Neighbors ...... 65

vl LIST OF FIGURES

Title Page

1. Age Distribution in Hertfordshire Towns Over 50,000: 1966 ...... 57

vii CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION AND THEORY

Lewis Mumford has detailed what Is wrong with our cities,

described the remedy and predicted the desirable outcome If his

theories were followed In the planning and construction of towns

and cities. The purpose of this study is to explore the relation­

ships between certain hypotheses derived from Mumford * s planning

theory and the actual social situation in a town purportedly designed

in conjunction with this theory*s principles.

This project has both practical and theoretical significance.

Pragmatically, the importance lies in how the lives of people are

being affected by towns and cities planned according to Mumford*s

theories. Brazil, Israel, the U.S.S.R., Germany, France, Sweden,

Finland, Great Britain and the United States are all constructing planned towns. Millions of people are being moved into these new environments yet little is known about their effects. It would appear that before any major new investments are made in this type of construction, the situation of the present residents should be analyzed. Theoretically, others have suggested that Mumford*s

"sociological analysis" of the contemporary city is "exceptional" and that he avoids the pitfalls of many visionaries by explaining that"... the social needB and desires of the urban community must themselves be a part of the equation and must provide grounds for

rebuilding."^" However, do Mumfordrs definitions of needs and

community desires adequately describe social reality? If not, how might they be modified to provide a more valid characterization?

This project will attempt, In part, to answer these questions and,

if necessary, to provide suggestions as to the nature of possible modifications.

There Is wide recognition of the importance of this type of research. Lionel March, the director of the Center for Land Use and Built Form Studies of Cambridge University, states that even on land use in new towns little or no data have been collected.

Planners have not been urged to learn from their experience. Further, they are not required to take Into consideration the preferences of the people, but instead use a "nice middle class, professional knowingness about what is, and what is not, good for others."

March also questions certain planning principles and suggests that adequate information is not available to support the continued implementation of these standards. Mumford, himself, Is cognizant of the necessity of further research. He states that the role of the urban sociologist ("cultural ecologist") is to study the Inter­ play between physical environment and the social milieu. Many analyses of this variety have been conducted; however, a search of the literature reveals a paucity In the empirical testing of

Mumfordfs theories. The present research will endeavor partially to fill this void. An understanding of Mumford *s ideation on the nature of the city Is necessary before a comprehension of his recommendations 4 for planned towns can be achieved. Without this theoretical sub­ structure the suggestions do not have an adequate Integrating framework; that is, they logically follow from his definition of the salient features of the city. This section will be concerned with extracting the essence of Mumford*s theory of urbanism as presented in several of his works,"*

"Form and function" perhaps best describe Mumford *s view of the city. The form is a product of the forces of history, physical structure, geographic space and region. Towns are stages for human Interaction on which men play out their life roles, and symbols of Integrated social relationships. But this stage can either aid or hinder the playing of these roles. While it repre­ sents the "maximum possibility of humanizing the environment," it also can devastate any hope of humanness.** This ability rests upon the dominant theme in the era of which the city is a part.

Motifs of the city vary through time and with place. Develop­ ment follows a stepwise progression through six phases. Each stage is dominated by a particular overall theme which sets the tone of the era. Three of these phases are considered to be constructive and three destructive. The basis of the typology is the quality 7 of human Interaction. The first phase In the development of the city Is the ecopolis.

During this period man develops plant and animal domestication* and

ordered villages of permanent dwellings* Primary groups are the

mode of social Interaction within the villages which are the domin­

ant form of social organization.

As the hamlet grows and prospers It becomes advisable* for

reasons of defense* to amalgamate with other villages. The town

in this stage is referred to as the Polls. Social Integration of

this larger population Is based on the need for protection and a

common religion. With the Increased number of people a division of

labor and specialization of function occurs. Concomitantly* mech­

anization and horticultural improvements allow man time to develop

a high culture* including reading and writing; but* with all these

changes the Polls is still an organization based on family ties

and primary relationships. The Polls continues to grow and* due to factors of location

or natural resource, one becomes dominant over a whole region of

others. Its size Increases as the number of in-mlgrants grows.

Polls becomes Metropolis. Increased size brings greater specializa­

tion* a more complex division of labor and for the first time rural

pursuits are made secondary to manufacturing. Inter-town and Inter­ regional communication increases In scope and frequency. Cultural

contact leads to increased rates of social change which then create

cognitive conflict. Man develops an expanded consciousness as a result of this conflict and the volume and quantity of interpersonal communication Increases — culture Is In full flower.

Several conditions underlie passage of the city through these

first three phases. Population increase and technological advance

are necessary; but, they are advantageous only so long as they are in balance with the natural environment and are kept to a human

scale. Cities must be limited in size and Interaction kept gener­

ally on a primary level. Humford stresses the biotic naturalness and

harmony manifest in this type of development. The city is a fitting

stage on which man can act his socio—cultural drama. Decline and

deterioration begin when contact with the biotic self and the natural

environment is lost. This recession commences with the forth stage.

Megalopolis is the beginning of the decline. The population

continues to amass and become more dense. Value orientations are

no longer based in nature, but center on size and power — every­

thing is quantitatively measured. How much power? How many sales?

The search for more wealth and power leads to the necessity of

Imperialism. Internally, workers must be oppressed to keep profits

high and, externally, colonies must be subjugated to keep the

supply of raw materials flowing and expanded markets under control.

Megalopolis* scale increases to the extent that rent rises enor­ mously. Individuals, because of low rates of pay and high land value, can no longer afford to live decently; living conditions

deteriorate. Houses become smokey, dirty, lack amenities and

sunlight and have a utilitarian, rather than humane purpose. They

are designed to pack as many people into as little space as possible. With the advent of "profit" and "mass" as the city's underr-

lying values, the factory becomes the central institution and it is

located wherever the capitalist wishes. Xn an effort to escape to

better living conditions the wealthy and mlddle-’class move to the

suburbs — resulting in the separation of home and working place.

Divided loyallties lead to political ineffectuality; therefore, there are no powers to counter the capitalist. These conditions are brought about by technological and social change. Innovation in technics, such as the use of steam and coal for fuel and the development of iron and steel, lay the groundwork on which Mega*' lopolis rests, while the joint stock company, credit, political

Impotence of the masses, the belief in'laissez faire economics and the right of individuals to make money and possess property are among the social alterations that structure its form.

Mumford sees the Megalopolis as being an unnatural environ­ ment. Man has been separated from his biotic self and has been forced to live in septic accommodations lacking amenities or open space and as a result, health deteriorates, morbidity rates increase, the mortality rate rises and the biological urge to reproduce is depressed. Megalopolis can only continue to exist through fresh in-mlgratlon from the rural districts. The size of the city, both in numbers and density, overwhelms man to the extent that direct social intercourse becomes nearly Impossible and personal knowledge of all that is occuring is hopelessly beyond reach. Social disintegration continues and Megalopolis becomes

Tyrannopolis. Capitalists wantonly and nakedly exploit the working classes and the colonies. Individuals become morally apathetic, politically irresponsible, are denigrated, and live in fear and uncertainty; the only escape is to flee the city. The exodus begins•

Misplacement of values, human degredation and the biological inadequacy of the urban environment lead to continued war, famine and disease. Greater numbers of people join the exodus; the city falls into disrepair. Urban life, culture and occupational pursuits are forgotten and the old rural ways are once again paramount.

Tyrannopolis has turned to Nekropolls — the city is dead. Stadt

Luft no longer macht frei.

Two qualifications of this developmental model are presented by Mumford: there is no logical or historical necessity for the process to continue to its end or for it to be irreversible; and, it is possible for different Institutions and aspects of one city / to be in variant stages of development. (e.g. open hostility may be present between classes before political apathy arises). Since the process of change can be reserved and collapse forestalled, action must be taken. The recommended program attempts to redevelop urban life on a human scale and in a biologically sound environ­ ment. This new form of organization is referred to as the "Organic

Order."

The Organic Order is based on the assumption of the "primacy of life.11 Beings exist not just In space but In time. The function

of the human community Is to Integrate history and expectations for

the future Into a systematic whole, the components of which are

people, their occupations, working places and living spaces. Environ­ mental measurement is to be conducted in qualitative, rather than

Megalopolis* quantitative, terms. How the system provides for

Individual growth, social Interrelationships, association formation and healthful balanced living is to be the guide for evaluation. In short, It must meet all of the Individuals biotic and social needs.

What type of environment Is this organic order? First, It

Is reduced in scale. The region, rather than country or empire, is the maximal unit. Its dimensions are based on functional requisites rather than hard political boundaries. Regions are made up of areas of similar geographical structure and have populations with common social characteristics. Topography, geological content and biolog­ ical nature change slowly, but social conditions can modify quickly, therefore form and limits should be capable of alteration.

Towns and cities within this new organization should also be changed: they must be fitted to human desires and biological and social needs. Society and biology have to be Interwoven to produce a "blotechnic" economy. Open spaces are to be provided to clean the air, act as retreats for rest and relaxation, and allow adequate area for sports. Houses are to provide for both physical and social needs — they are conceived as places for physical reproduction, nurturance, socialization and interaction; therefore, their structure Is Co be designed to promote the operation of these functions.

Mumford sees the community as resting on two processes; socialization and individuation. Socialization is the internali­ zing of culture by the individual. It is the process by which he becomes a functioning part of the social whole. Only through the possession of this common culture can man express himself or be understood by others. When a great part of socialization has become routinized humans are capable of individuation; that is, of self expression and development. Therefore, the function of the city is to provide the facilities, such as schools, houses, libraries, workshops, studios, laboratories, public dance halls, little theatres, and open space, that promote the educational socialization process.

To Insure that human needs are being met the city's size and density of occupation need to be limited. If the population were to become too large, man would lose his ability to know and understand all of it or if it were to become too densely settled the advantages of open greenness would be lost. A balance must be struck between the number of people necessary for provision of services and the maximum capable of living in an environment before it becomes abiotic or antisocial.

Since communal life is based on human development and social

Interaction, the material structure of the new environment is to be designed to facilitate communication and promote biological well being. Homes and schools are separated from vehicular traffic to 10 protect the children at play and the pedestrian* Houses placed in neighborhoods of human scale are the major planning features.

Buildings are simplified and reduced to "life" size — architecture

Is to stress the function of the unit not useless decorative facade*

The entire physical form Is to act as a stage to focus the atten­ tion of the residents on the Important phases of living.

The unit of neighborhood redevelopment Is the family. Within this group procreation, primary personality formation, socialization, education, replenishment of the body, primary association, inter­ action with diverse age groups, amusement and recreation, as well as basic economic consumption, transpire. It is the central insti­ tution of human life; therefore, it should be the focus of the community. All communal activity is to support the family which, in turn, allows the individual to grow and mature.

This, then, is Mumfordrs conceptualization of the nature of the desired urban order. It is to be family centered and biolog­ ically sound. Individual cities are to act as foci for human interaction and development. To accomplish this end they must provide for the desires and needs of mankind. They are to be balanced communities containing all the elements necessary for a healthful and humane life: living space, biological contact, working places and recreational areas - the complete community.

The next section will attempt to discuss this theory and to develop hypotheses testable in a town designed along the lines suggested by Mumford. 11

Discussion

Many questions could be raised in relation to the aspects of Mumford*s theories presented here; however, consideration will be limited to those dealing with the creation of a planned environ­ ment. It can be seen that the development described Is supposed to be a "complete community.*'® The basic needs of Individuals are to be satisfied: man Is to be biologically and socially fulfilled.

This satisfaction of the Individual's needs and desires appears to be quite important to Mumford and It is assumed that the provision of open green spaces, jobs, education and functional living accomodations on a human scale will produce happy, healthy, humanely mature Individuals, but is this the case? Will a change

In environment produce a concomitant variation In man?

There are data that suggest environmental changes of the variety recommended by Mumford have minimal effect on the social life of the individuals Involved. Gans, for example, In The

Levittowners. does not appear to find major changes in the life— patterns of the new residents as they continue in the same occupa- ft tlons—quite often in the same job. But, Gans* evidence can be questioned on several grounds: it is mainly qualitative and often impressionistic, therefore somewhat difficult to reproduce.^

The data were collected during the incipient years of the town* s life therefore the changes proposed by Mumford may not have had 12

time to develop — over the long run one could possibly actually

observe the changes In the population.^ Finally, the Levittowns

are not designed to be complete communities In that they do not provide adequate employment for most residents. To meet Mumford*s

criteria lack of ample employment would have to be rectified.

Frankenberg*s discussion of a British housing estate and

Young and Wil3mott*s study of the resettlement of East London families can be criticized along similar lines. 12 Xn both cases

the data presented are highly qualitative and are concerned with only partial communities. What these studies do suggest Is that forces not explained by Mumford may be operating. Life styles may not be so much a function of community environment as of overriding Influences of the general culture of the society.

Change In a given community would not necessarily alter the ability of these circumstances to mold the lives of Individuals into recognizable patterns nor would these factors necessarily vary with environmental change. Indeed, these authors Intimate that the differences in life-patterns found In the new estates may be more a result of disruption of certain existing patterns of Interaction and the continuation of other overriding exchange standards developed prior to migrating to the new area than to the qualitative influence of the local environment.

What are the Implications for Mumford*s theory as it relates to planning? It may be that the creation of new environments based on his perceptions of underlying human needs and desires would not produce living space satisfactory to all groups. For example, class and age difference could cause differential reactions to living In such a town. To a greater or lesser extent, the. needs of various groups may, or may not, be met. It would also be expected that the ability of Individuals to continue past Inter­ action patterns would be reflected in their adjustment to such a town. Those people whose usual modes of social exchange remained

Intact would suffer the least disruption of life-pattern and would, therefore, be the most satisfied with the community. One would anticipate, from Young and Willmott*s findings, that the presence of close relatives In town should reflect a stable Interaction pattern and therefore the least dissatisfaction with the community.

In prepositional form:

There should be a difference among the various classes and age groups in their reactions to the town. H Individuals with close relatives In town should exhibit positive reactions compared to Individuals without relatives present.

Mumford*s definition of the community stresses its role as the theater for family interaction, socialization and activity but no mention is made of other types of people who reside In towns. What about single unattached individuals or the continually migrating?^ How does the community serve them? To be a complete community It is necessary to provide for these people. It would be expected, in a community in which the child is the center of activity, that facilities and Institutions catering to single people 14 will be lacking; and that this paucity should be reflected In their perception of the community. Therefore:

H_ Single Individuals will be less satisfied than married ones with the community.

Overall, Mumford stresses the naturalness, family orientation and educational nature of the community, but towns, In reality, have many more dimensions than this. People may not always wish to be involved In learning and constructive work, but may at times desire some frivolity to take their attention away from the tribulations of the day. Also, communities are not isolated social organisms with an Impermeable revetment to keep other communities and larger beings from affecting them. Political, economic and social forces not directly under the control of the local borough would also be expected to determine social conditions. Since these other influ­ ences do not have centrality in MumfordTs plan It would be expected that, unless these dimensions changed randomly, concomitantly, or due to after—thought, satisfaction with them would be less than with those directly planned for. That Is, economic conditions, educational facilities, the amount of open green areas, and family residences should be rated superior to such aspects as political structure, leisure facilities, religious facilities and the like; leading to the hypothesis:

Ha Aspects of the community having “centrality" to Mumford should-be rated more.positively by residents than those elements not planned for. 15 There Is also a tendency in Mumford*s perception of the planned

environment to expect that communities constructed concurrently with its tenets will be of superior quality; otherwise, simple

reduction of size and density of the settlement would be sufficient

to shift radically the characteristic patterns of life* If this Is the case, It follows that a comparison between towns of similar

size and densities should produce results favorable to the new

town. One should find an Increased birth rate, fewer out-migrants

(due to satisfaction of human needs), and fewer crimes. Therefore;

Hj- In comparing birth, crime and migration rates, the new town should show evidence of superiority over non— planned towns of the same size.

Finally, it needs to be recognized that there is quite a jump from theoretical design to actual structure. Even Mumford

criticizes the new towns as they presently exist. 15 He feels that

their physical appearance is needlessly monotonous and that grounds

and houses tend to be too standardized; that the plans provide for housing to be so dispersed that social intercourse is inhibited

and people lack the stage for their drama — i.e. their lives are not able to gain a sharp focus. But, these critiques are based on a planner — theorist — philosopher's perception; how do they coin­ cide with the expectations of the individual resident? These questions lead to two further hypotheses;

Individuals will not see the town's arrangement as being too dispersed. 16

H_ People will be generally satisfied with the way the town looks.

In the previous discussion stress has been placed upon the

perceptions of the community by the residents themselves. It Is

felt that these observations are really the most important In

determining the success or failure of any given plan. Mumford

concurs in this assessment; his final critique of the new town’s

planners Is:

What the planners need is to take a fresh look at the needs and desires and hopes of men and women today. ^

The remaining portion of this monograph will be devoted to the

development of measures and the presentation of data and discussion

of conclusions resulting from testing of the various hypotheses

derived In this first section. Chapter XI will describe the data

gathering techniques and Instruments as well as the operational defintllons of the variables utilized. Chapter III will be an analysis of the data, and in Chapter IV a discussion of the results will be attempted.

Summary

This project deals with the expected effects of a planned environment, as conceived by Lewis Mumford, upon Its residents.

His developmental sequence of the city from humane environment to

Its final death as well as his recommendations on how to reverse 17 the process have been presented. Out of a discussion of his theory and some contrary findings seven hypotheses for testing have been developed:

There should be a difference among the various classes and age groups In their reactions to the town.

H2 Individuals with close relatives In town should exhibit positive reactions compared to Individuals without relatives present.

Single Individuals will be less satisfied than married ones with the community.

Aspects of the community having "centrality" to Mumford should be rated more positively by the residents than those elements not planned for.

H|. In comparing birth, crime and migration rates, the new town should show evidence of superiority over non— planned towns of the same size.

H, Individuals will not see the town* s arrangement as being too dispersed.

People will generally be satisfied with the way the town looks. 18 Notes: Chapter I

1. Reissman; The Prbah Process, pp. 62—66,

2. March., Why HhvA New'Towns. pp. 505-508.

3. See, for example, Burgess, "Growth of the City," Firey, "Sentiment and Symbolism as Ecological Variables," Fark, "The City," Reckless, "The Distribution-of Commercialized Vice in Chicagoy" Schnore, The Urban Scene. Teuber and Teuber, Negroes~in'Cities. Wirth "Urbanism as a Way of Life," Kollingshead, "Community Research: Development and Present Condition," Shevky and Bell, "Social Area Analysis," Duncan, Metropolis and Region. Gibbs and Martin, "Urbanization and Natural Resources," Jonassen, "Cultural Variables- in the Ecology of an Ethnic Group," Wlllmott and Young,' Family and Kirtship 'in East ’London, Gans^‘The Levittowners. Seeley, Sim and Loosley, Crestwood Heights, among many others.

4. The theory section of this paper will be involved with a discussion of Lewis Mumfordfs theory and not a generalized discourse on planning theory in general.

5. The Culture of Cities, The Story of Utopies, Technics'and Human Development, Technics and Civilization, City Development, "Suburbia: The End of a Dream," "The Medieval Tradition," The Highway and the City. 6. Mumford, The Culture of Cities, pp. 3-6.

7. Mumford, The Culture of Cities, pp. 284—292.

8. Mumford, The Culture of Cities, pp. 479-480.

9. Gans, The Levittowners. pp. 146—147.

10. See McCall and Simmons, Issues in Participant Observation for a discussion of the difficulties of reliability of qualitative research.

11. Land, in "Duration of Residence and Prospective Outmigration," suggests that the probability of out-migrating decreases as the length of residence in a particular locality increases. It appears possible that this tendency could carry over into other areas of social life: changes may take place over the long-run that are not apparent otherwise. 19

12. Frankenberg, Communities iilBt It Ain, pp. 197-233, Willmott and Young; Family and Kinship in'East London.

13. Social Data, as far back as B.S. Rowntree's work suggests class differentials. More recent theories intimate that there are major - differences in the social organizatlon of variouB classes. See, for example, Gans,' The LevtttOwrters.

14. Ravetz, "Who Are the Community?"

15. Mumford, The Highway and the City, pp. 29-38. 16. Mumford, The Highway and the City, p. 36. CHAPTER II

METHODOLOGY

This chapter's discussion of methodology will Include the reasoning behind the choice of site for the research, methods of data collection, types of analyses performed and definitions of various concepts.

Site Of'the Research

The primary data were collected In the British new town of Hemel Hempstead. Several criteria led to the choice of this location for the research. It was necessary that the community be constructed In accordance with Mumford*s definition of a

"complete community" and that it be of sufficient age to allow residents time to make long-term adjustments. Few planned areas in the United States met both criteria. Columbia, Maryland is

too recent a development and the others, generally, do not provide

sufficient employment.^ Therefore, it became necessary to go outside the United States to obtain an adequate locale. Great Britain appeared to be the most suitable site in that its culture

is similar to that of the United States and it has had an official planned community program for over twenty years. Furthermore,

20 21

F. J. Osborn, a highly respected leader of the British town planning movement, states that the principles on which the British communities 2 are planned are basically the same as those presented by Mumford.

Mumford*s own characterization of the British "new towns" stresses

that they are self-sufficient towns organized Into neighborhoods

bounded by open green areas, and that each neighborhood possesses its 3 own school and playing field. It therefore appears that the British

planned communities met both criteria: they have been In existence

for a relatively long period of time, and they were constructed In

accordance with many of Mumfordfs suggestions (I.e. towns of limited size, providing employment, decent housing and some leisure pursuits

as well as living accommodations organized around an educational

facility and open green space)• Hemel Hempstead was chosen because

of Its early date of settlement and because It lacked a reputation

as a problem area (unlike Stevenage which Is about the same age).

Collection of the Data

Several methods of data collection were utilized, Including probability sampling of the population and self-administered question­ naire, Individual Interview, observation and consultation of secon­ dary resources. It was felt that the use of such diverse techniques would allow data to be gathered on many facets of community life;

areas not amenable to analysis through one method could be explored

through another. The focus of the research, however, was on the perceptions of Individuals living In the community. 22

Development of the Questionnaire

Many o£ the hypotheses derived In Chapter X are concerned with the degree to which the town satisfies the needs of Its residents; therefore, it was necessary to construct a community satisfaction scale to determine if a relationship existed between satisfaction with the community and other crucial variables. Previously published scales were consulted and the one determined to fit the needs of the project most nearly was Donald A. FesslerTs "Community Soli­ darity Index.His scale consists of forty Items and covers the areas of educational quality, Interpersonal relations, economics and employment, politics and the religious Institution In the community.

Mumford*s theory, however, suggests other Important aspects: the apparent superiority of the planned community over other, non— planned, ones; the adequacy and beauty of the community's physical structure; and, the quality of the town's housing. Items dealing with these topics were constructed and added to Fessler's creating a final questionnaire of sixty items. (See Appendix) All the items in this questionnaire were in a Likert format with possible responses ranging from "very true" to "definitely un­ true." Scores for each Item were determined on a five point scale Cone through five inclusive). Responses considered most favorable to the community were scored "five," neutral responses "three" and very negative responses "one." The mean item score for each respon­ dent was utilized as a measure of his satisfaction with the community.

To determine if the sixty Items In the questionnaire would scale, 23 a pretest was conducted on one hundred Introductory sociology stu­ dents at The Ohio State University. * Respondents were requested to consider their answers as relating to the total community of Columbus, not just the university area. The responses to the items were coded and a correlation and item analysis were computed using the Spearman—

Brown Split-half Correlation as programmed by Cleaver.^ A split-half r of .7195, which when corrected for attenuation yielded an estimated correlation coefficient of .8369, for the sixty items was obtained.

An analysis of the individual items waB conducted and all items receiving a critical ratio of less than 1.96, or an SVD-ratio of under

.40, were discarded.**

The critical ratio is an inferential statistic calculated on the difference between the high-half and low-half means as determined by the total scores and is interpreted as a z—score.^ Xt is described by the formula: _ _ X1 ~ *2

C.R. ■ 1 S^low + S^high \ N low N high

To calculate the SVD—ratio, the difference between the high-half and low-half means for an item is determined when the division into halves is based on total scores. This difference is referred to as the "SVD" or "scale value difference", and it is interpreted as "a measure of internal consistency; the higher the SVD the more consls— o tent the item is with other items in the scale." Then, the MPSVD, or "maximum possible scale value difference" is determined. The

MPSVD Is the difference between the high-half and low-half means when division into halves is based on responses to that Item separately, 24 and not In combination with other Items. "It Is Interpreted as a measure of the discriminating power of the Item when it is considered a __ by Itself rather than as a part of the scale." The SVD-ratlo results from the division of the SVD by the MPSVD, or:

Xhighi ~ Xlow£ A second calculation on those Items meeting both the criteria

(critical ratio >_ 1.96 and SVD-ratlo ^ .40) yielded a split—half cor­ relation of .804 (estimated correlation coefficient .891). It was felt that this level of correlation was sufficient to show that this was a reliable scale. At this point it was impossible to determine a criterion for validity except "face validity", which Is claimed on the basis of the nature of the items reported on pageB twenty-seven through twenty-nine.

It was foreseen that a problem might develop in administering the scale as determined by the pretest, therefore all sixty items 10 were administered in the test.

Aside from the items of the Community Satisfaction Scale, two check lists and a personal data section were also Included in the questionnaire. The check lists were designed to provide data as to which characteristics of the community the residents found to be the most, and least, satisfying, when they were not forced to make a decision. Inclusion of the personal data section allowed informa­ tion on the characteristics of the respondents to be gathered, rfilch would later be used to test same of the hypotheses derived in

Chapter I. 25

Sampling Procedure

At the time this study was undertaken little was known about

the structure of the population; therefore, a simple random sample

was decided upon. An estimate of the sample size that would be

required was determined by the formula:

N «^1.96<^ 2

Where N Is the size of the sample, «“ls the estimated standard

deviation and 1 Is the interval from the sample mean within which

Cat p < .05) the population mean will fall.*'*’ The best available

estimate of any populations reaction to this scale was the infor­ mation gained from the pretest; therefore, the pretest standard

deviation of .95 was used. It was also felt that a population

estimate within .15 scale units would be meaningful, particularly since scaling is by its nature a generalizing technique. Substi­

tuting these values Into the formula:

N « 154 As a result of this calculation, it appeared that the estimated minimal sample size required was 154. The actual sample size decided upon, however, was 220 — allowing a margin for non-response

and the possibility of a standard deviation greater than that

obtained In the pretest. Since It was desired that a variety of respondents be Included In the sample, and not just, for example, employed males, house­ holds were used as the basic sampling unit. Any adult resident at a given address would be allowed- to complete the questionnaire.

The best available listing of residents, by address, was the current Register of Electors; which actually contained about

20,700 of the 22,000 households In the community. It was recog­ nized that the use of an enumeration of electors somewhat biased the sample, however this was not seen as a major fault. In

England, Registrars make an active door to door effort to seek out eligible voters, therefore this enumeration Is fairly complete.

Secondly, aliens, and others excluded from the Register, would not be the usual type of resident and, Indeed, possibly could be facing difficulties extraneous to the new town situation: the added culture shock of not only being in a new town but also a new country. Interviews were conducted during January, 1973. Ten WA" level sociology college students were employed as Interviewers. Nearly all had previous survey experience and they were given further

Instructions as to the type of Information communicable to the respondents and methods of gaining Entree. Of the 220 interviews attempted 173 were completed, for a completion rate of about 79 per cent. The interviewers were asked to give their Impressions of individuals rejecting them, In writing when possible, and a content analysis of their responses was conducted. No particular Important pattern of non-response developed; the only information that consistently appeared was 27 that the interviewers were often taken as salespeople. This finding appears consistent with the fact that the highest rejection rate was recorded for a female student somewhat more mature than the others. She appeared to fit the stereotype of a salesperson more completely than did the younger ones.

Development of 'the'Scale

Responses to questionnaires returned were coded and the results placed on punch cards. All cases having no missing data were then employed in the scaling process. Utilizing the Spearman-Brown

Split—half Correlation technique an estimated coefficient of relia­ bility of .906 was obtained and an item analysis, using the same criteria as for the pretest, was conducted. This process was repeated until all items met the criteria, at which time an esti­ mated correlation coefficient of .945 was obtained. All thirty- six items in this scale had a critical ratio of at least 2.61 and an SVD-ratio of .416. (See Table 1) Only four items received an SVD-ratlo of less than .45 while thirteen were greater than .60.

The items finally Included in the scale are:

1. Real friends are hard to find in this community,

2. The community is very peaceful and orderly*

3. Alot of people here think they are too nice for you.

4. Families in the community keep their children under control.

5. Almost everyone is polite and courteous to you.

6. Our schools do a good job of preparing students for college. 28

7. Everyone here tries to take advantage of you. 8. Most of our church people forget the meaning of the word brotherhood when they get out of church.

9. The community lacks real leaders. 10. People give you a bad name if you insist on being different. 11. Few people here make enough money. 12. Too many young people get into sex difficulties.

13. The mayor and councllmen run this town to suit themselves.

14. I feel very much that I belong here.

15. People here are all penny pinchers.

16. You must spend lots of money to be accepted here.

17. The people as a whole mind their own business. 18. Every church wants to be the biggest and most Impressive.

19. People are generally critical of others. 20. Local concerns expect their help to live on low wages. 21. You are out of luck if you happen to be of the wrong nationality.

22. No one seems to care much how the community looks. 23. If their children keep out of the way, parents are satisfied to let them do whatever they want to.

24. The town council gets very little done.

25. This town is now my home.

26. There is not enough going on in this town to keep me busy.

27. This house is adequate for my needs.

28. This house is better than the ones I've lived in before. 29. X think the buildings in this town are not as nice looking as most other towns X have been in.

30. X think employment opportunities are as good here as any­ where else for me. 31. Life in this community is dull.

32. I would really rather live in a different town. This one is just not the place for me.

33. X think the layout of this town is very nice.

34. This is a very nice place to live.

35. The green areas help make the neighborhood a nice place to live in.

36. X wish more people lived close by. My neighbors are too far away.

An external criterion for validity was also sought. The

individual respondents were asked to specify under what conditions

of Income they would be willing to move from the town. Respondents

were dichotomized Into two groups by their score on the Community

Satisfaction Scale: those scoring at or above the median and those

scoring below it. (The median » 3.50) These individuals were also divided into three groups by their expressed willingness to move:

those not willing; those only willing for economic advantage; and

those willing to move even at an economic disadvantage. A chi

square was then calculated and the results are reproduced in 12 Table 2. The majority of individuals not willing to relocate scored above the median; those only willing to move for economic advantage were about evenly divided; while the majority of respon— 30

TABLE 1

SVDb , CRITICAL RATIOS AND SVD-RATIOS FOR THE

COMMUNITY SATISFACTION SCALE (N - 100)

Item SVD Critical-Ratio SVD-ratlo

1 1.07 4.60 .594 2 .70 3.40 .461 3 .83 3.76 .546 4 .74 3.40 .425 5 .70 3.89 .642 6 .61 3.56 .452 7 .63 3.94 .643 8 .85 4.52 .567 9 .94 4.55 .508 10 .89 4.09 .481 11 1.26 5.94 .618 12 1.18 5.51 .618 13 1.07 4,96 .566 14 .89 4.22 .593 15 .70 3.94 .642 16 .98 5.13 .817 17 .82 4.07 .701 18 .92 4.16 .517 19 .82 3.97 .416 20 .91 4.12 .487 21 .76 3.72 .613 22 .96 4.09 .552 23 .92 4.34 .482 24 .98 5.14 .601 25 .93 4.39 .620 26 1.13 4.27 .473 27 .85 3.67 .535 28 .74 3.09 .416 29 .57 2.93 .452 30 .73 3.88 .562 31 1.18 5.56 .631 32 .89 5.18 .669 33 .78 4.20 .667 34 .74 5.18 .712 35 .43 3.77 .430 36 .36 2.61 .439 31

TABLE 2 COMMUNITY SATISFACTION SCALE SCORES BY

EXPRESSED WILLINGNESS TO MOVE (N - 161)

Score Willlngness to Move For Without Not Economic Economic Willing Gain Gain Total High 40 36 6 82 Low 27 37 15 79

X2 - 6.34 (p<.05) dents expressing willingness to out-mlgrate even with economic expense, scored below the median. These results would logically be expected if "community satisfaction" were being measured: less satisfied individuals would be expected to be more willing to out— migrate, even without economic advantage, than would the more satisfied ones.

Interview

Local officials' perceptions of the major problems facing Hemel Hempstead were collected through use of the formal interview. All meetings were prearranged and individual interview schedules pre- 32

pared to take advantage of the special areas of knowledge each respondent/Informant possessed. General questions concerning

lnterorganlzational activities, the scope of the Individual's

authority and perceptions of the town's social problems were

included In all schedules, but, stress was placed upon the respon­

dent's areas of expertise. For example, a respondent In the New Town Commission was asked questions dealing with traffic con­

gestion and crime, however, the Interview time was heavily concentrated on housing and housing problems — an area for tfilch

the Commission was largely responsible.

Respondent/informants were mainly officials of the various

levels of local government (the New Town Commission, the borough

government, and the county authority) Including representatives

of:

The Borough Health Department The County Educational Authority The Borough Council The County Constablary The New Town Commission

Interviews ranged between one and three hours in length and were conducted in the respondent/informant's office. The schedule was considered more as an interview guide than a program to be

followed verbatim; respondents were allowed to answer at will. It was felt that areas not previously recognized by the interviewer

as Important may actually have centrality to the respondent, or might be a problem to the community, and concrete structure could unnecessarily limit the range of topics discussed; therefore, much 33 of the Interview questionnaire was allowed to remain flexible and open-ended.

Observation

Two modes of observation were employed: formal observation of a bureaucratic organization and participant observation. The former was utilized to gather data on the formal decision making process as it affected the solution of known problems, while the latter functioned as a means of obtaining a "feel" for life In the community.

In the formal observation phase, particular emphasis was placed on understanding the centrality of problem areas to various officials and the steps involved in reaching a solution. A committee of the Borough Council was observed, with their permission, and

Information concerning the methods of, and reasons for the decisions reached on the various problems were recorded.

During the participant observation, the role taken was that of the "outside researcher." Limited time in the field (six weeks), as well as the problems Inherent in being a foreigner, necessitated the choice of a manifestly logical role. Since a certain amount of legitimacy had already been gained through contact with the local college, it was deemed that a continuation of the role of "visiting researcher" would be the most expedient. Choice of any other role would probably have involved a longer legitimation period. 1 3

It is recognized that the period spent in the field is quite short and, therefore, much that could have been gained through the ' 34

Implementation of the observation techniques had to be foregone.

Only those aspects of life in the community that were manifest and open could adequately be observed in the period available; however, many of the problems uncovered through use of this method were corroborated by Interviews and in the sample. Therefore, the results appear to be fairly valid.Ai4

Secondary Data

Such works as The Census of England and Wales, reports of the local authorities and the findings of other researchers (generally unpublished) were consulted in an attempt to place Hemel Hempstead

In a temporal and social framework and to allow the scope of the data to be expanded to aspects not reasonably accessible through other data gathering devices. Generally, the data are numerical, such as occupational breakdown, age structure and migration figures.

These items are incorporated into several tables in subsequent chapters.

Concepts

In the collection and later analysis of the data it became necessary to utilize definitions of variables somewhat different than their mundane usage and, in certain instances, to provide specific definitions for concepts with variant meaning. The most significant concepts are; 35

Age — The respondent*s chronological age at the time of the Inter­ view^ categorized as: under 20 years, 20—29 years, 30—44 years, 45—64 years and 65 years and up.

Attitude — The affective predisposition of Individuals toward their community operationalized as their score on the "Community

Satisfaction Scale."

Class — A hierarchical ordering of Individuals by certain social characteristics.^"* In this study It is an occupational classifi­ cation based on the usual British census definition of occupational status.

The British census divides the occupational groups into 17

"Socio-economic Groups" along the following lines:

1. Employers and managers In central and local government, Industry, commerce, etc. - large establishments.

2. Employers and managers In Industry, commerce, etc. small establishments.

3. Professional workers — self-employed

4. Professional worker employees

5. Intermediate non-manual workers

6. Junior non-manual workers

7. Personal service workers 8. Foremen and supervisors-manual

9. Skilled manual workers

10. Semi-skilled manual workers

11. Unskilled manual workers 36

12. Own account workers

13. Farmers — employers and managers

14. Farmers — own account 15. Agricultural workers

16. Members of Armed Forces

17. Indef Inite^

For this study the occupational groups were ranked in asses:

I. upper professional (groups 1,3)

II. lower professional (groups 2,4)

III. white collar (groups 5,6,7) IF. skilled manual (groups 8,9)

V. semi-skilled manual (groups 10)

VI. unskilled manual (groups 11,12) VII. other (groups 13,14,15,16,17)

It should be mentioned that no one from groups thirteen, fourteen or fifteen took part In this study; their inclusion is simply to make the definition exhaustive.

Household - All residents living at any given address. Length of Residence — The number of years the respondent has lived in the community; operationalized as: under 1 year, 1*5 years,

5-10 years, over 10 years. Relatives — The number of relations the respondent has in town 37 and their relationships to him.

Type of housing — Residence types have been classified as "detached" flat (apartment), "semi-detached" (duplex), "undetached" Crow and terrace housing), and "other."

* Analysis‘Of'the 'Ddta

Quantitative Analysis

The quantitative analysis was generally Involved with, the results of the sample and scale, although some examination of secondary data was conducted. Individual scale item scores, ranging from one (most negative) to five (most positive) were totaled and a mean determined for each. These were then placed on punch cards along with the personal data gathered in the questionnaire.

(See Appendix for a complete breakdown of the personal data). All variables (both scale scores and personal data) were then 2 analyzed using such techniques as the Chi , partial correlation and stepwise regression as they are presented in the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences "pre-packaged program." 17 o The Chi was employed to determine the significance of variables not amenable to hierarchical classification. Any correlation not 2 receiving a Chi significant at p<.05 was considered as not differing from random.

All other variables were subjected to partial correlation and stepwise regression analysis. Mean score on the scale was taken as 38

the dependent variable and the individual's personal data variables as the Independent. All partlals having a p<>05 in a two-tailed

t—test were considered significant. Regression variables having b coefficients equal to about twice their own standard error and significant F—ratios were allowed to enter the equation. All others were rejected on the grounds that they could Increase the error more than they did the explanatory power of the equation.

Scores on individual Items were also coded and the Items categorized by subject (e.g. all "economic" questions). The total number of positive responses to each group of items was determined and presented as a percentage of the total number of responses to these Items. The per cent positive response was then rank ordered as a means of determining how individuals response! to sub—areas of the scale. Finally, some transpositions of quantitative secondary data were attempted. This consisted mainly of determining percentages for raw data, and in some cases graphing the results, to make the information from various towns and years more comparable.

Qualitative Analysis

Analysis of the qualitative data was designed to supply effective, socio-emotlonal, Information that might enhance the possibility of gaining an understanding of the "Gelst" of communal interaction and to provide substance for examination of content. 39

Specific questions were to be answered through the implementation of this analysis: How do Individuals perceive the town In general?

What Is It like to live In the community? Are there any manifest and over-riding obstructions to effective social administration?

These problematic statements exemplify the type of information that

the observation, participant observation and interview were designed

to explore. The major part of the analysis was complete at the

time the data were collected; subsequent examination was conducted

simply to determine If any overall pattern existed among the 18 respondent/informants.

Summary

Hemel Hempstead was selected as the site of research because of the apparent lack of suitable locations within the United States and to minimize problems of cross cultural research. The methods of data collection included: sample and questionnaire, Interview, observation, participant observation, and consultation of secondary resources. Analysis of this data was conducted using such quantita­

tive techniques as scale construction, partial correlation, and

stepwise regression as well as qualitative examination of content and affectlvlty. Definitions of such key terms as attitude and class were also operationalized.

Chapter III will be a presentation of the data as tests of the various hypotheses derived In Chapter I, 40

Notes: Chapter II

1* See Gans, The Levittowners. and Steln9 New Towns for America. for a discussion of the type of planned suburbs usually built in the United States. Very few, If any, have actually been conceptualized as complete communities. See also Arensberg, "The Community as Object and as Sample," for a discussion of the characteristics of a complete community. 2. Osborn, Foreward to Mumford, "Post War Building," pp. 155-156. 3. Mumford, The Highway and the City, p. 30.

4. Fessler, "The Development of a Scale for Measuring Community Solidarity," pp. 144-152.

5. Cleaver, "Internal Consistency Item Analysis Routine," pp. 1—8.

6. Bullock (unpublished) suggests that SVD-ratlos of up to .30 have been obtained for random numbers, therefore .40 was chosen to assure that Items chosen as a part of the scale would be reacting to non-random Influences.

7. Blalock, Social Statistics, p. 175.

8. Cleaver, "Internal Consistency Item Analysis Routine," p. 7.

9. Cleaver, "Internal Consistency Item Analysis Routine," p. 7. 10. Recent research has suggested that the use of pre-developed scales might be quite limited. Research presently being conducted suggests that item discrimination and lntra—test reliability vary with the population.

11. Blalock, Social Statistics, pp. 166-167. 12. In all tabular material presented, non-response has been excluded from the calculations. 13. McCall and Simons, Issues in Participant Observation, pp. 28-60.

14. McCall and Simons, Issues in Participant Observation, pp. 230- 237. 15. Roach, Gross and Gursslin, Social Stratification In the United States, p. 21. 41

16. Census of England and Wales, p. 155.

17. Nie, Bent and Hull, SPSS, pp. 115-143, 157-195.

18. Glaser and Strauss, "Discovery of Substantive Theory," p. 291. CHAPTER III

PRESENTATION OF THE DATA

Each, hypothesis, null hypothesis (hypotheses) where appro­ priate, and the data employed In testing them will Be presented

In separate sections of thiB chapter. The results of the hypothesis testing and Implications for sociological theory and planning practice will be discussed In Chapter IV.

The effort to test these hypotheses will involve not just the Independent and dependent variables but also certain control variables. A search of the sociological literature suggested several variables as controls In a study of Individual satisfac­ tion with an urban milieu: sex, religion, number of children, marital status, membership In voluntary associations, length of residence, type of residence, purchase status of the home as well as the other variables (class, age, presence of relatives

In town) when not employed as Independent variables under the specific hypothesis being tested. "Expressed willingness to move" was added to these variables due to Its expected relation­ ship with the individual's attitude.

Sex and Religion

Two variables, sex and religion of the respondents, on which

42 43: data were collected were not amenable to correlation and regression

analysis. The former Is naturally a dichotomous variable and

therefore lacks sufficient categories' to be useful, while the' later does not appear to have the requisite underlying continuum. The

relationship between these variables and measured satisfaction for

the community has been determined through utilization of an appro­ priate nominal measure, the Chi square. The Community Satisfaction Scale scores were dichotomized at the median: those Individuals

scoring at or above the median were referred to as scoring “high," and those scoring below, as "low." Religious preference was divided into three categories: "Protestant," "Catholic" and "Other." Neither variable appeared to be significantly associated with the respondents* attitudes, therefore their exclusion from

the other calculations was not seen as being of major consequence.

TABLE 3 COMMUNITY SATISFACTION SCALE SCORES BY SEX (N - 157)

Score Male______Female...... Total

High 43 37 80 Low 34 43 77

2 Corrected X r 1,79 (p^OS), 44

TABLE 4 COMMUNITY SATISFACTION SCALE SCORES BY RELIGION (N - 138)

Score Pfbte&tdht' •Other•■• Total

High. 51 5 10 66 Low • ..... -49...... 8 .15 72

X 2 * 1.47 (p>.05)

Description 6f the Research'Site

Hemel Hempstead Is located In the Gade Valley of Hertfordshire, one of the "Home Counties," about twenty-six miles from central

London and It has a population of about 72,000. Major industries include the headquarters and main processing plant of a large photographic corporation, a bond paper manufacturer and a company producing addressing machinery. In total, about 22,000 people are employed In the town's more than seventy Industries. Shopping facilities include some 171 shops in the town center and 134 more scattered In other areas. In 1947, Hemel Hempstead was declared a "new town" and a development corporation was formed. At that time It had a population of about 20,000 which is projected to reach 80,000 by the time development is completed. Over the last twenty years, the number of houses has Increased to over 22,000 units and a new 45 Industrial estate of 247 acres as well as forty new schools have been built. The development of the new town of Hemel Hempstead can actually be seen as a massive expansion of a pre-existing community and not the fresh development of a virgin area.*

The data discussed In subsequent sections of this chapter will relate to the attitudes and perceptions of Individual residents concerning this community.

' Tests Of'the Hypotheses

IL^ There should be a difference’ among'the various classes and age groups in their reactions to the town.

Two null hypotheses have been developed to allow the statis­ tical testing of this theoretical hypothesis:

Hoa There will be no difference in attitude toward the community expressed by the various classes.

Hob There will be no difference in attitude toward the community expressed by the various age groups.

These null hypotheses have been analyzed through the calculation of stepwise regression equations with the respondents1 mean scores on the Community Satisfaction Scale as the dependent variable (x^) and class (x£) and age (X3 ) as the independent. Xn an effort to determine the separate effects of social class and age on the

Community Satisfaction Scale scores, partial correlations were calculated controlling for the other variables on which data were collected• 46

The resulting relationship among the variables, scale score,

class and age, may be described by the multiple regression equation:

y = 3.45 — .1060*2) + *350*3) Correlation between these independent variables and scores on the

Community Satisfaction Scale was moderate, with 23 “ .357. The results of this computation are summarized in the table below,

TABLE 5

STEPWISE REGRESSION COEFFICIENTS FOR COMMUNITY

SATISFACTION SCALE SCORES CORRELATED WITH CLASS AND AGE ON - 173)

Standard Variables B Error of B Beta

Class (*3) -.106 .030 -.308 Age C*3) .135 .045 .260

Constant *= 3.45 Multiple R ■* .357 R2 «* .128 F = 8.85, p<.05

Both social class and age are positively correlated with community satisfaction. A negative regression coefficient was obtained for class because of inverse coding: the highest class was coded as

"one," the lowest as "seven." Calculation of the partial correlation of satisfaction with the community (x^) and class 0*2 ) yielded a zero order correlation coefficient of r^2 “ *251 (p<,01). Controlling for number of 47 children Gc^), marital status C*^), membership In voluntary associa­ tions 0*5)1 length, of residence C*g), purchase status of the respon­ dents home (x^)t type of residence Cxg), presence of close relatives & 9)> nge an<* expressed willingness to move a ninth order partial of r12^3456739 10 n „ ,277 (p<01) was obtained, It would appear that the correlation between measured satisfaction with the community and social class can not be attributed to lntercorrela— tlon with other variables in the system; therefore, the null hypothe­ sis that "there will be no difference In attitude toward the community expressed by the various classes," is rejected.

Computation of the correlation between community satisfaction and age resulted in the zero order correlation of r^ 10 " *193

Cp<.05) and the ninth order correlation of *110.23456789 11 ™ *145 (p<.10). As a result of the Insignificant ninth order partial, the null hypothesis that "there will be no difference in attitude toward the community expressed by the various age groups," can not be rejected. It would appear, therefore, that the data support the contention that a relationship exists between social class and satisfaction with the community; however, no such support has been determined for the hypothesized relationship between satis­ faction with the community and age.

Individuals with clos&-relatives'in'toWrt-should'exhibit ‘ 'positive reactions compared to individuals without ' relatives present. 48 Partial correlation analysis was used to test the null

hypothesis:

Ho There will he no difference In reaction to the community by respondents with different close relatives present,

A zero order correlation coefficient between satisfaction with,

the community (x^). and the presence of close relatives-

r12 ” *123 (p<,15) was obtained. Controlling for age (*3 ), class CxA), number of children Cx,j), marital status frg), membership

Involuntary associations (ky), length of residence Cxg), purchase

status of the respondents home Cxg), type of residence Cx-^q)> and

expressed willingness to move Cx^)* a ninth order partial correla­

tion coefficient of r,0 „ _ - - = .080 (p<.40) was obtained. 12.3456789 1011 Since these correlation coefficients were not significant, the null hypothesis that "there will be no difference in reactions to

the community by respondents with different close relatives present," could not be rejected.

To assure that the simple difference between having any close

relative present in the town and not having one present was not significant, a chi square was calculated. Community Satisfaction

Scale scores were again dichotomized at the median, while the

“presence of close relatives" variable was divided as: "having relatives present," "and not having relatives present." 49

TABLE 6

COMMUNITY SATISFACTION SCALE SCORES

BY PRESENCE OF CLOSE RELATIVES

RelatIves• ... Relatives ■ Score Present Not Present' Total

High 53 28 81 Low 58 21 79

2 Corrected X « 1,60 (p>.05)

Since the chi square obtained was not significant, the null hypothesis still could not be rejected. Therefore, It appears that the data do not support the contention that Individuals with close relatives In the town will be more satisfied than those without relatives present.

Single Individuals will be less satisfied than married ones with the community.

Partial correlation analysis was used to test the null hypothe­ sis: Ho There will be no difference in satisfaction with the community among individuals with different marital statuses.

A zero order correlation between satisfaction with the community

(x^) and marital status (*2) of r^2 01 -106 (p<.20) was obtained. 50

Controlling for class (x^), age (x^), presence of close relatives

(x^), number of children (xg), membership Involuntary associations

(xy), length of residence (xg), purchase status of the respondents home (xg), type of residence (x^q) and expressed willingness to move (xi1), a ninth order partial correlation coefficient of r12.3456789 10 11 “ 'I1* ( p < »25) was obtained. It was foreseen that the simple difference between being unmarried (including, never married, widowed and divorced) and presently being married possibly could be related with community satisfaction, therefore a chi square was calculated for these two variables. Community Satisfaction Scale scores were divided at the median, as previously discussed, and marital status was dichotomized as: "those respondents who were presently unmarried," and "those presently married."

TABLE 7

COMMUNITY SATISFACTION SCALE SCORES BY

MARITAL STATUS (N « 158)

Score Unmarried Married Total

High 7 7 3 80 Low 16 62 78

2 Corrected X »» 3.51 (p>.05) 51

Due to the insignificant correlation coefficients and chi square, the null hypothesis, "there will be no difference In satisfaction with the community among Individuals with different marital statuses," could not be rejected. However, It should also be noted that even though the difference was not significant It was

In the expected direction.

H. Aspects of the community having "centrality" to Mumford should be rated more positively by the resldAnts than those elements not planned for.

The Items of the Community Satisfaction Scale hove been grouped by the subject with which they are most concerned: adequacy of leisure pursuits, local politics, overall quality of life, economics and employment, family responsibility, quality of educa­ tion, physical layout, quality of Interpersonal relations, housing and the churches. It was expected that the areas having the most

"centrality" to Mumford, that Is, those aspects of the most concern to him, would receive the highest proportion of positive responses. The per cent positive response to each group of items was determined and the categories were then rank ordered.

With reference to the presentation of Mumford*s theory in

Chapter I, it would be expected that the area of housing quality, education, physical layout, family responsibility, economics, and the quality of interpersonal relations should be more highly ranked than would churches, politics and "frivolous" leisure pursuits. In general, this appears to be the prevalent pattern. 52

TABLE 8

FREQUENCY OF FOSXTXVE RESPONSES TO THE COMMUNITY

BY CATEGORIES OF COMMUNITY CHARACTERISTICS

(PER CENTS) (N - 173)

Subject ...... 'Item6 ...... Response...... Rank

Quality of Life 2,32,34 74.7 1 Physical layout 22,29,33,36 74,1 2 Housing quality 27,28 69.5 3 Leisure pursuits 26,31,35 69.0 4 Interpersonal relations 1,3,5,7,10,14,15 16,17,19,21,25 66.3 5 Economics 11,20,30 55.8 6 Education 6 53.1 7 Family responsibility 4,12,23 43.3 8 Politics 9,13,24 40.0 9 Churches 8,18 34.1 10

Only "leisure pursuits," of those aspects not considered by Mumford, received a higher rank than the ones deemed Important by him. How­ ever, It appears that the respondents recognized degrees of excell­ ence among the various groups of characteristics* Quality of life, physical layout, housing quality, leisure pursuits and the quality of Interpersonal relations all appear to be rated the most superior.

Economics and education are ranked In the middle, and family responsibility, politics and churches tend to be seen as the least superior. This general pattern appears to support the hypothesis that those community characteristics of concern to Mumford tend to be rated more positively by the respondents than do those that 53 he did not directly consider.

H In comparing bia? th; cttmfeSndrtlgrdttoii'-tdtes^-thenew tdWii' should show’evidence ' of ‘ superiority' over rton-planned towns of the same'size.

From the discussion of facets of Humford's theory In Chapter I,

It appears that for comparisons between towns constructed In accordance with his theory's principles and other non—planned towns: the planned town should be superior overall; the environment should be more biologically sound In the planned town, therefore the number of blrthB should be higher; and, because Individuals should be better adjusted in the planned community, Indicators of social disorganization should be relatively low. It follows, then, that

If the planned town has a biologically superior environment In comparison with the non-planned, Its birth rate would be expected to be higher. Further, If crime is considered as an indicator of social disorganization, planned towns should have relatively low crime rates. Finally, if the planned town is superior to the non- planned, It would be expected that, In comparison, fewer people should be out-migrating. Why leave a superior place for one that Is not as good? Data concerning these indicators will be discussed in the subsequent subsections.

Birth Rates

The best available information on birth rates for local areas

In Hertfordshire in a given year Is the number of infants. CChildren 54 3 under one year, per thousand population.) Analysis of the four major towns of Hemel Hempstead, Stevenage, Watford and .St. Albans reveals that the new towns (Hemel Hempstead and Stevenage) have somewhat higher rates than do the non-planned towns of similar size.

TABLE 9

INFANTS PER THOUSAND POPULATION IN

HERTFORDSHIRE TOWNS OVER 50,000: 1966

...... Towns incants per l.uuu

Hemel Hempstead 17.3 St. Albans 15.9 Stevenage 22.3 Watford 16.6

Source: Calculated from the Census of England and Wales, 1966, County Report, Hertfordshire. Table 3

There generally exist two explanations for these differentials aside from Mumford1s rationalization: class structural or age structural differentials In the population.^ Comparison of these four communities by social class distri­ bution Indicates that any differences are so slight as to be negligible. The differentials In class structure do not appear to Increase if "socio-economic group" Is considered Instead of the more gross measure, "class" (see Table 11). It would appear, 55

TABLE 10

SOCIAL CLASS DISTRIBUTION IN HERTFORDSHIRE TOWNS

OVER 50,0001 :1966

(PER CENTS)

Social Class* ...... Community

Hemel-Hempstead St. Albans Stevenage -Watford

I 5.8 6.6 4.5 5.3 II 12.2 15.1 11.3 11.4 III 18.1 22.2 23.1 21.1 IV 38.6 34.5 37.5 36.9 V 16.7 12.0 16.3 15.0 VI 8.6 8.2 6.6 9.2 VII 0.8 1.4 0.6 0.9

Source: Calculated from the Census of England and Wales, 1966, County Report, Hertfordshire. Table 4

* See page 35 for operational deflntlion of social class. then, that Hemel Hempstead and Stevenage have a higher number of

Infants per thousand population than do the non-planned towns,

Watford and St. Albans; and, that differences in class structure are so slight that the discrepancy of 6.41 infants per thousand of Stevenage over St. Albans can not be explained by them.

Analysis of the age structure of the populations, however, indicates some very striking differences. In Figure 1.the.popular tions are grouped into classes of ten years each Cexcept the last 56

TABLE 11 DISTRIBUTION BT SOCIO-ECONOMIC GROUPS IN

HERTFORDSHIRE TOWNS .OVER 50,000; 1966

CPER CENTS)

Socio-Economic * ...... Tbwrt...... Groups* Hemel.Hempstead ... St* .Albans . Stevenage... Watford

1 4.5 5,5 4.2 4.9 2 6.1 6.1 4.1 7,2 3 0.5 1.1 0,4 0.5 4 6.1 9,0 7.2 4,2 5 5.6 8.3 7,8 4.9 6 11.6 13.2 14.5 15.3 7 0.9 0,7 0.8 0.9 8 4.6 2.7 4,0 2.8 9 33.9 31.8 33,5 34.1 10 16.7 12.0 16.3 15.0 11 5,5 4.7 4,6 6.4 12 3.2 3.5 2.0 2.8 13 0.2 0.2 0.1 0 14 0.2 0 0.1 0 15 0.3 0.4 0.3 0.2 16 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.2 17 0.0 0.7 0.1 0.5

Source: Calculated from the Census of England and Wales; 1966. ' County Report. Hertfordshire. Table 4

* Standard British. Census definition of socio-economic group utilized, category which is allowed to remain open ended). It appears that two separate age structures exist: one for the new towns and one for the non—planned areas. 57

FIGURE 1

AGE DISTRIBUTION IN HERTFORDSHIRE

TOWNS OVER 50f000: 1966

o

0-9 10-19 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60-69 70-up Age

Source: Calculated from the Census of England and Wales, 1966, County Report, Hertfordshire. Table 2A Key: Hemel Hempstead - ■ — St* Albans Stevenage ------Watford -x-x-x—x—x-x—

Both new towns, Stevenage and Hemel Hempstead, have relatively high percentages at ages nineteen and under and of adults between twenty and forty, and a low percentage of residents over fifty; while, the non-planned towns have fairly stable distributions across

the categories with no major peaks or troughs until the sixty to sixty-nine category. However, the decline is much less dramatic for non-planned areas than it is for the planned towns. It is 58

possible, therefore, that the differences in the number of Infants

could he explained by these age differences*

TABLE 12 !

NUMBER OF INFANTS PER 1,000 MARRIED FEMALES

AGE 15-49, HERTFORDSHIRE TOWNS OVER 50,000: 1966

Town ...... Infants per 1;000

Hemel Hempstead 96”, 0 St. Albans 105.4 Stevenage 116.7 Watford *...... 100.2.....

Source: Calculated from the Census of England and Wales% 1966, County Report, Hertfordshire. Table 2A

When the total number of children under one year is calculated

for the number of married females between the ages of fifteen and

forty-nine a new pattern develops: Hemel Hempstead has a rate of

96.0 infants per thousand married females between fifteen and forty—nine, St. Albans 105.4f Stevenage 116.7 and Watford 100.2.

There are still substantial differences remaining unexplained;

however, no longer are the rates for the new towns higher than for

the non-planned areas* This result would suggest that there are

other variables intervening aside from the quality of the environ— ment, as predicted by Mumford, crude occupational differences, or

simply age variation. For example, Stevenage was originally 59 settled mainly by individuals from London, while Hemel Hempstead's population was of more diverse-origin. The difference in birth, rates could, perhaps, be a manifestation of subcultural differences among the groups. ^

Crime

Information concerning crimes and crime rates was obtained through Implementation of the formal interview. The respondents generally agreed that Hemel Hempstead was very similar to other localities as to the number and severity of criminal acts. The focus of the complaints appeared to be vandalism and stolen vehicles. In Hemel Hempstead during the weekend preceding these interviews six vehicles were reported missing and four complaints of criminal damage exceeding twenty pounds (about $50.) were received. One possible explanation forwarded for this pattern of illegality was the lack of suitable entertainment for youth in the community. For example, on Sunday the cinema discharges its patrons, a substantial number of whom are sixteen to twenty year olds, early in the evening. Nearly all other centers of activity are closed and the youth clubs are so dispersed in the various neighborhoods that their usefulness becomes sorely limited. The tendency then becomes for groups of youths to loiter on the streets.

One respondent stated that he felt it was just a matter of time until trouble erupted.

The lack of adequate facilities described by these respondents was corroborated by data gathered -through, other devices, A

relatively high degree of familiarity was achieved vlth. a group

of about twelve people age sixteen' to twenty—one* When questioned

as to where one goes for fun the reply was often ”to Stevenage”

because more exciting things occured there than in Hemel Hempstead. Similarly, In response to the open-ended questionse

X really like this town, but if I could change something it would bes

or X don*t care much for this town. I think it would be much better If i

About 45.8 per cent (54 of 118) of those responding stated that they would desire more recreational facilities for the entire community.

On a more general level, crime In the borough appears to be

Increasing. Between 1970 and 1972, Hemel Hempstead had an increase

In reported crime of 27 per cent (from 1,747 to 2,213) while

St. Albans* Increased 25 per cent (from 1,611 to 2,008) and Hert­ fordshire as a whole suffered an Increase of 17 per cent (from

17,959 to 20,993). Hemel Hempstead*s share of the total reported

Incidence of Illegal acts In the county was also on the rise from 9.7 per cent in 1970 to 10.5 per cent In 1972 while Hemel Hempstead ' g accounts for only about 7*5 per cent of the total population.

Analysis of the more serious types of crime reveal that Hemel

Hempstead has a somewhat larger share of the total for Hertford­ shire than would be expected by Its relative proportion of the ■ 61

population. The highest percentages are obtained lot sexual

offenses, thefts and violence against a person. Only robberies

approximate the percentage one.would expect considering Hemel

Hempstead's relative size.

TABLE 13

REPORTED CRIMES FOR HEMEL HEMPSTEAD

AND HERTFORDSHIRE: 1972

Crime Hertfordshire ...... Kernel Hempstead Per Cent of • crime Hertfordshire'Crime

Total crime 20,993 2213 10.5 Burglaries 4,745 477 10.0 Violence against a person 611 71 11.6 Sexual offenses 309 44 14.2 Robberies 51 4 7.8 Theft 11,973 1416 11.8 Indecent assult ...* 25 ... -» ■ «

Source: Hertfordshire'Annual crime Report. 1972

* Not reported

Xt is usually expected that urban areas will have higher crime 7 rates as compared with non-urban or smaller urban ones. . .However,

It would also be expected that Hemel Hempstead, being a planned

community, should contribute less to the crime rate of the’ county, 62

Hertfordshire, than Its per cent of the population. Since this

does not appear to he the case, these data on criminal activity

can not be seen as supporting Mumford*s theory.

Migration

Migration data comparing the four towns of Hemel Hempstead,

St. Albans, Stevenage and Watford for periods of one and five

years prior to the 1966 census show some divergent patterns between

the planned and unplanned towns.

TABLE 14 MIGRANTS DURING ONE YEAR PRIOR TO THE

1966 CENSUS FOR HERTFORDSHIRE TOWNS OVER 50,000

(PER CENTS OF TOTAL FOR HERTFORDSHIRE)

Town Total Population In~Migrants Out-Migrants

Hemel Hempstead 7.5 7.5 8.9 St. Albans 6.0 7.3 13.5 Stevenage 6.6 6.6 Watford 8.9 9.7...... 13.4

Source: Calculated from the-Censes of England and 'Wales,' 1966, County Report; Hertfordshire. Table 6

For the data on one year prior to the census, the new towns of Hemel

Hempstead and Stevenage have total In-migratlon approximately equal

to their relative size In the county, while St. Albans and Watford 63 have In-migration rates greater than their relative size. All

£our towns have more out-migration than would he expected by their relative size in Hertfordshire: however, the planned communities, Hemel Hempstead and Stevenage, have less out-migration than the non-planned towns, Watford and St. Albans.

For the five year period prior to the census the pattern was somewhat different.

TABLE 15 MIGRANTS DURING FIVE YEARS PRIOR TO THE

1966 CENSUS FOR HERTFORDSHIRE TOWNS OVER 50,000

(PER CENTS OF TOTAL FOR HERTFORDSHIRE)

Town Total Population In—Migrant r Out-Migrants Hemel Hempstead 7.5 8.4 7.5 St. Albans 6.0 6.5 13.2 Stevenage 6.6 9.5 7.3 Watford 8.9 9.0 14.2

Source: Calculated from the Census of England and Wales. 1966. County Report, Hertfordshire. Table 6

Both planned towns, Hemel Hempstead and Stevenage have in-migration higher than would be expected by their proportion of the county's

(Hertfordshire's) population. Hemel Hempstead's out-migration is about equal to its proportion of the county's population, while

Stevenage's is slightly higher than would be expected. The non— 64 planned towns, Watford and St. Albans, have ln-mlgration about par with their relative size; but, they have out-migration rates substantially higher than would be expected by their proportion of the population.

It would appear that the migration data do not conclusively support or negate the hypothesis that planned towns will be superior to other, non-planned ones. There seems to be a tendency for out-migration from the new towns to be occurring at a somewhat slower rate than for the non-planned urban areas and for them to be receiving a relatively larger number of in-mlgrants.

In summary, some differences are apparent but birth, crime and migration rates do not provide much support for the contention that planned towns are superior to non-planned ones of the same size.

H, Individuals will not see the town* s arrangement as being too dispersed.

As a part of the questionnaire individuals were requested to respond to the statement:

I wish more people lived close by; my neighbors are too far away.

It Is clear that very few of the respondents felt that their neighbors were too distant (see Table 16). If all items concerned with physical layout are considered the pattern is less dramatically skewed but it is similar. Only 15.5 per cent of the total responses to these Items were negative, while 10.4 per cent were neutral and

74.1 per cent positive. (Refer to Table 8 for the number of these 65

TABLE 16 RESPONDENT'S PERCEPTIONS OF DISTANCE

OF THEIR NEIGHBORS (N - 168)

Response Mumoer rer cent

Too distant 8 4.8 Not too distant 157 93.4 Hndeolded ...... 3 1.8

items). These data support the hypothesis that individual respon­

dents do not see the town as being too dispersed.

Hy Individuals will generally be satisfied with'the way the town looks.

Individuals were asked to respond to Items concerned with the way the town looks (items 29 and 33.) When asked If they felt

the community was as nice looking as others they had been in,

13.7 per cent felt it was not, 12.5 per cent were undecided and

69.7 per cent felt it was. Further when requested to respond to

the direct statement "I think the layout of this town Is very nice,11 8.2 per cent disagreed, 7.6 per cent were undecided and

81.8 per cent agreed with it. Finally, individuals were presented with a check list and requested to check all things that they liked best about the community and a second list on which they were to check all things they liked least. About 45.0 per cent responded

that "general beauty" was one thing they liked most about Hemel 66

Hempstead; while, 5.3 per cent stated .that It was among the things they liked least and 49.7 per cent did not Include It In either list. The great disproportion of positive responses oyer negative in all three cases tends to lend support for the hypothesis that the respondents generally are satisfied with the way the town looks. 67

Notes: Chapter III

1, Information In-this-sectIon la from the Commission for the New Towns Hemel Hempstead. Working Party of the' Borough Council, the Local Committea-of-the^-Commission-for New Towns and the Decorum Division 'A-NeW'TOWA'Comes ’of ’Age and the' Corporation of Hemel Hempstead; Hemel Hempstead.

2, Blalock; Social'Statistics, pp. 220—221; Siegel; NOnparametric Statistics, p. 107.

3. Actual Birth rates for each sub-division of the county were not available, however the number. of infants per thousand population would Be a close approximation. During the period November 12, to December- 23, 1972, there were 67 births in Hemel Hempstead and no deaths of children under one year. For the corresponding period of 1971 there were 129 births and only one infant death. In all of 1971 the overall infant mortality rate was 14.8 per thousand live births. The greatest disparity between the rates utilized and the actual birth rates would be the result of the net-effect-of-in- and out-migration.' Annual Heport of the Medina! Offices of Health, 1971.

4. Wrong; Population and'Society, pp. 42—81. 5. See Hainwater, Behind Ghetto’Walls.

6. These statistics resulted from an interview, the course of which was referred to as "The Annual Crime Report." The overall statistics for all subdivisions in the county were not available nor was a copy of them proffered. 7. Gist and Fava, Urban Society, pp. 450—453, Thomllnson, Urban Structure, p. 222. CHAPTER IV

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

In Chapter III data were presented In an attempt to test

hypotheses derived In Chapter I. This chapter will Involve a

presentation of the limitations of the present project, a gen­

eralized discussion of the findings and their implications for

sociological and planning theory, as well as suggestions for

further research.

Limitations of the Project

This research has been designed to test certain hypotheses

derived from a discussion of Lewis Mumford's theory; however, the

volume of work produced during this theorist*s career makes inte­

gration and analysis of each nuance of Its tenets nearly impossible.

Attempts have been made to analyze the central ideas in his various

publications, and it is felt that the specific points discussed are

characteristic of them; however, the sheer mass of literature he

has produced greatly increases the chance of differential Inter­ pretation. Therefore, only analysis of some aspects directly related to effects of a planned environment on Its residents have

68 69 been attempted.

Methodologically, there were two major limitations. First, the size of the sample was, by practical necessity, relatively small. A much more detailed analysis would have been possible had It been feasible to collect a stratified sample of substan­ tially larger size. Second, the relatively short period that

It was possible to stay in the field made extensive participant observation Impossible and limited the number of interviews that could be conducted.

Finally, the research Is limited to some extent by the unavailability of data. In the case of migration data, a detailed analysis of the characteristics of the in-migrants and out-migrants would have been desirable; however, the agency controlling the majority of the housing records refused to allow access on the mistaken impression that the number of yearly out-migrants was inconsequential. Because of geographical dis­ persion of the sources and time limitations, the particular data desired, at times, were simply not available or Impossible to collect. In these situations It was necessary to settle for other data than those actually desired or Incomplete reports. Overall, however, It Is felt that the utilization of diverse methods of data collection has helped assure that the data presented, while not of optimal quality, are relatively reliable and valid.

With these limitations taken into consideration, the next section will attempt to integrate the findings reported in the 70 previous chapter. This will be followed by a discussion of the

relationship of these findings.to pertinent.sociological.theory,

' Diaeuaaioii ~ of • the'Findings

It appears, then, that some- of Mumford's theories are subl­ et antla ted while others are not. The major contradiction high­

lighted by these results Is Mumford's underlying proposition that man has a biotic need to reduce the scale of his activities In a community organization based on family bonds and education. The continued existence, in planned towns, of crime, substantial out-migration, aiid birth rates comparable to those of other, non—planned, towns, suggest that physiological needs serve as the substructure of the human community; but, the social superstructure is such that It modifies the degree to which man appreciates an environment designed to satisfy biotic requirements. Therefore, it appears that solutions for urban problems, such as crime and out-migration, are not actually effected by "biotechnic” environ­ ments, and that further modifications are still necessary.

The postulate that man's physiological and social needs will be satisfied In a "biologically sound" environment is the founda­ tion of the aspects of Mumford's theory discussed in Chapter I, but further questions can be raised. Mumford's cultivated sense of aesthetics appears to have been offended by the' character of the planned towns that have been built. The residents of this town do not, ostensibly, share this perception. To the* extent that two 71 criteria for aesthetics exist, there is a contradiction; which

criterion should be implemented in the further planning of

communities?

The final question to be addressed is: how adequate Is

Mumford's theory of planning for all aspects of the community?

Mumford has concentrated on the relationship between the physical-

social environment and man; however, a substantial portion of that environment's operation, such as the political machinery, has not been discussed by him. The townspeople seem relatively dissatis­ fied with the political structure as it exists. If the formal organization of the community does not function to the satisfaction of the residents can it be expected that the environment will be totally fulfilling? This question remains problematic.

Mumford's theory has really only been partially operationalized in the planned communities already constructed. To this date, the nation—state is still the standard unit of organization and the regional network of "biologically sound" communities is presently not a reality. In addition, it is possible that twenty years is not a sufficient period for all the expected changes to occur.

Because of these possibilities it is only argued that the data presented are contrary to what would be expected to follow from

Mumford's thesis. At present, therefore, there appears to be a paucity of empirical justification for this theoretical position. 72 ' Significance1 to Sociological Theory

Sociologically, the significance of this project*s findings

appear to be twofold; some of the major findings and recommenda­

tions of Herbert Gans, gained primarily through qualitative research,

have been somewhat corroborated utilizing quantitative techniques and, second, information concerning long term adjustment to a new

environment has been gained.

Gans found In the Levlttowns that class differences were still

manifest. Working class, lower ■"middle class and upper^mlddle class

subcultures were differentiated by family type, voluntary associa—

tlon and mobility patterns. Even the amount of boredom expressed

varied by claBs. In People and Plans, he suggests that, barring

radical social restructuring, participation in civic activity by

lower-middle class residents will not approach that of the upper- 3 middle class. The data in this project suggest, as would be

expected from Gans' findings, that planning has not succeeded

in overcoming class differences In community satisfaction.

Lower class individuals tend to express less satisfaction with the

planned towns than do higher classes.

There also has been a tendency to stress the overbearing

importance of the presence of relatives in the adjustment to a new environment, particularly for the working class.^ Rehousing without consideration for kinship ties has even been blamed for 5 destroying a pre-existing sense of community. In the short run 73 of the original adjustment period this may indeed be. crucial; but, does the disorganization created continue over time?' Data from this project suggest that It does not. There appeared to be no significant difference In community satisfaction between individuals with, and without, relatives present In the town. Therefore, it seems that new patterns of Interaction,.stabilization and adapta­ tion have developed. It remains for future research to re-examine these findings, and If substantiated, to describe the nature of these accomodations

‘Significance'for Planning Theory'And Practice

As previously noted, Lionel March suggests that the new town planners have tended to use a "nice middle-class knowingness" about what Is, and is not, good for people.4 To the extent that attitudes toward the community vary by such a manifest and widely recognized characteristic as social class, it would appear that this "knowingness" Is somewhat faulty. If plans are to be made for the future residents and not to satisfy the personal needs of the planner, population characteristics need to be considered.

Some recognition of this necessity Is apparent in the planning literature. For example, P. D. McGovern reports on a conference held In Hemel Hempstead in 1967, that there was a basic understanding expressed by the speakers for more diversified social facilities and " 8 that "... a few show piece buildings do not make happy citizens."

However, in 1969, Bellchambers recommended that the way to include 74 people in the planning process was to develop the plan, and after

it had been accepted by the planning committees and local authorities,

a popular version should be given to the public and meetings held

to answer questions. He concludes that despite their inclusion

certain people may still feel that this is a “brain—washing”

exercise and that they really are not in a position to argue.^

But, the question still remains: is this inclusion or illusion? Xt appears that Humford*8 well considered theory did not allow for

class specific differential attitudes, nor did his perception of

beauty and dispersal In the new towns correspond with those of the

residents examined.

A partial alternative to a priori determination of human

desires and life choices is Chapin's “Activity Analysis.

Activity Analysis is concerned with identifying the processes and characteristics of "lifeways" within the urban spatial system.

People are grouped by their stage in the life cycle, sex, class and

so forth, and the patterned frequency and duration of their

activities are measured both by survey and analytical methods. In

this way a framework can be developed, based on actual human inter­

action, from which future plans can be derived.

There are certain pitfalls to this type of analysis; measures of the importance of specific acts to the individuals involved are missing as is any attempt to determine if the existing pattern corresponds to any optimal need satisfaction model. It.does, however, tend to make information available that could, for example, 75 determine the types of amenities to be Included in a plan for a city center to make it attractive in the evening as well as the daytime. 11 Another advantage would be that people would actually be included in the planning process. 12

Suggestions for Future Research

Many questions remain unexplored by this project, and others could be probed In greater detail, for example:

1. Do sex and religion in combination affect attitudes toward the community? If so, how?

2. What differences in class underlie differences in attitude?

3. What patterns of interaction, if any, appear to have super­ seded familial ties among residents without relatives present?

4. Would a stratified sample that Included more single individuals uncover differential attitude patterns?

5. What are the criteria by which Individuals judge the overall quality of an environment?

a. Are they relatively standard?

b. Is there a "hierarchy of need" satisfaction that affects communal outlook?

6. What are the factors, aside from simple class and age differences that affect birth rates?

7. What are the characteristics of the out-raigrants from new towns compared to the characteristics of out-mlgrants of other, non-planned, towns.

8. What are the characteristics of individuals committing crimes in new towns? Do they differ from other areas?

9. Do other measures of organization/disorganization in new towns differ from other areas?

i 76 10* What criterion can be developed to determine the aesthetic quality of a community for Its residents?

11* Does ecological location correlate with Individual attitudes?

a. Does neighborhood make a difference?

b. What Is the affect of house location?

12, Do the patterns described In the new town studied hold for other planned urban areas?

These certainly do not exhaust the possibilities for future

research, but they do present sufficient problems for continued exploration. Much work remains In the systematic study of the relationships between man and his urban environment. The topic continues to grow in importance as a greater proportion of the world's population becomes urbanized. 77 Notes: Chapter XV

1. Gans, The Levittownera. p. 61.

2. Gans, The Levittownera. p. 248.

3. Gans, People and Plans, p. 184.

4. See Young and Willmott, Family and Kinship in East London, among others.

5. Young and Willmott, Family and Kinship in East London, p. 186.

6 . It appeared that there may have been further development of "work group" relations, but the extent of this development could not actually be determined.

7. March, "Why Have New Towns?", pp. 505-508.

8. McGovern, "Social Facilities in New Towns," p. 395. 9. Bellchambers^ "An Exercise in Participation," pp. 400-404.

10. Chapin, "Activity Analysis," pp. 345-348.

11. For example, had more pubs been built in the Marlowes, another theater been opened, and the youth center that had been there been kept open, Hemel Hempstead's town center would have had much more "life" at night.

12. Inclusion of people in the planning process does not mean simple planning around them, see Broady, Planning for People. APPENDIX 79

NEW TOWN RESEARCH PROJECT

Department of Sociology The Ohio State University

Think of each of the statements below as relating to the people of this entire community. If you think this statement fits this community very well, after the statement circle very true; if you think it fits, but not very well, circle‘true; if you are not sure if it fits this community, circle undecided; If you feel that it does not fit this community, circle'untrue, and if it does not apply to this community even slightly, circle definitely untrue.

Please record the answer that occurs to you first. Do not go back and change your answer.

Thank you very much for your cooperation, and please be assured that your answers will be confidential.

1. Real friends are hard to find in this community. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

2. Our schools do a poor job of preparing young people for life, very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

3. Local shops deal fairly with everyone. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

4. This community is very peaceful and orderly. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

5. Alot of people think that they are too nice for you here, very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

6 . Families in this town keep their children from bothering you. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

7. Some people here get by with murder while others can't do anything. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue 80

8. The different churches here cooperate well with one another, very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

9. Almost everyone Is polite and courteous to you. very true true undecided untrue ' definitely untrue

10. Our schools do a good job of preparing students for university, very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

11. Everyone here trys to take advantage of you. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

12. People around here show good judgment. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

13. People won't work together to get things done for the community. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

14. Parents teach their children to respect other people's rights and property. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

15. Host of our church people forget the meaning of the word brotherhood when they get out of church. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

16. This community lacks real leaders. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

17. People give you a bad name if you Insist on being different, very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

18. Our "0" level school leaders take an active interest In making their community a better place in which to live. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

19. Few people here make enough money. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue 20. Too many young people get Into sex difficulties. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

21. The community tries hard to help Its young people along, very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue 22. Folks are unconcerned about what their kids do so long as they keep out of trouble. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

23. The churches are a constructive factor for better community life. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

24. The mayor and councllmen run this town to suit themselves, very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

25. I feel very much that 1 belong here. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

26. Many young people in the community leave school too early, very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

27. The poeple here are all "penny pinchers." very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

28. Tou must spend lots of money to be accepted here. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

29. The people as a whole mind their own business. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

30. Most people get their families to church on Sunday. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

31. Every church wants to be the biggest and most impressive, very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

32. A few people have the town politics sown up. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

33. Most of the students here learn to read and write well, very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

34. People are generally critical of others. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

35. Local concerns expect their help to live on low wages, very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

36. You are out of luck if you happen to be from the wrong part of the country. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue 82

37. No one seems to care much how the community looks. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

38. If their children keep out of the way* parents are satisfied to let them do whatever they want to. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

39. Most of our church goers do not practice what they preach, very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

40. The town council gets very little done. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

41. This town Is now my home. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

42. Green spaces In the neighborhood are Important for a good place to raise children. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

43. I would rather have a garden behind my house than a common green area. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

44. There Is not enough going on In this town to keep me busy, very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

45. This house Is adequate for my needs. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

46. I would not make any major changes in where my house Is located In the neighborhood. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

47. This house Is better than the ones I've lived in before, very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

48. My children do not like to play In the playgrounds. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

49. This community Is a much better place to live than where I came from. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

50. I think the buildings in this town are not as nice looking as most other towns I have been In. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue 83

51. I think employment opportunities are as good here as any­ where else for me. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue 52. Life in this community Is dull. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue 53. 1 would really rather live in s different town. This one Just Is not the place for me. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

54. I want to have more children. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

55. X think the layout of this town is very nice. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

56. This is a very good place to live. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

57. I would make major changes in the way my house Is built, very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

58. The green areas help make this neighborhood a nice place to live in. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

59. X would like the green areas to he bigger and to have more of them. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

60. I wish that more people lived close by. My neighbors are too far away. very true true undecided untrue definitely untrue

Please check the appropriate answers.

' Under what conditions would you be willing to move from Hemel Hempstead?

1. At a lower rate of pay 2. Same job X am doing At the same rate of pay n o w____ At a higher rate of pay Different job _ _ _

3. Moving only to the town of my choice ____ Moving to any other town____ 84

4. Under present conditions X really would not consider leaving Hemel Hempstead'''

5. If you would consider leaving Hemel Hempstead, to what town would you like to g o ...... City, Town, etc.

Why?

CHECK LIST 01 Please check as many of the following as you wish:

1. The things that X like best about this community are:

Schools___ Nearness to London ___ Parks___ Local government ___ General beauty___ Church __ Shopping___ My house ___ Green belt___ The clubs I belong to ___ My next door neighbor___ My job ___ The quiet__ Friendliness of the people The rents___ Cultural events ___ Convenience to work Recr eatlon Nearness to my relatives OTHER _ (Please specify) The local Pub Sporting events ___

CHECK LIST 02

2. The things that X like least about this community are;

Schools ___ Nearness to London ___ Parks ___ Local government __ General beauty ___ Church ___ Shopping ___ My house ___ Green belt ___ The clubs I belong to ___ My next door neighbor _ My job ___ The quiet ___ Friendliness of the people. The rents ___ Cultural events ___ Convenience to work ___ Recreation ___ Nearness to my relatives OTHER (Please specify) The local Pub ___ Sporting events ___ 85

PERSONAL t>ATA

This Information will he UBed for correlation only* None of your answers will he made public. They will only appear as part of the finished statistics.

1. Age: 2. Sex: Male Female under 20 ___ 20—29 ____ 3. Marital Status: 30-44 ___ Married, Single, Divorced 45-64 ___ 65 and over 4. Religion: Protestant __ Catholic__ O t h e r __

5. Number of children: boys___ girls ___

6. Number of children in school: boys___ girls ___. Number of children pre-school age: boys girls___

7. Were you born in the United Kingdom? Yes No

8 . Type of residence: Detached, Undetached, Flat, Other

9. Address: ......

10. Does wife work more than 30 hours per week? Yes No 11. Do parents live in Hemel? Yes No If "no", where? ______' City, Town, etc. 12. Do any of your brothers and sisters live in Hemel? Yes No If "no", where do they live'...... City City 13. If any of your children are grown, do they live in Hemel? Yes No If "no", where ______City, Town, etc.

14. Do any close relatives live in this town? Yes No If "yes", which ones? ......

15. In what towns have you lived before? 86

16. To what clubs or associations do you belong?

17. Bo you hold any offices In these organizations? Yes No

18. Do you usually buy a newspaper? Yes No Which ones? ...... '

19. How long have you lived in this town? under 1 year __ 1 year — 5 years __ 5 years — 10 years __ over 10 years ___

20. Are you buying your own home, or are you renting? If renting, from Local Authority J__ PrivatS __

21. How often do you go to London?

22. For what reasons do you usually go? Work___ Recreation ___ - Other ' ■

23. Do you work in Hemel Hempstead? Yes ___ No ___

24. If No. In what town do you work?

25. Occupation of head of household

Please answer the following questions In any way that you wish.

1. I really like this town, but If I could change something it would be:

2. I don't care much for this town. X think It would be much better If:

Do you have any further comments? BIBLIOGRAPHY

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