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Community Gardens and Gentrification in Oakland

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Community Gardens and Gentrification in Oakland EATING YOUR GREENS: COMMUNITY GARDENS AND GENTRIFICATION IN OAKLAND By Nicholas C. Felicich A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of Humboldt State University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in Social Science: Environment and Community Committee Membership Dr. Renée Byrd, Committee Chair Dr. Noah Zerbe, Committee Member Dr. Jessica Urban, Committee Member Dr. J. Mark Baker, Program Graduate Coordinator December 2017 ABSTRACT EATING YOUR GREENS: COMMUNITY GARDENS AND GENTRIFICATION IN OAKLAND Nicholas C. Felicich The issue of gentrification is paramount to the viability of poor and at risk communities in Oakland. Literature on gentrification has historically focused on larger societal and economic movements, but little has been studied about the role planned green space and gardens play in the spatial transformation of the urban environment. In this case study of two gardens in West Oakland, I explore questions of community involvement in the gardens, the role of garden aesthetics in attracting development and new residents to the neighborhood, the unique relationship between the City government and the gardens, the larger symbolic significance of green space in contemporary urban society, and the use of urban gardens as sites of resistance against gentrification. Through interviews, participant observation, analysis of City planning documents, and a social constructivist, grounded theory approach to this qualitative case study, I find that while the two gardens are organized around different concepts of citizenship, resistance, and approaches to community resilience, they have both been used by the City in advancing its development plans, demonstrating the vulnerability of radical political and cultural movements to recuperation by capital and the state. However, the gardens and adjacent green spaces still serve as places of community and belonging for some residents, and at night are transformed into sites of resistance at night for houseless residents and sex ii workers. This has implications for the strategies of food justice and anti-gentrification organizations, and opens up the potential for future research into new tactics of resistance and community building as the onslaught of gentrification continues to displace marginalized residents in Oakland. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................ ii LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................ v INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND ....................................................................... 1 LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................................... 7 Finding Yourself in the Growth Machine: Theories of Gentrification in the Post- Fordist City ..................................................................................................................... 8 Urban Phantasmagorias and the Digital City ................................................................ 21 Purifying the urban jungle: gentrification as colonialism ............................................. 29 Vigilant Citizenship and Urban Green Space ............................................................... 40 Summary ....................................................................................................................... 45 METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................................... 47 Epistemology ................................................................................................................ 47 Methodology ................................................................................................................. 49 Methods......................................................................................................................... 51 Interviews .................................................................................................................. 51 Participant observation.............................................................................................. 53 Document analysis .................................................................................................... 54 UNION PLAZA PARK: A CASE STUDY...................................................................... 56 City Slicker Farms ........................................................................................................ 57 Contested Spaces .......................................................................................................... 61 Dogtown ........................................................................................................................ 68 AFRIKATOWN: A CASE STUDY ................................................................................. 74 Qilombo ........................................................................................................................ 75 Opportunity Site #37 ..................................................................................................... 80 DISCUSSION ................................................................................................................... 86 Citizenship in the Gardens ............................................................................................ 87 Symbolism and Aesthetics of the Gardens ................................................................... 91 Haunted Lots and Incorporated Gardens ...................................................................... 96 CONCLUSIONS............................................................................................................. 100 REFERENCES ............................................................................................................... 105 iv LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Location of the gardens in West Oakland ...................................................................... 2 Figure 2. New apartments planned adjacent to the garden ....................................................... 72 v 1 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND Eating greens is established as benefiting bodily health, but the impacts of the production and consumption of green spaces in the city are much less understood. Urban parks and community gardens have been celebrated in recent years as places of reclamation, transforming “blighted” post-industrial urban areas into “vibrant” and “inviting” community spaces where leisure and education on local food production can occur (Turner, 2011). How the creation of these green spaces contributes to larger processes of gentrification, however, has not been thoroughly discussed. In examining the role of these spaces in a gentrifying neighborhood of Oakland, I conducted a case study of two gardens and attempted to answer the following questions: How do the surrounding communities interact with the gardens? Do the aesthetics of the gardens attract development and new residents? How do the gardens fit in the City’s development plans? What is the symbolic significance of the gardens? Can urban gardens be used as sites of resistance against gentrification? My interest in these questions is admittedly highly personal. Having grown up and spent much of my adult life in Oakland, I experience its physical and cultural landscape as part of myself. I mention this here because it has important implications for the rest of this work. Analysis of external space is at times also psychoanalysis, and any notion of strict objectivity here should be dispelled. This also allows room for the existence of the unknown within the research - an important presence, as the intent of my writing is not only to answer questions but also to raise new ones. Finally, it recognizes 2 that there is no one Oakland; that the physical landscape is imbued with a myriad of different impressions, memories, interpretations, and desires, which constitute the subjective experience of place. Figure 1. Location of the gardens in West Oakland (OpenStreetMap, 2017) My research centers around two different community gardens at opposite ends of the San Pablo Avenue corridor in West Oakland, a historical stronghold of black culture and political activism against state racism and “urban renewal” projects. A mix of commercial and residential buildings constructed as Oakland first began to expand out from downtown around the turn of the century, the area was at the center of heavy industry during the first half of the century. The naval supply center, army base, port, and railway terminals that surrounded the area provided jobs, and in the Lower Bottoms, a neighborhood which was filled with jazz and blues clubs, Marcus Garvey’s Universal 3 Negro Improvement Association had its West Coast Headquarters. After WWII military production slowed, jobs left, and the railways and terminal were decommissioned. Like many urban areas in the postwar era, West Oakland suffered from economic decline and disinvestment. During this period massive infrastructure projects transformed the area. Nearly 500 homes in the Bottoms were seized by eminent domain and bulldozed for the construction of a new main post office. The Acorn Redevelopment Project further razed several square blocks to construct housing projects, a loud elevated transit line was constructed above the black business district on Seventh St, and two massive freeways were erected that bisected
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